Han Xiaoqing: Research on the Discussion Organized by *New Hunan Daily* regarding “Li Sixi’s Thinking” [1]
New Hunan Daily (Xin Hunan Bao) was the official organ of the Hunan Provincial Committee of the CPC in the early days of the founding of the People's Republic of China. From July 1951 to January 1952, the newspaper launched a column initiating a discussion on "Li Sixi thought" [1]. Through this discussion, it helped overcome the ideological laxity prevalent among some rural cadres following the completion of land reform [2], mobilized the work enthusiasm of the broad masses of rural cadres, and achieved the objectives of propaganda, education, and ideological guidance. This discussion also attracted the attention of the CPC Central Committee, leading other regions across the country to conduct similar discussions and producing a positive impact. The discussion organized by New Hunan Daily stands as a successful case study in the CPC’s propaganda work. Within academic circles, the "Li Sixi thought" discussion has received limited attention; existing research primarily focuses on the perspectives of how the CPC conducted peasant education and the successful experiences gained therein. This article examines the discussion from the perspective of how the CPC carries out propaganda and ideological work, specifically how New Hunan Daily initiated and conducted this debate to ultimately achieve the goal of prompting rural cadres to overcome "Li Sixi thought."
I. New Hunan Daily Initiates the Discussion on "Li Sixi Thought"
Li Sixi was a fictional character created by New Hunan Daily, based on Zhu Zhongli, a rural cadre from the 15th District of Changsha County. Zhu Zhongli was a poor peasant who had worked as a hired laborer for landlords for twelve years before the founding of the PRC. It was not until the liberation of Hunan that Zhu was able to "stand up" [3], receive land, marry, and have a son—a sequence of events that could be described as "four joys descending upon the house" (sixi linmen). At this juncture, however, Zhu manifested an unwillingness to continue revolutionary work, wanting only to immerse himself in production and pursue personal enrichment. This was not an isolated case; similar phenomena existed extensively in other regions across the country. The emergence of this situation seriously undermined the organizational system and operational efficiency of rural grassroots political power. To change this state of affairs, it was necessary to strengthen propaganda, education, and ideological guidance for rural cadres.
(1) The Background of Initiating the "Li Sixi Thought" Discussion
Why did New Hunan Daily take the initiative to launch this discussion? It was closely related to the shifts in the mentality of rural cadres following the completion of land reform in the early PRC. On June 30, 1950, the Land Reform Law of the People's Republic of China was promulgated, providing the legal basis for implementing land reform in newly liberated areas. As land reform concluded, some rural cadres who had been active participants became indifferent toward Party work, turning their enthusiasm instead toward personal enrichment. Comrades from the editorial department of New Hunan Daily discovered during provincial investigations that: "In areas where land reform has been completed, some Peasant Association [4] organizations tend toward dissolution; the morale of rural cadres has slackened, with many taking 'long leaves of absence' to go home, some even handing over their work to others without authorization. Many militiamen have turned their weapons over to the Peasant Associations, saying, 'The landlords have fallen, there is nothing left to do!' This proves that the ideological paralysis among the peasants is quite serious. Consequently, landlords and their lackeys have seized the opportunity to usurp rural political power. In late April this year, an armed riot by lawless landlords occurred in the 5th District of Hanshou County. In May, counter-revolutionary elements latent in the countryside were quite arrogant, spreading rumors, poisoning, committing arson, and stopping at no evil." Clearly, if rural cadres were to "throw down the burden" [5] and quit, the CPC’s grassroots political power in the countryside would be seriously weakened, and the foundations of the nascent people's regime would be unstable.
Based on these emerging problems, and in conjunction with weaknesses in the field of propaganda and ideological work, the First National Conference on Propaganda Work of the CPC in May 1951 pointed out the need to focus on discussing and resolving issues such as "strengthening the Party's leadership over ideological work." In his speech at the conference, Liu Shaoqi emphasized: "We must criticize the ideological systems of the bourgeoisie, the petty bourgeoisie, and the peasantry—that is, non-Marxist-Leninist and non-proletarian ideological systems." He added, "Propaganda work is ideological work." This indicates that during this period, the CPC attached high importance to ideological guidance through propaganda—specifically the criticism of non-proletarian ideologies—and put forward principled requirements.
