Xu Chengfang: A Study on the Laws of Ideological Construction Under the Condition of the CPC's Long-term Governance
Adhering to starting from reality in all things, liberating the mind, seeking truth from facts, as well as researching and revealing laws and acting in accordance with them, constitutes the philosophical foundation upon which the Communist Party of China (CPC) advances theoretical and practical innovation. Ideology work is an extremely important task for the CPC; it is the work of establishing a "heart" for the state and a "soul" for the nation. It concerns the banner, the path, and the direction; it concerns the future and destiny of the Chinese nation; and it concerns the happiness and well-being of all the people. Naturally, it must be conducted according to objective laws. As the world's largest Marxist governing party, the CPC has led the Chinese people in creating great miracles that have attracted worldwide attention. Why the CPC has been able to successfully resist "peaceful evolution" [1] in the face of major ideological challenges, upholding the fundamentals and breaking new ground to open new horizons, and creating a new form of human civilization [2], has aroused great investigative passion among people both in China and abroad. Researching the laws of ideological construction under the conditions of the CPC’s long-term governance is of great significance for comprehensively building a great modern socialist country, achieving the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, building a modern Chinese civilization, and constructing a community with a shared future for humanity.
I. The Historical Inevitability and Historical Conditionality of the CPC’s Long-Term Governance
That the CPC is governing over the long term is no longer a mere vision, but a powerful fact and a great historical trend. Correctly understanding "the CPC’s long-term governance" possesses direct practical significance and important theoretical value.
1. The historical inevitability of "the CPC's long-term governance"
The founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949 announced that the CPC had become a Marxist governing party, and Chinese history thereafter opened a New Era. Entering the 21st century, we have realized more clearly that "having traversed revolution, construction, and reform, our Party has transformed from a party that led the people in the struggle to seize national power into a party that leads the people in exercising national power and governing over the long term; it has transformed from a party that led national construction under conditions of external blockade and a planned economy into a party that leads national construction under conditions of opening up and a socialist market economy." The historical inevitability of the CPC's long-term governance possesses two major bases: theory and fact.
First, the theoretical basis is the Marxist theory of the "Two Inevitabilities" [3]. That capitalism must perish and socialism must triumph is not voluntarism or utopia, but a law of development of human society. The contradiction between the productive forces and the relations of production, and between the economic base and the superstructure, drives human society to develop from lower to higher stages. The replacement of social forms possesses historical inevitability; through a long process of development, socialist society will inevitably replace capitalist society. Therefore, viewed from a long-cycle "Big History" perspective, the long-term governance of a Communist Party is a necessary stage in the development of human society from lower to higher levels. Just as it was a historical inevitability for the bourgeoisie to replace the landlord and feudal aristocratic classes to win long-term governing power, it is also a historical inevitability for the proletariat to replace the bourgeoisie to win long-term governing power. In China, the long-term governance of the CPC is a necessary stage in the development of Chinese society from lower to higher levels. The rise and fall of the governing status of the Communist Party of China versus the Kuomintang [4] has already verified the Marxist theory of the "Two Inevitabilities" on Chinese soil.
Second, the factual basis is the reality that the CPC has governed China for a long time and will continue to do so. The Chinese nation, with its 5,000-year history of civilization, fell into the tragic state of "the country being humiliated, the people suffering, and civilization being covered in dust" in modern times. From that point on, the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation became the greatest dream of the Chinese people and the Chinese nation. To save the nation, "various plans for national salvation were introduced one after another, but all ended in failure. China urgently needed new ideas to lead the national salvation movement and new organizations to coalesce revolutionary forces." Amidst this general trend, the CPC emerged as the times required. Through over 100 years of struggle since its birth, the CPC has created great achievements in the New Democratic Revolution [5], in socialist revolution and construction, in reform, opening up, and socialist modernization, and in the New Era of socialism with Chinese characteristics. It has determined the correct long-term development direction and evolutionary logic for China's future. To achieve the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, one must persist in the CPC's governance; there is no other way.
