Wu Minchao: Economic Construction in Anti-Japanese Democratic Base Areas and Its Historical Enlightenment
The Chinese People's War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression was the longest-lasting national liberation struggle with the largest scale and the greatest sacrifices made by the Chinese people against foreign invasion in modern history. During the War of Resistance, the vast majority of the anti-Japanese democratic base areas led by the Communist Party of China (CPC) were located behind enemy lines. Facing frantic offensives from Japanese and puppet forces, economic blockades by Kuomintang (KMT) diehards [1], and relatively barren natural conditions, construction and development were extremely difficult. The urgent problems facing Chinese Communists were twofold: on one hand, anti-Japanese armed forces required a continuous supply of materiel to sustain a protracted war; on the other hand, the people in the anti-Japanese democratic base areas suffered from the ravages of war and economic desolation, desperately needing to restore production and improve their livelihoods. Therefore, economic construction in these base areas shouldered a dual mission: to provide solid material guarantees for the large-scale anti-Japanese army and to make every effort to alleviate the hardships of the masses. Only by achieving a coordinated balance between the needs of the resistance and the improvement of people's livelihoods could the centripetal force of a nationwide resistance be consolidated, building a firm foundation for ultimate victory.
Persisting in Simultaneous Combat and Production
During the War of Resistance, the primary task of the Chinese nation was to resist Japanese aggression and seize victory. The army was the backbone of the resistance; without an army, there could be no resistance, and without an army, one could not open up or defend base areas. The overall situation of "the enemy is strong and we are weak" determined that this would be an arduous and protracted war. As the war dragged on, the burden on the people grew heavier, making it increasingly difficult to sustain a long-term struggle. Phenomena such as supply shortages and runaway inflation appeared in the anti-Japanese democratic base areas, leading to growing financial and economic difficulties. Under these circumstances, the CPC proposed "using our own hands to ensure ample food and clothing" [2]. The military and civilians in the base areas launched the Great Production Movement, developing agriculture, industry, and commerce with the goal of self-sufficiency.
In fact, the initiation of this movement underwent long-term deliberation and preparation, involving a process of gradual depth and the continuous synthesis of experience. This was one of the reasons it could be carried out on a large scale and sustained after 1941. Shortly after the start of the full-scale National War of Resistance, due to a lack of funds, some garrison troops engaged in production such as growing vegetables, raising pigs, and making shoes to improve the lives of soldiers. However, these production activities were small in scale and not widely implemented. In January 1939, the Fifth Plenary Session of the Fifth Central Committee of the KMT established the policy of "assimilating the Communists, preventing the Communists, restricting the Communists, and opposing the Communists," posing a challenge to KMT-CPC cooperation. This coincided with the founding of the Journal of Eighth Route Army Military and Political Affairs. In the inaugural message, Comrade Mao Zedong, with keen insight, focused on the issue of "the army itself personally participating in production," arguing that doing so could both improve military life and invigorate the spirit of the army, thereby enhancing combat effectiveness. At that time, this understanding was not yet universal; subsequent history proved its farsightedness. In February 1939, the CPC Central Committee held a production mobilization meeting. Comrade Mao Zedong proposed the slogan "self-reliance" [3]. Comrade Li Fuchun delivered a report titled "Step Up Production to Persevere in the War of Resistance," calling for the organization of the masses to improve production. In February 1940, the "Directive of the CPC Central Committee and the Central Military Commission on Launching a Production Movement" pointed out that the struggle had entered an even more arduous stage, and the resolution of financial and economic problems must be elevated to a political level. The Central Committee issued corresponding requirements for troops in relatively consolidated areas, unconsolidated areas, and even for troops whose "movements were uncertain." It can be seen that the final implementation of a policy undergoes a long period of incubation before maturing. This is also a vivid manifestation of the ideological line of "emancipating the mind" and "seeking truth from facts" within the Yan’an Spirit [4].
In the spring of 1941, the 359th Brigade of the Eighth Route Army arrived at Naniwan [5] to reclaim wasteland, and the Great Production Movement was launched on a massive scale. In 1941 and 1942, the army, government organs, and schools in the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region solved most of their daily needs through their own labor. Comrade Mao Zedong spoke highly of this: "This is a miracle never before seen in Chinese history; this is the unconquerable material foundation we have built." By 1943, in the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region army, "each soldier cultivated an average of eighteen mu [6] of land; the vegetables, meat, and oil they ate; the cotton clothes, sweaters, shoes, and socks they wore; the cave dwellings and houses they lived in; the large and small auditoriums for meetings; the daily-use tables, chairs, paper, and ink; the firewood, charcoal, and coal they burned—nearly everything could be made or provided by themselves." Comrade Mao Zedong pointed out: "By using the method of 'doing it ourselves,' we achieved the goal of 'ample food and clothing.' Each soldier only needs to spend three months of the year engaged in production, and the remaining nine months can be spent on training and combat. Our army requires no pay from the KMT government, nor from the Border Region government, nor from the common people; it is entirely self-supplied." Under the cruel aggression of Japan and the strict blockade of the KMT, the army led by the CPC relied on its own efforts to achieve self-sufficiency and "ample food and clothing" in a region as naturally and economically backward as Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia. This was both an unprecedented miracle and an extraordinary achievement.
The Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region was essentially in the rear, where military pressure was relatively low, providing the objective conditions for the army to carry out production. Can frontline troops, then, engage in both combat and production in a war environment? The answer is yes. The Great Production Movement gradually developed into a universal movement in all base areas across the country. Most troops in the Shanxi-Suiyuan, Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei, and Shanxi-Hebei-Shandong-Henan base areas achieved self-sufficiency in grain for one and a half to three months, and basic self-sufficiency in vegetables. The troops in the Shandong and Central China base areas also secured basic supplies through their own labor and even accumulated further reserves. In early 1945, Comrade Mao Zedong published "Production is Also Possible in Guerrilla Zones," affirming the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei base area's achievement in combining labor power with military force and giving equal weight to combat and production tasks. He pointed out: "When spring plowing begins, send specialized units to strike the enemy and conduct a powerful political offensive. Because of this, military actions also became more active and troop combat effectiveness improved." Some units stipulated that during the busy farming season, they would use 50% of their strength to help the masses with production free of charge. The support of the masses in guerrilla zones for the Communist Party and the Eighth Route Army subsequently increased by another step.
By engaging in production while fighting, the army not only effectively solved its own issues of survival and development but also significantly reduced the burden on the common people. Chinese Communists applied systems thinking to coordinate the overall situation, placing economic issues on the same level of importance as military and political issues, and mobilizing the army to engage in production from the perspective of the overall war of resistance. The entrepreneurial spirit of self-reliance and hard struggle formed during the production movement has become part of the very lifeblood of Chinese Communists.
Placing the Interests of the People First
During the War of Resistance, the CPC always placed the interests of the people first, deeply understanding the need to commit itself to improving people's lives and promoting the rural economy. Under the guidance of correct policies, the Party gave full play to the active role of Party members and leading cadres to truly "organize the people" and help them develop agriculture, industry, commerce, and handicrafts.
First, the reclamation of wasteland. The Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region increased the amount of reclaimed wasteland every year after 1939, and by 1943, this had developed into a universal movement. The original plan was to reclaim 390,000 mu, but the actual reclamation reached as high as 970,000 mu, demonstrating the immense labor enthusiasm of the masses. Primary-level cadres made wasteland reclamation their main task, leading by example at the front lines and playing a demonstration role. Various localities also selected and rewarded "Labor Heroes" of reclamation to inspire the enthusiasm of the broad masses. The reclamation movement led to a massive expansion of cultivated land and a leap in agricultural output, laying the foundation for food security and economic development in the border region.
Second, the construction of water conservancy works. Water conservancy projects required a large investment of labor, which was difficult to complete by the strength of a single village or household alone, making organization extremely difficult. To prevent water disasters and guarantee agricultural production, the Central Anhui Anti-Japanese Democratic Base Area decided to build a dam. Lu Huisheng, director of the Central Anhui Administrative Office, organized 210,000 migrant workers to build the Huangsitan New Dike along the Yangtze River, screening more than 3 million mu of farmland in counties such as Wuwei, Chao, and Hanshan, and protecting the lives and property of over 1 million people. To thank Lu Huisheng and other cadres for their achievements, the local people named the new dike the "Huisheng Dike."
Third, the organization of cooperatives. During the War of Resistance, an important form of organizing the masses in the economic sphere by the CPC was the cooperative. For thousands of years, the Chinese countryside was an individual economy—dispersed, small-scale, and low in production efficiency. Cooperatives were mutual aid organizations built upon the individual private economy. Cooperatives organized the strength of the masses to promote production, consumption, and transportation, thereby improving efficiency. Comrade Mao Zedong believed this was the necessary path to move from poverty to prosperity and a necessary path to victory in the War of Resistance.
In the process of production, various difficulties were inevitably encountered. For example, Northern Shaanxi is located on the Loess Plateau, where soil erosion is severe. After a single rainstorm, laboriously reclaimed fields and crops could be ruined in an instant. But sometimes, difficulties instead stimulated labor enthusiasm, bursting forth with a "seize the day, seize the hour" [7] fighting spirit and a heroic temperament of "daring to compete with Heaven" [8]. Outstanding literary and artistic works best reflect the style and spirit of the era. The yangko [9] play Brother and Sister Reclaiming Wasteland, created by teachers and students of the Lu Xun Academy of Arts, reflected the bustling labor scenes and the new image of the peasantry in the Great Production Movement. Many other works recorded the feat of "both fighting and producing," revealing the truth that "production is for winning the war," becoming a paradigm for the combination of revolutionary art and mass movements.