Among the various channels for ideological work in the early PRC, newspapers were vital positions for strengthening the education and guidance of rural cadres. "One of the primary requirements for the ideological nature of newspaper propaganda is that newspapers should be adept at conducting propaganda based on the actual ideological state of the masses, resolving the masses’ ideological problems through propaganda, and raising their level of understanding so as to lead them forward." From its inception, New Hunan Daily placed great emphasis on tracking the ideological trends of the masses and strengthening guidance, which was a major reason the "Li Sixi thought" discussion could be launched there. The primary leaders of the paper during its early years recalled: "At its founding, New Hunan Daily was very careful to systematically publicize Marxism and Mao Zedong Thought, as well as the policies regarding the central tasks of various periods (such as grain collection, bandit suppression, production, and disaster relief). It constantly paid attention to the ideological trends of the masses and published targeted commentary." "One event with relatively large influence was the discussion concerning Li Sixi thought."
Thus, the ideological slackening of rural cadres after land reform, the importance the CPC Central Committee placed on ideological education, and the active response of New Hunan Daily to the Central Committee's instructions collectively formed the background for the initiation of the "Li Sixi thought" discussion.
(2) The Opportunity to Initiate the "Li Sixi Thought" Discussion
In 1950, land reform spread across Hunan. New Hunan Daily was the official organ of the Hunan Provincial Committee; Zhu Jiusi was the director and editor-in-chief, and Zhang Yulin was a member of the editorial board and head of the rural section. According to Zhang Yulin’s recollections, in December 1950, Zhu Jiusi said to him: "Chairman Mao once said that newspaper editorial staff should participate in a period of practical work; the newspaper has now agreed with the Xiangtan Prefectural Committee and the Changsha County Committee to send you to Jinjing District in Changsha County to participate in land reform and serve concurrently as the Deputy Secretary of the District Committee." Subsequently, Zhang Yulin established close ties with the peasants during the land reform work in Changsha County, and the work proceeded relatively smoothly. However, he also discovered a strange phenomenon: as soon as these rural cadres and peasants were asked to do government work, "many would show a look of reluctance. When notified of a meeting, some cadres and activists who should have attended did not come; for some important meetings where it was essential for everyone to be present, I had to go to their doors to invite them personally." "The township head of Nongyu Township was an excellent rural cadre, yet he repeatedly offered his resignation. I organized two rounds of mobilization for military recruitment in the district. The one toward the end of land reform required little effort to complete the task." "However, when mobilization for enlistment was conducted again after land reform, it took a great deal of effort and much arduous work, and the task was only barely completed with difficulty."
The changes occurring in rural cadres before and after land reform caught Zhang Yulin's attention, leading him to "delve deeper into the ideological state of rural cadres." The situation involving Zhu Zhongli, then deputy head of Nongyu Township, played a crucial role in his search for the ideological roots of this phenomenon. Before the founding of the PRC, Zhu Zhongli made a living as a long-term laborer for landlords, living a hard life and frequently suffering insults from them. After the founding of the PRC, during land reform, he held a firm stance, struggled resolutely, managed affairs fairly, and was not greedy for petty advantages, thus gaining the recognition of the masses. When the township government was being established at the end of land reform, Zhu was elected deputy township head, admitted into the Youth League, and elected as the League branch secretary. Zhu's life underwent earth-shaking changes with the founding of the New China: economically, he was no longer exploited by landlords; politically, he had "stood up" and served as a township-level cadre for the People's Government. Yet, toward this work, Zhu displayed a lack of enthusiasm. After taking office, "he worked for only a few days before offering his resignation. When district cadres working in Gengqing Township went to talk to him, they would enter through the front door while he slipped out the back. Once, a district cadre finally caught him and urged him to work hard. He actually cried in frustration, saying: 'Since the founding of the New China, I’ve taken a wife, fathered a son, and now I’ve been allotted land and joined the League. I am content; what more work is there to do? Everyone has their land; what work is left?'" Zhu’s life had changed dramatically, yet he developed a "relaxed and regressive" (songqi tuipe) mindset, no longer working actively. This change made Zhang Yulin realize that it was necessary to educate the peasants, especially cadres of peasant origin, to help them see the grand future of the revolution and their new glorious tasks, and to understand the responsibilities they bore. As for how to carry out such education, Zhang did not have a mature plan at the time.