2. The historical necessity and historical conditionality of "the CPC’s long-term governance"
Whether the CPC can govern over the long term concerns not only the Party’s own fate, but more importantly, the success or failure of the great historical cause of the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation led by the Party. Mao Zedong answered the question of the historical necessity of the CPC's long-term governance from a "Big History" perspective. He noted: "The twenty-eight years of our Party are a long period, during which we have done only one thing—we have won basic victory in the revolutionary war. This is worth celebrating, because it is the victory of the people, because it is a victory in a country as large as China. But our work is far from finished; like walking, the work of the past is only the first step in a long march of ten thousand li [6]. Remnant enemies still remain to be wiped out. Serious tasks of economic construction lie before us. Some things we are familiar with will soon be laid aside, and things we are unfamiliar with are being forced upon us. This is the difficulty. The imperialists reckon that we will not be able to manage the economy; they stand by and wait for our failure." These observations still hold major practical significance today. After socialism with Chinese characteristics entered the New Era, the building of a great modern socialist country and the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation require the Party's leadership. In 21st-century China, if the historical process of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation is not to be delayed or interrupted, the governing status of the CPC must be maintained. The startling events of the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe [7] demonstrate that "having possessed it once does not mean possessing it forever," and "having been advanced once does not mean being advanced forever." A Communist Party’s governance is not always smooth sailing or unconditional; in a changing and uncertain world, it may encounter "headwinds" and historical regressions due to internal crises and external threats, and may even make "subversive errors." To transform the historical inevitability of long-term governance into a long-term reality, the CPC must persistently adhere to whole-process people's democracy and persist in leading social revolution through self-revolution. It must possess the sufficient and necessary conditions to consolidate long-term governance in both "social existence" and "social consciousness"—namely, building a great modern socialist country that is prosperous, strong, democratic, culturally advanced, harmonious, and beautiful, and constructing a socialist ideology with powerful cohesive and leadership forces.
II. The System of Laws for Ideological Construction under the Conditions of the CPC’s Long-Term Governance
Since the founding of the People's Republic of China, the CPC’s ideological construction has traversed the historical processes of socialist revolution and construction, the new period of reform, opening up, and socialist modernization, and the New Era of socialism with Chinese characteristics. It has involved arduous efforts and achieved great political, theoretical, cultural, and social accomplishments. As the practice of ideological construction under the conditions of long-term governance has fully unfolded, the "laws" governing it have become increasingly clear. This article exploratorily summarizes them as a general system of intertwined and synergistic laws composed of three sub-systems: "laws of institutional attributes" (fundamental laws), "laws of structural function" (basic laws), and "laws of methods and means" (important laws), aiming to contribute to the deepening of our understanding of these laws.
1. Laws governing the institutional attributes of ideological construction under the conditions of the CPC’s long-term governance
The laws regarding institutional attributes are the fundamental laws, occupying the highest status and level. Their mechanism of action lies in determining the nature of the Party and the state, as well as the nature and direction of socialist ideological construction. They command the entire system of laws and play a decisive role, penetrating all fields, subjects, elements, systems, levels, and processes of socialist ideological construction. They are the core, the axis, the general program, the root, and the lifeblood of the general system of laws. As long as no problems occur with these fundamental laws and no "subversive errors" are made, the nature of the Party, the state, the people's political power, and the people's army will not be changed, and the governing status of the CPC will not be disintegrated—even if serious setbacks like the "Cultural Revolution" occur or severe challenges like "peaceful evolution" are encountered. Furthermore, the Party will remain capable of self-correcting its mistakes, escaping difficult predicaments, and re-opening new realms of socialist development. This law encompasses four complementary core elements—or "sub-laws."
First, adhering to the guiding position of Marxism in the ideological field. Firmness in theory is the most fundamental firmness, and initiative in thought is the most fundamental initiative. Adhering to the guiding position of Marxism in the ideological realm is the primary "unitary guidance law" within the fundamental laws. Primarily, this is determined by the relationship between Marxism and the CPC. Marxism was an extremely important spiritual condition for the birth of the CPC, possessing priority and causality; without Marxism, there would be no CPC, no New China, and no socialism with Chinese characteristics. If we depart from Marxism, the Party and the state will change in nature, and China's socialist system will cease to exist. Secondly, this is determined by the theoretical qualities of Marxism. The organic unity of its scientific nature, people-centered nature, practical nature, and openness constitutes the distinctive theoretical quality of Marxism, allowing it to firmly occupy the high ground of science, history, and morality, and granting it an irreplaceable priority and inevitability in its guiding position. Finally, this is the logic of success and failure repeatedly proven by practice. Marxism is the fundamental guiding ideology for the establishment and prosperity of our Party and country; it is the spiritual genome of the CPC and the PRC. In 1954, Mao Zedong concluded: "The theoretical basis guiding our thinking is Marxism-Leninism." More than half a century later, after great achievements in building a modern socialist country, Xi Jinping again concluded at the 20th National Congress of the CPC: "Practice tells us that the reason why the CPC is capable and why socialism with Chinese characteristics is good is, in the final analysis, because Marxism works, and especially because Marxism that has been Sinicized and modernized works. Possessing the guidance of scientific Marxist theory is the fundamental basis for our Party to solidify its faith and belief and grasp historical initiative." Experience from abroad also proves this point. When the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) adhered to Marxism, even if it made various mistakes, it remained a Marxist party, and the geopolitical entity of the Soviet Union remained socialist in nature. However, when it abandoned Marxism ideologically and departed from socialism, the dissolution of the Soviet Union became inevitable. Therefore, as long as one adheres to and defends Marxism, even if "Leftist" or Rightist errors are committed, there remains an opportunity to return to the correct path, because the "foundation" of the guiding ideology has not been shaken.
