He Ju: Organizational Mobilization in the Construction of Anti-Japanese Democratic Political Power
Silent are the years, yet history leaves its trace. The War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression (1937–1945) was both a critical period concerning the life and death of the nation and a vital stage in the growth and expansion of the Communist Party of China (CPC). The year 2025 marks the 80th anniversary of the victory of the Chinese People's War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and the World Anti-Fascist War. At this particular juncture, grounded in history and reality, and with a focus on the great cause of building a powerful country and national rejuvenation, it is of great significance to review the history of the war in which the Party united and led the people of the whole country to victory. Summarizing the precious experience of organizing and mobilizing the masses during the construction of anti-Japanese democratic political power will help carry forward the spirit of the War of Resistance and steel our resolve for the journey ahead.
To Forgo Democracy is to Forgo the Resistance
The organic integration of the united front with the construction of political power marked the beginning of the theory of anti-Japanese democratic political power. As the saying goes, "Brothers may squabble within the walls, but they stand together against an external affront" [1]. Both the CPC and the Kuomintang (KMT) recognized at the time that the crisis brought by Japanese aggression to the Chinese nation was unprecedented, and national contradictions had risen to become the principal social contradiction. Despite the high tide of anti-Japanese sentiment across the country, it was an undeniable fact that the disparity in strength between China and Japan was extreme; it was an asymmetric war. Under the posture where the enemy was strong and we were weak, achieving final victory in the war against aggression required strengthening domestic unity and converging the strength of the entire nation to the greatest extent possible.
Democracy was the primary means of mobilizing the national populace to devote themselves to the resistance. In April 1937, Mao Zedong profoundly elucidated the inherent unity between the resistance and democracy from a strategic height: "For the task of the resistance, democracy is the most essential element in the new stage; to strive for democracy is to strive for the resistance. Resistance and democracy are conditions for each other, just as resistance and peace, or democracy and peace, are mutually conditional. Democracy is the guarantee of the resistance, while the resistance can provide favorable conditions for the development of the democratic movement." After the July 7th Incident [2], our Party continued the logic of advancing the resistance through democracy and formulated the Ten-Point Program for Resisting Japan and Saving the Nation. The third point, "Total Mobilization of the People of the Whole Country," was the concentrated quintessence of this strategic vision. In short, against the backdrop of the Japanese invaders' incursion, "rallying millions upon millions of the masses into the Anti-Japanese National United Front" became a major political task affecting the overall situation of the war.
To achieve final victory in this protracted war, stable and consolidated base areas were indispensable; guerrilla warfare and democratic base areas were interdependent. Amidst the flames of war, various base areas withstood severe tests in political, economic, and military spheres, especially during 1941–1942, when the resistance behind enemy lines faced immense difficulties. First, politically, mobilization was insufficient and participation was limited. Within the various levels of political power and representative bodies—specifically during the consultation and discussion stages—non-Party personages rarely spoke, making it difficult to utilize collective wisdom. Second, economically, finances were tight and resources were scarce. Taking the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region [3] as an example, the expansion of military and administrative personnel, combined with frequent natural disasters, placed a heavy burden on the people, making even basic food and clothing a major problem. Third, militarily, they faced blockades and suffered heavy casualties. As the revolutionary armed forces led by the CPC grew, they faced "mopping-up" operations by Japanese and puppet forces, as well as "frictions" [4] caused by KMT diehards. The people of the base areas behind enemy lines fought heroically to protect the security of the border regions, but they paid a considerable price.
Facing this difficult situation, the base areas persisted in independence and self-reliance, overcoming hardships by fully mobilizing the masses. The key to mobilization lay in stimulating the initiative of the people; the promotion of democratic politics was a natural extension of this logic. However, the lack of democratic consciousness and habits was a difficulty and challenge that had to be faced directly.
Combining the War of Resistance with the Democratic System
The construction of political power is the primary and fundamental issue in the construction of base areas. The CPC actively put its vision for democratic political power into practice, fully listening to the opinions of non-Party personages and extensively conducting democratic elections at all levels. Starting from both top-level design and grassroots organization, the Party relied on people's democracy to successfully find the institutional guarantee for escaping the "historical cycle" [5]. The Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region, in particular, became a "model" of democratic politics.
In March 1940, Mao Zedong proposed: In accordance with the principles of the Anti-Japanese National United Front, the allocation of personnel should be regulated such that CPC members account for one-third, non-Party left-wing progressives account for one-third, and the "middle-of-the-roaders" (who are neither left nor right) account for one-third. In May 1941, the Administrative Program for the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region codified this principle into law. This "Three-Thirds System" was not a mechanical or rigid numerical regulation, nor was it intended to weaken or abandon the Party's leadership. Rather, it aimed to unite and lead non-Party personages to contribute to the construction of the base areas by expanding political participation. The value of the Party's leadership lies in quality and the exemplary conduct of its members. "As for the right to lead, it is not something to be shouted as a slogan from morning till night, nor is it about overbearing others to force their obedience; rather, it is about using the Party's correct policies and one's own exemplary work to persuade and educate non-Party personages so that they are willing to accept our suggestions." This assertion demonstrated powerful political party confidence and highlighted practical guidance and theoretical penetration.