Comrade Mao Zedong required Party and government staff to devote 90% of their energy to helping farmers increase production and 10% to obtaining taxes from them. This is a vivid portrayal of "not just taking things from the people, but more importantly, giving things to the people." Mao Zedong's inscription—"mass production, mass interests, mass sentiment, and mass experience"—truly reflects the mass line of the Chinese Communists: production must be developed into a bustling mass movement, the enthusiasm of the masses must be raised, the voices of the masses must be listened to diligently, and the production experience of the masses must be synthesized skillfully. During the Great Production Movement, the people's standard of living improved, giving them more capability and motivation to support the political power of the anti-Japanese democratic base areas and the struggle against Japan, creating a situation where the military and the people fought together to the end.
Military and Civilians United as One to Consolidate Strength
The War of Resistance was a struggle that integrated politics, economics, and military affairs. The CPC thoroughly mobilized, united, organized, and armed the masses of the people to carry out this great struggle. The army and base area governments led by the CPC were connected like flesh and blood with the broad masses, supporting one another. Whether it was the army's self-reliance to reduce the burden on the people or the Party and government organs leading the people in production movements, these actions in fact strengthened the bonds and sentiments among the Party, the government, the army, and the people. In 1943, Comrade Mao Zedong proposed holding a large-scale mass movement for "Supporting the Government and Cherishing the People" and "Supporting the Army and Giving Preferential Treatment to the Families of Soldiers." On the military side, the "Covenant of Supporting the Government and Cherishing the People" was re-announced; on the side of the masses, the "Covenant of Supporting the Army" was re-announced. This was conducive to strengthening the great unity between the military and the people and deepening the relations among the Party, the government, the military, and the people.
In the process of the struggle and the construction of the base areas, the CPC continuously mobilized and organized the masses through mass organizations such as the Peasant Association for National Salvation, the Women’s Association for National Salvation, and the Youth Association for National Salvation. Primary-level politics advanced, "lumpen" elements were transformed, customs were changed, and the face of the countryside was renewed. The people sincerely upheld and supported the CPC and the anti-Japanese democratic base areas, working hard in production, enthusiastically handing over public grain, and sending their children to the army. This formed a "fish-and-water" sentiment [10] between the military and the people, characterized by the saying: "The last bowl of rice is sent for army rations; the last piece of cloth is sent for army uniforms; the last dear child is sent to the battlefield." Strong support from the masses became an important driving force for the base areas to persist in the war.
During the War of Resistance, the KMT used the war to make a fortune from the national calamity, and corruption was rampant. The CPC struggled hard, engaging in production in addition to combat and work. The KMT possessed vast areas with rich grain production, but most of the grain was pocketed by those handling it, leaving the soldiers sallow and emaciated. The CPC's base areas were in rear areas and barren regions like Northern Shaanxi, yet they were able to solve the grain problem by their own hands. This further expanded the CPC's political influence throughout the country and won the hearts of the people. After visiting Yan’an, the patriotic overseas Chinese Chen Jiageng [Tan Kah Kee] sighed with heartfelt emotion: "The hope of China lies in Yan’an." The CPC not only actively resisted Japan but also advanced the building of the Party, the government, and the army in an integrated manner, sustaining the hope of the Chinese nation for national salvation and survival, and becoming the mainstay of the whole nation's resistance.
In the flames of the War of Resistance and to the bugle call of the Great Production Movement, the broad ranks of Party members and cadres further clarified that the purpose of revolution is construction, and that overthrowing Japanese imperialism was for the liberation and development of China. The Party trained a group of responsible cadres with reliable political standing and good Party spirit to participate in trade, finance, and fiscal affairs. They accumulated rich experience and grew into specialized personnel. This laid the foundation for the subsequent shift of the CPC's focus of work from the countryside to the cities and toward production and construction [11].
Economic construction during the War of Resistance tested not only the Party's ability to lead the people in the struggle against Japan but also the ability of the base area governments to conduct economic construction and mass work. History proves that only by thoroughly emancipating the mind and seeking truth from facts can the army fight and produce simultaneously, allowing the military strength of the resistance to continuously develop; only by relying closely on the masses and making every effort to develop the economy and improve people's livelihoods can the base areas be consolidated to provide a firm support for a protracted war; only when the broad ranks of Party members and cadres always share weal and woe with the masses and carry forward the fine style of hard struggle and self-reliance can the masses be truly and thoroughly mobilized and organized, and the fate of national independence and liberation be held firmly in their own hands. These historical experiences are not only precious assets from the CPC's century-long history of struggle but also provide profound historical lessons and inspirations for contemporary China to promote the building of a strong country and national rejuvenation in a complex domestic and international environment. Only by taking innovation as the driving force, people's livelihoods as the foundation, and unity as the bond—acting independently and with initiative—can we open new horizons amidst changes and achieve the unification of national prosperity and the happiness of the people.
(The author is a researcher at the CASS Research Center for Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era and Director of the Department of the History of the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression at the Institute of Modern History.)
Source: Economic Daily, August 12, 2025, Page 10. Web Editor: Tongxin