In June 1951, Zhang Yulin returned to the newspaper to report on the post-land reform rural situation, highlighting the phenomenon of "relaxed and regressive" mindsets among rural cadres and the example of Zhu Zhongli. Upon hearing the report, Zhu Jiusi immediately noted that this issue was very important. He decided on the spot to bring the issue to the newspaper for an ideological discussion. The editorial board members present unanimously agreed and "selected the sentiment of Zhu Zhongli not wanting to work after his 'four joys' (marriage, birth of a child, land allotment, and joining the League), adopted the pseudonym 'Li Sixi,' and attached Zhu Zhongli's post-reform regression as the case study under Li Sixi's name to launch the discussion."
From the above, one can see certain considerations of New Hunan Daily when initiating the "Li Sixi thought" discussion. "Li Sixi" was a fictional character with a prototype in reality. The appearance of this fictional character provided a "target" for the cadres and masses, making it easier for them to perceive the sharp change in the thinking of some rural cadres before and after land reform. At the same time, it facilitated a concentrated display of the ideological laxity and regressive tendencies appearing among some rural cadres, allowing the discussion to delve deeper.
On July 18, 1951, New Hunan Daily floated the topic with an article titled "It is Wrong to Stop Doing Revolution After Receiving Land—A Letter from Reader Comrade Zhang Zhengfa," which stated: "I believe Li Sixi's idea of not wanting to do revolution after being allotted land is wrong. I do not know what you think; please tell me." The publication of this article marked the beginning of the "Li Sixi thought" discussion in New Hunan Daily.
II. The Primary Methods by which New Hunan Daily Conducted the "Li Sixi Thought" Discussion
The purpose of New Hunan Daily in initiating the "Li Sixi thought" discussion was to criticize and overcome this mindset. During the discussion, participating readers came from a wide range of backgrounds, and their views on "Li Sixi thought" were various and not entirely identical. How to firmly control the direction of the debate after it was launched and achieve the intended purpose was more difficult than merely initiating it. In organizing the discussion, New Hunan Daily employed various methods to guide its content and direction, ultimately achieving the goals of criticizing erroneous ideas and establishing correct concepts.
(1) Using Periodic Summaries to Point the Direction for the Discussion
After the "Li Sixi thought" discussion commenced, New Hunan Daily received a massive number of submissions; in the first month alone, it received 1,149 articles and letters. However, from the content of the published submissions, it was evident that readers' views on "Li Sixi thought" were not uniform. If New Hunan Daily had published all reader submissions exactly as they were without guidance, it would inevitably have caused ideological confusion among readers and failed to educate the masses. To guide the direction of the discussion, the newspaper published three summary articles on August 19 and September 20, 1951, and January 8, 1952. The first two summarized the preceding stages of the discussion and provided guidance for the next; the third reviewed and summarized the entire process of the "Li Sixi thought" discussion and proposed focus areas for future work.
One month after the discussion began, on August 19, 1951, New Hunan Daily published "Carry Out the Discussion on Li Sixi Thought More Extensively and Deeply—A Report on the Situation One Month After the Launch." This article detailed the background of the discussion, the general range of contributors, and the shortcomings of the discussion: "At the beginning, submissions from peasants and rural cadres were few... roughly in the second half of the first month, submissions from peasants and district/township cadres gradually increased. Most of them discussed their opinions in connection with their own thoughts and local conditions; many rural cadres and peasant masses spontaneously organized meetings to discuss it." "The current situation is that there are very few submissions from responsible comrades at the district level and above, and there are not many manuscripts that analyze and criticize Li Sixi thought more deeply; this is an area where it is insufficient." The article then introduced the basic content of the submissions, analyzed the effects already achieved, and finally proposed that to solve "Li Sixi thought," "relying solely on this paper's discussion is not enough; it requires the Party committees and local newspapers at all levels in the province to pay attention to this issue, so that the Li Sixi thought discussion can be carried out more deeply and extensively in an organized and led manner." This called upon all levels of Party committees and Party newspapers throughout Hunan Province to carry out the "Li Sixi thought" discussion, thereby promoting its widespread implementation.