Second, we must persist in advancing the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism, ensuring that the guiding ideology advances with the times to exert its leading role. Sinicized and modernized Marxism serves as the theoretical intermediary through which Marxism guides China’s forward progress. In the context of the Communist Party of China’s (CPC) long-term governance, it is far from enough for ideological construction to merely emphasize adherence to Marxism; great effort must also be expended on the "combination," [8] allowing the guiding ideology to play its leading role by advancing with the times. First, Marxism must be Sinicized. If Marxism is not Sinicized, it remains an intellectual system external to China. During the early period of the CPC’s leadership of the Chinese revolution, two serious "Rightist" errors occurred, interspersed with three consecutive "Leftist" [9] errors. The root cause was the failure to combine the basic tenets of Marxism with China’s concrete realities and the failure to localize Marxism. The lessons of both "Left" and Right allowed the whole Party to accumulate experience from both positive and negative sides. The Party gradually matured theoretically, established Mao Zedong Thought, and defined it as the CPC's guide to action at the Seventh National Congress. After the founding of the People's Republic of China, Mao Zedong Thought continued to be enriched and developed, guiding China’s socialist revolution and construction to great achievements. However, during the "Cultural Revolution," Mao Zedong Thought was dogmatized and sanctified, giving rise to the "Peak Theory." [10] After the conclusion of the "Cultural Revolution," the erroneous policy of the "Two Whatevers" [11] appeared. "The essence of the 'Two Whatevers' was to treat thought as the basis and standard for practice—that is: any behavior conforming to a certain thought was unquestionable and immutable, while any behavior not conforming was heterodox and must be rejected. This completely inverted the true relationship between theory and practice, thoroughly deviated from the materialist foundation of seeking truth from facts, and fundamentally eviscerated the worldview of Marxist philosophy. Breaking through the ideological shackles of the 'Two Whatevers' and re-establishing the practical standard for testing truth was the historical task of the great practice of socialism with Chinese characteristics under the banner of emancipating the mind; it was also the historical task of contemporary Chinese Marxist philosophy in advancing the emancipation of the mind across the whole of society." Consequently, Deng Xiaoping pointed out: "If a party, a state, or a nation proceeds from books in everything, with rigid thinking and widespread superstition, it cannot advance; its vitality will cease, and the Party and the state will perish."
Second, Sinicized Marxism must advance with the times and be modernized. Having established Mao Zedong Thought, did the CPC still need to advance the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism, conduct theoretical innovation in its guiding ideology, and endow it with new theoretical content? This was once a major theoretical and political conundrum that troubled the CPC. If such a puzzle were not solved, the artificially formed ideological shackles and blindness could not be broken, and the guiding ideology could not exert its proper steering role. Thus, "The Party led a comprehensive effort to bring order out of chaos [12] in the ideological, political, and organizational spheres, conducting large-scale redress of wrongful convictions and adjusting social relations. The Party formulated the Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party since the Founding of the People’s Republic of China, marking the victorious completion of bringing order out of chaos in the Party’s guiding ideology." The significance of bringing order out of chaos in the guiding ideology was profound, but it only re-established the ideological foundation for continued progress; it was still far from being the theoretical innovation of the guiding ideology itself. "The Party deeply realized that to open a new phase for reform, opening up, and socialist modernization, it must lead the development of the cause through theoretical innovation." Because of this theoretical self-awareness, from the Third Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee to the 17th National Congress, theoretical innovation in the guiding ideology was continuously advanced. Advancing with the times, the Party established Deng Xiaoping Theory and formed the "Three Represents" [13] and the Scientific Outlook on Development, [14] ultimately forming the theoretical system of socialism with Chinese characteristics and achieving a new leap in the Sinicization of Marxism. Thereafter, a certain habit of thinking appeared in intellectual circles, suggesting that since so many ideological systems had already been formed and the description of the Party’s guiding ideology was becoming increasingly long, was there still room for the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism to develop? In fact, practice knows no bounds, and the innovation of thought and theory must necessarily know no bounds; it is not only necessary but possible to advance the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism. Since the 18th National Congress, socialism with Chinese characteristics has entered a New Era. The Chinese Communists, with Comrade Xi Jinping as their chief representative, have persisted in combining the basic tenets of Marxism with China’s concrete realities and with China’s fine traditional culture. They have upheld Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory, the "Three Represents," and the Scientific Outlook on Development, deeply summarized and fully utilized the historical experience since the Party's founding, and proceeded from new realities to establish Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. This thought provides profound answers to major questions of the times, such as: what kind of socialism with Chinese characteristics should be upheld and developed in the New Era, and how to uphold and develop it; what kind of great modern socialist power should be built, and how to build it; and what kind of long-term governing Marxist party should be built, and how to build it. It has achieved a new leap in the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism and realized another instance of the guiding ideology advancing with the times. This is a major theoretical and political achievement attained by the CPC by following the laws of ideological construction under the conditions of long-term governance.