The implementation of the "Three-Thirds System" provided a guarantee for non-Party personages to enter political organs and play a role. It was of great significance for further consolidating and expanding the Anti-Japanese National United Front and for winning over and uniting different social forces to join the cause of the resistance.
While elections are not the entirety of democracy, they are a vital link in democratic politics. In the construction of political power in the base areas, the principle of universal suffrage had long been established. To overcome the difficulties of lacking political literacy and democratic habits, and to fully mobilize the vast peasantry to participate in elections, the CPC led the various base areas in creating a complete set of publicity and election methods that were both suited to local conditions and effective.
First was oral publicity. Through specialized election training classes and symposiums, staff went deep among the masses to explain election procedures in vivid language. Second was written publicity. Newspapers such as New China News and Liberation Daily published a large number of reports related to elections, and various border regions printed diverse pamphlets to visually present the elections. Third was artistic publicity. Art forms such as drama, songs, and painting were beloved by the masses. Popular works like the play Electing the Village Chief and the song Taking Elections Seriously boosted the people's enthusiasm for voting. In the actual mobilization process, these various means were often used interactively to create a synergy, jointly driving democratic elections deep into the hearts of the people.
"Bean voting" was the most common method used by illiterate voters, where a single bean represented a ballot. A folk song from the time vividly described this method: "Golden beans, silver beans, don't cast your beans haphazardly. Pick a good person, do a good job, and drop your bean in the bowl of the good person." Bean voting initially took place in public settings but was later refined to minimize interference or knowledge of the vote by others (except for the scrutineers), aligning with the principle of the secret ballot. Additionally, there were methods such as carrying boxes [6], burning holes [7], and drawing marks [8]. These were all characteristic methods created by the border regions based on actual conditions, achieving great results in centralizing public wisdom, reflecting public opinion, and safeguarding the people's rights.
Practice showed that "lack of popular enlightenment" was not an insoluble problem. "Down-to-earth" publicity means and election methods could create an unprecedentedly warm democratic atmosphere. Only when the vast masses realized the importance of "picking a good person and doing a good job" through subtle influence could the broadest anti-Japanese forces at the grassroots be truly aggregated.
Because the Border Region Has Democracy
Why was the CPC able to grow and expand rapidly during the War of Resistance? In April 1940, Xie Juezai, the Secretary-General of the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region Government, provided the answer from the perspective of democracy: "Why do progressives from across the country surge toward the border region like a tide? Because the border region has democracy. Why do progressives around the world praise the border region, saying that coming to China without visiting Yan'an is equivalent to not having come to China at all? Because the border region has democracy. Since the start of the war, why has the progress and mobilization of the border region in culture, economy, and military affairs been unmatched by the rest of the country? Because the border region has democracy."
First, it expanded political participation. The masses and democratic personages were no longer "bystanders" but instead gave full play to their initiative, contributing many insightful suggestions for various constructions in the base areas. For example, in November 1941, the proposal for "Better Troops and Simpler Administration" [9] effectively helped the base areas weather economic and financial difficulties and drew the ties between the Party and the masses closer.
Second, it renovated the social outlook. "The Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region is the most progressive place in the country; it is a democratic anti-Japanese base area. Here, first, there are no corrupt officials; second, no local tyrants or evil gentry; third, no gambling; fourth, no prostitution; fifth, no concubines; sixth, no beggars; seventh, no forming of cliques for private gain; eighth, no atmosphere of lethargy; ninth, no one living off 'friction' [10]; and tenth, no one profiting from national disaster." Behind these famous "Ten Nos" was a miracle written by the subjective power of the people, a vivid portrayal of the fact that "the border region has democracy." The masses truly realized their role as masters of their own affairs, providing a prototype for the construction of a New Democratic society.
Third, it attracted a large number of talents. A great number of intellectuals yearned for the democratic atmosphere of the base areas, braving difficult living conditions and overcoming numerous obstacles to head behind enemy lines. Many passionate youths felt that even if their "bones were broken, the tendons remained connected; even if the skin and flesh were torn, the heart remained; as long as there is a breath left, one must crawl to Yan'an."
Fourth, it won the hearts of the people and the future. The democratic and open "Yan'an style" of the base areas formed a sharp contrast with the autocratic and dictatorial "Xi'an style" of the KMT-controlled areas. Despite the harsh material conditions, the equal and harmonious interpersonal relationships and the high-spirited social atmosphere broke through the KMT's false propaganda, significantly enhancing the prestige of the CPC in the sphere of public opinion. After witnessing the democratic scene in Yan'an, the famous overseas Chinese leader Tan Kah Kee sighed with deep emotion: "The hope of China lies in Yan'an!"
Strong mass mobilization capability is a unique advantage of the Party and an important reason for the victory of the Chinese revolution. Facing national peril, the Party grasped the general trend of the times with firm determination, successfully organized and mobilized the masses, and transformed the severe crisis of national subjugation and racial extinction into a great opportunity for national rejuvenation. It lived up to its historical status as the pillar [11] of the entire nation's united resistance.
(The author is a researcher at the School of Marxism, Zhejiang University, and the National Collaborative Research Center for Revolutionary Relics of Zhejiang University–Nanhu Revolutionary Memorial Hall) Source: Chinese Social Sciences Today / Chinese Social Sciences Net, July 3, 2025. Web Editor: Tongxin.