Around the time these summaries were published, from August 13 to 23, 1951, the First Hunan Provincial Propaganda Work Conference was convened to make further arrangements for the discussion on “Li Sixi thought.” “Owing to the fact that the issue of ‘Li Sixi thought’ was raised at the province's first propaganda conference, responsible comrades [6] of the CPC Hunan Provincial Committee emphasized the importance of criticizing and overcoming this erroneous thinking; after the conference, Comrade Wang Shoudao wrote the essay ‘Criticize “Li Sixi Thought” and Strengthen the Ideological Education of Cadres’; furthermore, the People’s Daily, Xinhua News Agency, Xuexi (Study) magazine, and Changjiang Daily all published or broadcast articles regarding the discussion... causing various regions to attach great importance to it.” Subsequently, discussions on “Li Sixi thought” were carried out universally across the districts and counties of Hunan. Leading cadres from Liuyang, Changning, and Changsha counties, Hengyang Second District, Wugang and Xiangtan counties, and the Changde region published articles in New Hunan Daily introducing how the discussions were unfolding in their local areas.
After a month of such deliberation, on September 20, 1951, New Hunan Daily published “Leading Organs Everywhere Gradually Value and Promote the ‘Li Sixi Thought’ Discussion—A Report on the Situation in the Second Month of the Discussion.” This report pointed out: “In the second month, the discussion has spread even more universally across the province. The slackening of ideological drive [7] among a portion of rural cadres has been preliminarily corrected. The slogan ‘Oppose Li Sixi Thought’ has also formed a kind of social public opinion throughout the vast countryside. Rural cadres in some places become unhappy when they hear others call them a ‘Li Sixi,’ considering it a dishonor to possess Li Sixi thought.” This indicated that the initial objectives of launching the discussion had been achieved. However, “the current problem is how to make the discussion of Li Sixi thought continue one step deeper. Although leaders in various places have begun to value it and have made arrangements and calls to action, specific leadership and organization remain insufficient.” “Furthermore, at present, among a small number of leading comrades and cadres, some incorrect views regarding the discussion still exist.” Consequently, the report noted: “We should combine work and study to continue deepening the discussion and education,” and “based on existing experience, organizing rural cadres to study Party history is an excellent method to elevate the discussion to a higher level.” This pointed the way forward for the further deepening of the “Li Sixi thought” discussion.
By publishing monthly summaries, New Hunan Daily provided guidance for the discussion. Especially after Wang Shoudao's article was published on August 25, the critical stance of the Provincial Party Committee toward “Li Sixi thought” became very explicit. Thus, the discussion developed in an orderly fashion under the leadership of local Party organizations. From September 20 until the newspaper announced the end of the discussion, the articles published in New Hunan Daily were primarily divided into two categories: those introducing the progress, problems, and suggestions from various regions, and those featuring first-person accounts from representative figures who had overcome “Li Sixi thought.” During this period, letters and manuscripts from readers remained numerous and maintained a clear, critical stance toward “Li Sixi thought.” This proves that the summary articles previously released by New Hunan Daily indeed played a guiding role. Building on this foundation, the discussions in October, November, and December 1951 maintained a correct direction; therefore, the paper did not publish subsequent periodic summaries.
On January 8, 1952, New Hunan Daily published “Strengthen Ideological Education and Solve Practical Difficulties to Elevate Rural Cadres: A Review of the Five-Month Discussion on ‘Li Sixi Thought’ and Opinions for the Future.” The article argued that the discussion prompted many rural cadres to preliminarily overcome “Li Sixi thought” and held significant educational meaning for leading organs and cadres across Hunan. However, problems remained—for instance, the discussion was not deep enough and suffered from a tendency toward formalism [8]; some discussions focused purely on criticizing ideology without resolving the practical difficulties of rural cadres. Finally, the article proposed methods for overcoming “Li Sixi thought,” namely that “ideological education must be combined with the resolution of practical difficulties,” and put forward three concrete measures: “Continue deepening ideological education in conjunction with Land Reform [9] and Land Reform re-examination,” “help rural cadres solve practical difficulties in production,” and “improve leadership style.” The publication of this article marked the conclusion of the “Li Sixi thought” discussion in New Hunan Daily.
Viewed as a whole, throughout the process of the “Li Sixi thought” discussion, New Hunan Daily firmly controlled the general direction by continuously publishing periodic summaries. It summarized the results of preceding periods, pointed out issues requiring attention in the next steps, and guided the discussion toward greater depth, truly enabling the discussion to fulfill its role in educating the broad mass of rural cadres.