Third, we must persist in the CPC’s leadership over ideological construction. Establishing the CPC’s status as the core of leadership is the fundamental political logic. Persisting in the CPC’s leadership over ideological construction is the inevitable choice for upholding the national leadership structure and the fundamental leadership system. First, the theoretical roots originate from the basic tenets of Marxism. Communists possess a dual advantage: "In practice, Communists are the most resolute, always-driving section of the working-class parties of every country; in theory, they have over the great mass of the proletariat the advantage of clearly understanding the line of march, the conditions, and the ultimate general results of the proletarian movement." Therefore, Communists can not only grasp leadership in practice but also leadership in theory and culture. However, the Communist Party has encountered serious challenges within the international communist movement. "The concept of the Communist Party, opposed and slandered by all opportunists, was instinctively picked up by the best revolutionary workers as their own, yet it was often regarded as a purely technical matter rather than one of the most important spiritual problems of the revolution." Indeed, the existence and development of the Party is not merely a technical issue, but more importantly, a spiritual one. In a certain sense, while the consciousness of individual members of the proletariat can be self-generated, the class consciousness of the proletariat is a "generated" consciousness or system of consciousness. The Communist Party plays a decisive leading role in the generation process of this consciousness or system of consciousness. Therefore, without persisting in the Party’s leadership over ideological construction, proletarian class consciousness cannot be generated, nor can a correct Chinese national consciousness and Chinese spirit be generated. Second, the practical characteristics derive from the unique genes and significant advantages of the CPC. The CPC was not only born at a moment of national peril but also at the time of Chinese cultural reconstruction; grasping cultural leadership is an innate gene and quality of the CPC. From the beginning, the CPC was a political organization composed of cultural and political elites, representing the forefront and forward direction of China's New Culture Movement. [15] "We want not only to change a China that is politically oppressed and economically exploited into a China that is politically free and economically prosperous, but also to change a China which is mired in ignorance and backwardness under the rule of the old culture into a China that is civilized and progressive under the rule of a new culture. In a word, we want to build a New China. To build a new culture for the Chinese nation—this is our aim in the cultural field." After the founding of the People’s Republic, our Party attached great importance to cultural work: "With the arrival of the upsurge in economic construction, an upsurge in cultural construction will inevitably emerge. The era in which the Chinese were regarded as uncivilized has passed; we shall emerge in the world as a nation with a high level of culture." The reason the CPC has been able to grasp ideological leadership for so long is not out of correct revolutionary instinct, but because it has studied the fundamental sources of human liberation with profound theoretical vigor and possesses clear and scientific theoretical insights. Finally, political correctness derives from the CPC’s core leadership position in the political life of the state. After the founding of the People’s Republic, China neither copied the one-party system of the Soviet Union nor adopted the Western two-party or bicameral systems, but instead established a new system with Chinese characteristics and outstanding advantages: the system of multi-party cooperation under the leadership of the CPC. Regarding the status of the CPC in the nation's political life, Mao Zedong gave a clear answer in 1954: "The core force leading our cause is the Communist Party of China." In practice, the Party’s core status has generally been clear and consolidated, yet "within the Party, there also existed many problems of blurred understanding and weak action regarding the persistence of Party leadership, as well as problems of the weakening, hollowing out, dilution, and marginalization of the implementation of Party leadership." The establishment of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era theoretically clarified a major understanding of the laws involved—namely, that the status of the CPC in the nation's political life and institutional structure must be correctly positioned, occupying the leading position across the Party, government, military, society, and academia, and in the North, South, East, and West: "It makes clear that the most essential feature of socialism with Chinese characteristics is the leadership of the Communist Party of China; the greatest advantage of the system of socialism with Chinese characteristics is the leadership of the Communist Party of China; the Communist Party of China is the highest force for political leadership; and the whole Party must enhance the 'Four Consciousnesses,' [16] bolster the 'Four Confidences,' [17] and achieve the 'Two Upholds.'" This is a major theoretical advancement and a profound grasp of the laws of the CPC’s governance and ideological construction.
Fourth, establishing a correct outlook on Party history consolidates the underlying logic of ideological construction. How a ruling party evaluates and writes its own history is of fundamental significance for consolidating its status as the governing power. Consolidating the underlying logic of ideological construction by establishing a correct outlook on Party history constitutes a vital element of the fundamental laws governing ideological construction under the conditions of the CPC’s long-term governance. First, a correct outlook on Party history is the cornerstone of contemporary Chinese socialist ideology. As the saying goes, "to destroy a nation, one must first remove its history." [18] By the same token, to destroy a party, one must first remove its history. Following this logic to its natural conclusion, it stands to reason that to revive a nation, one must first rectify and promote its history; to revive a party, one must first rectify and promote its history. "Safeguarding its own history is an essential qualification for the Party’s survival and development." The CPC’s pivotal position in the state architecture determines that a correct outlook on Party history serves as a political cornerstone in building a socialist ideology with strong cohesive and leadership power. The CPC is the political bond connecting all social classes and strata, all democratic parties and personages, the people of all ethnic groups, and all state organs; a correct outlook on Party history is the spiritual manifestation of this bond. The CPC is not a sectarian political organization, but the representative of China’s universal, holistic, and long-term interests. Correspondingly, one of two paths must be taken: either establish a correct outlook on Party history to consolidate the political consensus on upholding Party leadership, or allow a mistaken outlook on Party history to weaken, dilute, marginalize, and ultimately disintegrate that leadership. For over a century, the CPC’s struggle has yielded great achievements, yet some are committed to "removing its history" with the aim of purging the "most essential feature," the "greatest advantage," and the "highest force for political leadership" from our country’s state system and system of government, thereby hollowing out the political foundations of New China.
Second, building a long-term governing Marxist party requires a clear-cut opposition to historical nihilism. "Those who engage in historical nihilism often use the guises of 'academic research,' 'reflecting on history,' or 'restoring the truth' to subvert established fundamental historical conclusions, which is highly deceptive and confusing. In essence... they seek to negate the Chinese Revolution, the CPC, socialism with Chinese characteristics, and Marxism." Xi Jinping has pointed out: "Currently, we must remain vigilant against several erroneous tendencies: some exaggerate the errors and setbacks in the Party's history to wantonly smear and distort it and attack the Party's leadership; some deliberately link historical events of the Party with contemporary issues for malicious hype; some ignore official history in favor of sensationalist unofficial accounts, vulgarizing and entertaining Party history, obsessing over gossip and anecdotes, and relishing illegal overseas publications, and so on." Arnold Toynbee once noted that "The schism in the soul of mankind is the basis of any social schism." He further argued that "No world-state, neither the Roman Empire nor any other, could have been established or maintained if an impulse toward political unity had not influenced the tide of human affairs." The purpose of historical nihilism regarding the outlook on Party history is to create a "schism in the soul" among members of Chinese society, thereby obstructing China's unification and rejuvenation. Without the CPC, there would be no great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation; as the Chinese nation enters a critical period of this rejuvenation, the need to establish a correct outlook on Party history becomes even more pressing.
Third, the history of the CPC is not a supplementary element mentioned in passing within the narrative of Chinese history, but rather the most heroic and magnificent chapter of Chinese history in modern times. The history of the CPC is not a "minor history" internal to the Party organization, but a vital component of Chinese history. It is necessary to understand and examine the history of the CPC within the history of the Chinese nation from the perspective of a "Big Historical Outlook" (大历史观). "We must neither avoid mentioning errors and setbacks because of our achievements, nor negate our achievements because of errors and setbacks encountered during exploration. Our Party has always maintained a solemn attitude of seeking truth from facts regarding its own mistakes, including those of its leaders: first, by having the courage to admit them; second, by analyzing them correctly; and third, by resolutely correcting them. In this way, errors and mistakes—alongside the Party’s successful experiences—become valuable historical teaching materials." Therefore, constructing a correct outlook on Party history is a holistic necessity for nurturing, enhancing, and consolidating the correct historical thinking, theoretical interest, and value pursuits of the Chinese nation; it is necessary for building the collective memory and spiritual home of the Chinese people.
Finally, as the CPC has become the world’s largest Marxist governing party, the writing of "CPC history" and the establishment of a correct outlook on Party history have transcended national borders to take on broader global significance. Based on various international indicators after World War II, China was an underdeveloped country. Why was China able to transform from a poor and backward developing country into the world's second-largest economy, contributing more than 30% to global economic growth? Why has it achieved rapid economic growth and long-term social stability? Why was it able to eliminate absolute poverty and build a moderately prosperous society in all respects? Why can it provide all of humanity with the new value of a community with a shared future for humanity? Why can the CPC unswervingly stand on the right side of history and become a leader in the general direction of world historical development? In short, how and why the CPC has been able to achieve this has attracted the admiring and studious gaze of many developing countries. Thus, establishing a correct outlook on Party history possesses extensive global significance.