(2) Deepening the discussion through the collision of different perspectives
The purpose of New Hunan Daily in launching the discussion was to criticize “Li Sixi thought” and thus achieve the goal of leading the masses’ ideology. From the letters and manuscripts published, it is evident that the masses’ views were not unanimous; some believed there was nothing wrong with “Li Sixi thought.” How should such divergence in opinion be handled? New Hunan Daily adopted the approach of selectively and pointedly publishing articles with different viewpoints, allowing these perspectives to collide and generate full discussion among readers, ultimately leading the masses to form a consensus on the correct view.
After the discussion began, letters generally took a critical stance. However, letters from a reader in Changsha and a reader in Xiangyin expressed different views. The former stated that while Comrade Li Sixi’s revolutionary work was good, going home to produce grain was also good, as producing more grain supports national construction: “Revolutionary work is everyone’s public business. Now, letting Comrade Li Sixi go back to production and taking turns with others so that no one person suffers a loss is quite fair and reasonable.” The latter argued: “Among current working cadres, the workload is indeed heavy and the stipends are small.” “In my opinion, if rural cadres don’t want to work, you can’t blame them; the government should improve their treatment so they have the energy to work.” The views expressed in these two letters were objective realities of life at the time. However, if such letters were suppressed, it would merely cover up contradictions temporarily; if they were published without guidance, it might lead some to mistakenly believe Li Sixi’s actions were reasonable, creating a negative orientation.
Under these circumstances, while publishing letters that validated “Li Sixi thought,” New Hunan Daily simultaneously published a series of articles with diametrically opposed views, allowing the masses to think and discuss thoroughly through the collision of ideas. On July 29 and August 8, the paper published three articles, all explicitly disagreeing with the two aforementioned letters. The July 29 article was a synthesis by the editorial department of 24 reader letters. It noted that these readers “all believe such talk is erroneous,” based on the following points: First, “participating in revolutionary work and serving the masses is highly glorious. Individual interests are included within revolutionary interests; only when the entire class is liberated can the individual be truly liberated.” Second, “Should rural cadres serve in rotation? Many readers believe this is wrong.” Being a revolutionary cadre is not something anyone can do; there are certain requirements. If cadres serve in rotation, "bad elements" might infiltrate the ranks. Furthermore, after Land Reform, rural cadres had undergone testing and tempering and possessed considerable work ability. Newcomers would be unfamiliar with the work and lack capability, causing great loss to the revolution. In short, the method of rotation was both wrong and unfeasible. The two letters published on August 8—“Learning from the Most Lovable People [10] and Fighting for the Revolutionary Cause to the End” (written from a hospital bed by provincial labor model Zhong Bingcai) and “‘Taking Turns’ is an Erroneous Idea of Egalitarianism”—likewise refuted the earlier views.
In this collision of perspectives, New Hunan Daily did not step to the fore to criticize a specific view directly; instead, it presented the readers’ opposing views and fully displayed their reasoning. Through this sharp contrast, readers naturally understood which view was erroneous and were educated through subtle influence. In this way, the paper’s goal of guiding the masses’ ideology was achieved. The reader from Xiangyin later stated: “Regarding the discussion of Li Sixi thought, at the beginning, I had some sympathy for Li Sixi... Thinking about it carefully now, that thought was wrong.”
Furthermore, another set of opposing views published by New Hunan Daily concerned whether “merely piling on tasks” could solve the problem of ideological laxity among cadres. On August 13, the paper published a reader’s article arguing: “That rural cadres are unwilling to work is indeed a universal and serious phenomenon. Why? I feel the primary reason is that the leadership usually does not press tasks tightly enough.” This reader believed that if superiors arranged work promptly, piling one task upon another, this slackening could be avoided. This view was, in fact, incorrect. New Hunan Daily again published several articles with diametrically opposite views in succession, allowing the broad readership to continue discussing the issue.
Three articles published on August 20—“Oppose the Method of Merely Piling on Tasks Without Doing Ideological Work,” “Merely Piling on Tasks Cannot Prevent Slackening Emotions,” and “Merely Piling on Tasks is a Coercive Commandist Practice”—all explicitly disagreed with the aforementioned opinion. An article on August 22, “Do Not Look at Problems Superficially,” also explicitly rejected the idea of using tasks to eliminate slackening, as it “only suppresses the matter on the surface rather than solving the problem at its essence.” These articles clearly stated that piling on tasks without ideological work could not solve the Li Sixi phenomenon and suggested that the solution was to strengthen the ideological and political education of rural cadres. In this collision, readers not only learned that the “piling on tasks” view saw only the symptoms and not the essence, but the discussion was also deepened, proposing that educating rural cadres at the ideological level was the fundamental cure for “Li Sixi thought.”
(3) Using typical figures with “Li Sixi thought” to speak from personal experience to enhance the persuasiveness of the discussion
Speaking from personal experience [11] is a highly persuasive method. During the discussion, New Hunan Daily published articles by individuals who actually possessed “Li Sixi thought.” These articles made readers feel that people with such thoughts were those living right beside them; having “Li Sixi thought” was not scary, and as long as one strove to overcome it, one remained a good comrade and would still be recognized by the Party organization.
During the discussion, New Hunan Daily published successive manuscripts from Zhu Zhongli, the real-life prototype for Li Sixi. One was “Thinking of Myself Because of Li Sixi,” published on August 4. It began: “When I saw the discussion of Li Sixi thought in New Hunan Daily, I thought of myself. I used to have thoughts just like Li Sixi’s. I came from a poor background and worked as a long-term laborer for landlords since childhood, for twelve years,” but after Land Reform concluded, he thought, “The land is divided, I have a house, I have hills, I have a wife and a child—I am satisfied. Why do I still need to do work?” Consequently, he became increasingly passive politically and unwilling to continue revolutionary work. The article mentioned that through the ideological work of other comrades, “I” realized that “in the past, not doing revolutionary work was wrong, and I resolved to return to it.” The article concluded: “It was wrong for Li Sixi to slacken. I took a detour; I am writing these words for Comrade Li Sixi’s reference, hoping he corrects himself quickly and becomes an excellent member of the Youth League.” This was Zhu Zhongli’s first appearance before the readers; at this time, the broad readership did not yet know that Zhu Zhongli was the prototype for Li Sixi.
On August 17, 1951, New Hunan Daily published another article by Zhu Zhongli titled "Integrating Discussion with the Study of Party History: I Clearly Recognize the Grand Future of the Revolution." In the article, Zhu again used his own experience as a testimonial, arguing that his ideological transformation was largely due to his study of the history of the Communist Party of China. On September 25, New Hunan Daily published a report titled "Zhong Zhongli Reports on the Process of Overcoming Li Sixi Thought," with Zhu once again as the protagonist. This stemmed from a peasant representative meeting held in Huanyi Township, 15th District of Changsha, which focused on how to overcome Li Sixi thought. During the discussion, Zhu gave a model report recounting the process of his ideological shift. A journalist recorded Zhu’s speech and published it. On September 26, New Hunan Daily published "Zhu Zhongli's Notes on Studying Party History." The purpose of this publication was made clear in the editor's note: "It is hoped that all district and township cadres will learn from this spirit of earnest study," thereby achieving their own ideological transformation. Having undergone a significant shift in thinking, Zhu attended the First Representative Conference of the Hunan Provincial Committee of the Youth League as a delegate. At the conference, he gave a model speech describing his process of overcoming Li Sixi thought. On November 2, New Hunan Daily published Zhu's reflections after attending the provincial Youth League conference and visiting factories.
On January 7, 1952, the day before the conclusion of the discussion organized by New Hunan Daily, the paper published a report titled "Once a ‘Li Sixi,’ Now a Good Cadre—How Zhu Zhongli, a District Cadre of the 15th District of Changsha County, Overcame ‘Li Sixi Thought’," which explicitly revealed the relationship between Zhu Zhongli and "Li Sixi." The author of this report, Liu Huan, was a cadre dispatched by New Hunan Daily to serve in the 15th District of Changsha County. He helped Zhu study Party history and literacy [12], raising his consciousness and playing an important role in Zhu’s ideological transformation. From the perspective of an observer, he recounted the process of Zhu’s change. The editor's note for this report finally revealed the true identity of "Li Sixi": "What we must specifically explain to everyone here is that the ‘Li Sixi thought’ proposed by this newspaper was actually modeled on Comrade Zhu Zhongli's past ‘slacking off’ [13] ideas." The reason Zhu’s name had not been mentioned previously was that "considering he was a peasant who had only recently turned over [14] and had just begun work, we changed his name to ‘Li Sixi’ to initiate the discussion on ‘Li Sixi thought’ in the newspaper."