2. The Laws of Structural Function in Ideological Construction Under the Condition of the CPC’s Long-Term Governance
The laws of structural function in ideological construction under the condition of the CPC's long-term governance operate by aggregating an ideological attribute structure—encompassing scientificity, people-centeredness, modernity, nationality, and globality. This imbues socialist ideological construction with advancement, superiority, and positive functional roles. It carries and realizes the laws of institutional attributes, supports the nature of the Party and the state, and sustains the character and direction of socialist ideological construction. This is a basic law within the overall system of general laws, forming the foundational structure and functional mechanism of the law system. It permeates all subjects, elements, systems, levels, processes, and fields of socialist ideological construction, providing a skeletal value pivot for ideological construction and serving as a link between the preceding and following parts of the entire law system.
First, adhering to the organic unity of scientificity and people-centeredness in ideological construction. "Human practice is always constrained by the yardstick of truth and the yardstick of value. The yardstick of truth in practice means that in practice people must follow the truth that correctly reflects the essence and laws of objective things. Only by acting according to the truth can success be achieved in practice. The yardstick of value in practice means that in practice people recognize and transform the world according to their own yardsticks and needs. This yardstick reflects the purposiveness of human activity." Ideological construction carried out under the condition of the CPC’s long-term governance is a unity of conformity to laws (scientificity) and conformity to purpose (people-centeredness).
First, scientificity is the rational basis for ideological construction under the condition of the CPC’s long-term governance. While ideas certainly reflect interests, desires, motives, will, and determination, they must first be scientific and correct to reflect objective laws and achieve their objectives. Divorced from scientificity, ideological construction could devolve into the prevalence of superstition, the dominance of fallacies, extreme fanaticism, and the notion that mass movements are inherently rational regardless of facts. Ideological construction under the CPC’s long-term governance is not a matter of fiction, fantasy, superstition, or fanaticism; it does not aim to fool, deceive, or oppress people, but rather to liberate, develop, and fulfill them, helping them break free as much as possible from the control of theology, idealistic philosophy, and erroneous ideas to establish scientific thinking and master scientific knowledge and theory. It is a great "scientific project for forging the soul." Therefore, one must use science to forge the soul. This is precisely why the CPC takes "seeking truth from facts" as its ideological line and why it was necessary to restore this line after the "Cultural Revolution" ended.
Second, people-centeredness is the value basis and orientation of ideological construction under the condition of the CPC’s long-term governance. The CPC is the vanguard, but it is not an elite club or a sectarian organization. The CPC does not view the masses as a chaotic mob, but as the masters of the country, the foundation of the state, and the source of power. As early as when presiding over the drafting of the first resolution on history [19], Mao Zedong pointed out: "This resolution is not only for the internal use of leading organs; it is of a whole-Party nature, related to the people of the whole country, and responsible to the whole Party and the whole nation... If it is stated in accordance with the facts and reproduces twenty-four years of history in its conceptual form, it will be beneficial to future struggles and to the Party and the people." Divorced from people-centeredness, ideological construction would change its nature, color, and flavor, and would certainly not be the ideology of a Communist Party.
Finally, realize the organic unity of scientificity and people-centeredness. "As philosophy finds its material weapons in the proletariat, so the proletariat finds its spiritual weapons in philosophy; and once the lightning of thought has struck deeply into this ingenuous soil of the people, the emancipation of the Germans into men will be completed." "The head of this emancipation is philosophy, its heart is the proletariat." Experience has repeatedly shown that the correctness of theory alone is insufficient, and neither is the sentiment for the people alone. "The ideals and convictions of Chinese Communists are built on the foundation of the scientific truth of Marxism, on the laws of human social development revealed by Marxism, and on the noble value of seeking interests for the broadest masses of the people. We are firm because what we pursue is truth. We are firm because we follow laws. We are firm because we represent the fundamental interests of the broadest masses of the people."
Second, constructing the theory of Chinese-path modernization and seizing the leading edge of global modernization theory is a developmental law of adhering to the Marxist theory of world history to break the Western monopoly on modernization discourse and lead advanced global discourse. Modernization is not the exclusive property of a few nations, states, or regions; rather, it is a historical process of human social development. All nations, states, and regions in the world will enter this process one after another in their own way, enriching the modes and forms of modernization with diverse civilizations.