Through six articles, New Hunan Daily demonstrated the process by which Zhu Zhongli, a rural cadre possessing "Li Sixi thought," eventually became a good Party cadre through the education provided by the Party organization, finally clarifying the link between Zhu and "Li Sixi." In addition to Zhu, the paper published many testimonial articles from others who had overcome "Li Sixi thought." This led readers to feel that having "Li Sixi thought" was nothing to be feared, so long as one worked hard to overcome it and remain a good Party cadre.
III. The Effectiveness of the Discussion on “Li Sixi Thought” Organized by New Hunan Daily
The discussion on "Li Sixi thought" not only produced highly positive results within Hunan Province but also drew attention from the central level. It was prominently reported by People's Daily and gained wide influence across the country.
(1) Results produced within Hunan Province
On January 8, 1952, New Hunan Daily published the final article of the discussion, describing its effectiveness: "The scale of this discussion has been extensive and its influence profound. It has not only allowed the vast majority of rural cadres and the peasant masses to conduct a vivid exercise in self-education [15] but has also led cadres leading rural work in various regions to place further importance on the education of rural cadres and the peasantry. Because the ‘Li Sixi problem’ was a severe and prominent issue in the countryside at the time, it received a rapid response from all quarters following this paper’s proposal. Beyond this paper, The Masses, Hunan Youth, and various regional papers such as Construction Daily, Central Xiang Daily, Lakeside Daily, Zijiang Peasant Daily, Yuenan People’s Daily, Hengyang News, and Chenzhou Masses Daily all successively opened special columns to discuss this issue. Discussions were launched in the vast majority of the province; during the autumn grain tax collection [16], many locales conducted systematic and led discussions from the top down through cadre and representative meetings. When counties such as Linxiang, Xiangyin, Taojiang, Shaoyang, Hengshan, Lixian, and Yuanling opened training classes for rural cadres, militia, and rural Youth League activists, they included the criticism of ‘Li Sixi thought’ as a vital component of the political curriculum. As of now, this paper has received a total of more than 2,300 submissions and letters regarding the discussion." Through this discussion, many rural cadres initially overcame "Li Sixi thought." Aside from the model established by Zhu Zhongli, "many other rural cadres also corrected their thoughts of paralysis and relaxation to varying degrees, expressing their resolve to continue working. Furthermore, while some rural cadres have not yet completely overcome ‘Li Sixi thought,’ they have been significantly shaken ideologically and recognize that ‘Li Sixi thought’ is wrong. Some cadres who were already active in their work saw their political consciousness and work enthusiasm increase further after participating. Through this discussion, ‘Li Sixi thought’ began to be isolated among the broad masses." This description reflects the overall effect of the discussion in Hunan at the time. Through this campaign, cadres at all levels and the masses generally recognized that "Li Sixi thought" was incorrect, and the goal of educating and guiding them was basically achieved.
(2) The Central Committee’s attention and influence in other provinces
The discussion initiated by New Hunan Daily was highly valued by the CPC Central Committee, and other provinces launched similar discussions.
A little over a month after the discussion began, it caught the attention of People's Daily. On September 8, 1951, an article in People's Daily titled "Reader Discussions are an Important Way to Strengthen the Ideological Work of Newspapers" pointed out that many newspapers had recently organized discussions on various ideological issues, citing the "Li Sixi thought" discussion in New Hunan Daily as an example. Soon, the central leadership also took notice. On September 19, 1951, the CPC Central Committee issued the "Circular on the Criticism of Li Sixi Thought by New Hunan Daily," addressed to "all Central Committee Bureaus, Sub-bureaus, and forwarded to all provincial, regional, and municipal committees." The circular noted: "In July and August, New Hunan Daily used the rural cadre Li Sixi as a model to launch a highly effective criticism of the phenomenon of ‘relaxation and slacking off’ among some rural Party members and cadres following the completion of land reform." It continued: "This experience of New Hunan Daily is worthy of attention and promotion. Party committees in all regions should take care to purposefully raise common ideological issues among the masses both inside and outside the Party in Party newspapers and conduct led discussions; this is an effective method for strengthening ideological leadership and raising the political level of Party members and the masses." The Central Circular highly affirmed the discussion and deemed the experience worthy of broad promotion, hoping that all regions would launch extensive and, crucially, led discussions based on the common ideological problems among the masses.