First, innovation in modernization theory is the "theoretical focal point" of the ideological struggle between socialism and capitalism. Marx inaugurated the meta-theoretical narrative of modernization, which powerfully propelled the world socialist movement and socialist modernization. In the preface to the first edition of the first volume of Capital, Marx wrote: "The country that is more developed industrially only shows, to the less developed, the image of its own future." Western modernization theorists acknowledge that this brilliant thought of Marx is an important suggestion regarding the developmental paths and industrialization issues of backward countries. The entry for "Modernization" in the International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences published in the United States begins by citing this sentence from Marx as the primary basis for explaining the meaning of modernization. "However, Western scholars have rarely explored the theoretical relationship between Marxism and modernization." The reason they rarely explore it is, in fact, a deliberate avoidance aimed at occupying the discourse power and dominance over modernization theory. This is because if Western scholars were to follow the deductions of Marx's modernization theory, they would reach the conclusion that capitalist modernization will inevitably be surpassed by socialist modernization—a conclusion that the bourgeoisie and capitalist states find unacceptable.
Due to the prosperity and stability of the United States after World War II, American schools of sociology began to create Western modernization theories to counter Marxist modernization theory. "In his Societies: Evolutionary and Comparative Perspectives and The System of Modern Societies, the American sociologist Parsons proposed a new systematic viewpoint on social evolution. He argued that there is only one system for modern society, namely the Western social system led by the United States; he positioned the United States at the highest level of human social progress, touting it as the exemplar of modern social development. He believed that the process of modernization was not only 'Westernization' but essentially 'Americanization.' This social trend reflected a strong imperialist ideology and was for a long time sharply criticized by Marxist viewpoints represented by the Soviet academic community." However, along with the collapse of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, American modernization theory seemed to have won a victory over Marxist modernization theory. It further proceeded to employ Western modernization theory to overawe and conquer the globe, trumpeting "America First" and asserting that "the concept of modernization is primarily an American-style concept." They advocated that the battle against communist countries "must be fought not only with weapons, but in the spiritual world of the people living in villages and on hillsides, and by the spirit and policies of those who govern local governments. The United States and its allies must intervene directly and actively commit themselves to the 'entire creative process of modernization'."
Therefore, the proposal of the theory of Chinese-path modernization is not only a return to Marxist modernization theory but also a subsumptive [20] transcendence of Western modernization theory and an inclusive innovation in the theory of human modernization. Second, the Communist Party of China (CPC) maintains a dialectical unity between revolution and modernization. As early as the New Democratic Revolution [21] period, Mao Zedong pointed out: "In the last analysis, the impact, good or bad, great or small, of the policy and the practice of any Chinese political party upon the people depends on whether and how much it helps to develop their productive forces, and on whether it fetters or liberates those forces. The elimination of the Japanese aggressors, the implementation of land reform, the liberation of the peasantry, the development of modern industry, and the establishment of an independent, free, democratic, unified, and prosperous New China—only all these can liberate the social productive forces of China; this is what the Chinese people welcome." "After the political conditions of New Democracy are obtained, the Chinese people and their government must take practical steps to gradually establish heavy and light industries over a number of years, transforming China from an agricultural country into an industrial country."
After the founding of New China, the "General Line for the Transition Period" consisting of "One Industrialization and Three Transformations" [22] was implemented starting in 1953, simultaneously launching the socialist revolution and the process of large-scale industrialization. In 1954, the first session of the National People's Congress issued a great call: "To build our country, which is currently economically and culturally backward, into a great industrialized country with a high degree of modern culture." In the same year, Zhou Enlai proposed building China into "a powerful socialist modernized industrial country." In 1957, Mao Zedong further clarified: "To build our country into a socialist country with modern industry, modern agriculture, and modern science and culture." In 1963, Zhou Enlai emphasized again: we must realize the modernization of agriculture, industry, national defense, and science and technology. On March 30, 1979, at a theoretical work conference, Deng Xiaoping delivered the important speech "Uphold the Four Cardinal Principles," clearly stating: "Socialist modernization is our greatest current politics because it represents the greatest and most fundamental interests of the people." "Whether we can realize the Four Modernizations decides the destiny of our country and our nation. Under China's realistic conditions, doing a good job of the four socialist modernizations is to uphold Marxism and to hold high the great banner of Mao Zedong Thought."
Finally, the theory of Chinese-path modernization elevates the theory of human modernization to a brand-new level. The report to the 20th National Congress of the CPC systematically expounded the theory of Chinese-path modernization from a broad perspective comparing China and the world. It systematically described the connections and differences between Chinese-path modernization and the modernization of other countries, comprehensively summarized the essence and characteristics of Chinese-path modernization, and profoundly revealed its scientific connotations and essential requirements. First, it defines Chinese-path modernization within the grand coordinate system of human modernization: "Chinese-path modernization is socialist modernization led by the Communist Party of China. It contains features that are common to the modernization processes of all countries, but it is more characterized by features that are unique to the Chinese context." This indicates that Chinese-path modernization is a mode within the human modernization process; it is neither a carbon copy of Western modernization, nor a modernization that simply negates Western modernization, and even less a modernization that excludes the modernization modes of other countries. Rather, it is a modernization characterized by the organic unity of commonality and individuality.