Subsequently, People's Daily paid even closer attention. On September 25, 1951, it reprinted Wang Shoudao's August 25 article, "Criticize Li Sixi Thought, Strengthen the Ideological Education of Cadres." On September 26, it published "Introducing the Discussion on Li Sixi Thought in New Hunan Daily." On October 29, it published "Leaders of CPC Committees at All Levels in Hunan Province Lead Discussions on ‘Li Sixi Thought’." On November 20, it published an editorial from New Hunan Daily titled "The Process of Leading the Discussion on ‘Li Sixi Thought’," introducing readers to how the editorial department mobilized and led the campaign. These reports played a vital role in promoting the successful methods and experiences of New Hunan Daily. On July 9, 1952, under the headline "The Peasant Zhu Zhongli Joins the Communist Party," People's Daily again reported on how Zhu had transformed from the "Li Sixi" of the past into a good cadre and honorably joined the CPC. While introducing his proactive transformation, it also expressed affirmation of the discussion.
With the affirmation and support of the CPC Central Committee, discussions on "Li Sixi thought" were launched nationwide. In other provinces of the Central-South region, "targeting the paralyzed and relaxed thoughts of cadres and the peasant masses, various people's governments and CPC committees in the Central-South region paid attention to ideological education work," and papers like Henan Daily, Jiangxi Daily, Hubei Daily, and Hubei Peasant Daily successively used figures such as Lei Yu, Wang Shuisheng, Wang Chengying, and Li Taiming as models to launch ideological criticisms. These efforts achieved significant results. In other parts of the country, such as the Gusu District of Changshu County, Jiangsu, expanded meetings of township and village cadres were held to mobilize everyone to inspect their own "Li Sixi thought." "After exposing and criticizing their own ‘Li Sixi thought,’ everyone expressed their determination to carry the revolution to the end." Party members in the organs of the Tieli County Committee in Heilongjiang were inspired by the discussion to inspect "Li Sixi thought," recognizing that "failing to study diligently in ordinary times" led to a failure to reform backward ideas; "therefore, being unable to see the future of the revolution, one develops the idea of retiring." Inspired by these events, Tianjin Daily launched a discussion on "Wang Xiuzhen thought" among workers. Thus, the discussion of "Li Sixi thought" transcended Hunan and the peasantry, expanding to a national scope and other social groups. On August 7, 1953, when introducing the discussion on "Wang Xiuzhen thought," People's Daily emphasized: "The past criticism of the peasant ‘Li Sixi thought’ by New Hunan Daily, and the recent discussion of the worker ‘Wang Xiuzhen thought’ by Tianjin Daily, are two model examples of using democratic methods—namely, the method of criticism and self-criticism—to carry out self-education and self-reform among the peasant and worker masses."
IV. Conclusion
The discussion on "Li Sixi thought" initiated by New Hunan Daily is a successful case of the CPC using propaganda work to educate rural cadres and guide ideological trends in the early years of the People's Republic. What were the reasons for its success? First, it selected a "real problem." "Li Sixi thought" was drawn from actual cases in the countryside following the completion of land reform. Raising such authentic and universal issues for theoretical exploration and criticizing the errors therein proved conducive to solving practical problems. Second, it relied on meticulous organization. After raising a good question, whether the discussion can proceed smoothly depends on the effective organization of the initiator. In the process, New Hunan Daily used periodic summary reports to guide the direction, allowed conflicting viewpoints to clash directly to deepen understanding, and used the model figure Zhu Zhongli to give testimonials that enhanced persuasiveness. This rigorous organization allowed the discussion to be launched smoothly and elicit a broad response. In particular, the attention from the central level and promotion by central media played a vital role. "Li Sixi thought" was a common phenomenon among rural cadres after land reform, and the Central Committee had already perceived its existence. The discussion by New Hunan Daily explored an excellent path to solving this problem, thus receiving high regard and affirmation from the CPC Central Committee, which expanded the national influence of the discussion.
In the New Era and on the new journey, as the changes unseen in a century accelerate and the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation enters a critical period, strategic opportunities coexist with risks and challenges. Propaganda, ideological, and cultural work faces new situations and tasks, requiring our Party to adopt appropriate methods to grasp and guide the ideological trends of Party members, cadres, and the people. The experience of New Hunan Daily in successfully initiating and organizing the discussion on "Li Sixi thought" still offers valuable lessons for our efforts today in propaganda, ideology, and public opinion guidance to overcome the influence of negative ideological tendencies.
(The author, Han Xiaoqing, is a professor in the Department of CPC History at the Middle School of the CPC Central Committee / National Academy of Governance)