Second, it clarifies the essential requirements of Chinese-path modernization in contrast with Western modernization: "Upholding the leadership of the Communist Party of China, adhering to socialism with Chinese characteristics, achieving high-quality development, developing whole-process people's democracy, enriching the people’s cultural-ethical world, achieving common prosperity for all, promoting harmony between humanity and nature, promoting the building of a community with a shared future for humanity, and creating a new form of human civilization." That is to say, Chinese-path modernization is a modernization that comprehensively absorbs the positive achievements of Western modernization while resolutely discarding its maladies; it is a new modernization that opens a new future and a new modernity for humanity. Therefore, with its immense truth, superiority, openness, explanatory power, and appeal, the theory of Chinese-path modernization has occupied the scientific, moral, and historical high grounds of human modernization theory. It has seized the discursive initiative for human modernization theory in the 21st century, effectively neutralizing the hegemony, narrowness, and discourse power of Western modernization theory. It has won the recognition and praise of the vast number of developing countries and people of insight in some Western countries, making a Chinese contribution to advancing the historical process of modernization for all humanity. "The innovative breakthroughs in the modernization theory of the New Era have guided our country's leap from a 'latecomer to modernization' to a 'growth pole of world modernization'."
Third, forging a sense of community for the Chinese nation [23] constructs a shared spiritual home. The proposal of the mainstream discourse of "forging a sense of community for the Chinese nation" has become the general program and main thread of ethnic work. Forging a sense of community for the Chinese nation tightly binds the "Communist Party of China" with the "Chinese nation" and closely unites the Chinese nation under the leadership of the CPC. This reflects the internal logic of "advanced nature + nationality," committing to the great unity of the Chinese nation and drawing the largest possible concentric circle in the ideological field.
First, the Communist Party of China is the vanguard of the Chinese working class, and at the same time, the vanguard of the Chinese people and the Chinese nation. CPC members are first and foremost Chinese people, people of the Chinese nation; the nationality of the CPC is innate. If the Party possess only advanced nature, it is incomplete; it must also strengthen its construction of nationality. Otherwise, it cannot fulfill the role of representing the overall interests of the Chinese nation and leading its overall progress. The CPC must take root in the fertile soil of extensive nationality to lead that nationality, using the CPC as the core to draw the largest concentric circle of the great unity of the Chinese nation.
Second, the Party must construct a correct historical narrative system, theoretical system, and discourse system for the community of the Chinese nation. The sense of community for the Chinese nation is the foundation of national unity, the root of ethnic solidarity, and the soul of spiritual strength. The "meta-narrative" of the Chinese nation is not only foundational and fundamental for the border ethnic regions to resolutely safeguard the security of state power, the system, and ideology; it also possesses universal significance for the political security of all of China and the realization of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Amidst the "changes unseen in a century" [24], we must grasp the overall strategy of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and innovate strategies for stabilizing, consolidating, developing, and prospering the border regions. On the basis of "plurality within unity," a holistic discourse of the Chinese nation must be realized. "The overlapping residency of various ethnic groups in China, their mutual absorption in culture, economic interdependence, and emotional closeness have formed a pattern of 'plurality within unity' where everyone is part of each other and no one can be separated from the others. The relationship between the Chinese nation and various ethnic groups is that of a big family and its family members, and the relationship between various ethnic groups is that of different members within one big family."
Fourth, persist in standing on the right side of history and the side of human justice. Persisting in standing on the right side of history and the side of human justice is the correct choice born of integrating "historical correctness" with "human justice"; upholding a correct view of history and justice is a vital yardstick for measuring the superiority of an ideology. First, the view of history is foundational and primordial in ideological construction. Because history itself possesses a foundational carrying capacity, the view of history is the bedrock of ideology. The Communist Party of China (CPC) adheres to the Marxist view of history—namely, historical materialism and the "Big Picture" view of history [25]. "Since the Chinese people learned Marxism-Leninism, they have moved from passivity to initiative in spirit. From that moment on, the era in modern world history that looked down on Chinese people and Chinese culture should have ended. The great, victorious Chinese People's War of Liberation and the Great People's Revolution have revived and are reviving the great culture of the Chinese people. In its spiritual aspect, this culture of the Chinese people has already surpassed that of the entire capitalist world." The development of human society from non-existence to existence, and from lower to higher stages, is extremely complex, yet the general trend and broad direction of human history are clear. Firmly believing in the enlightenment of human civilization, historical progress, and continuous upgrading is the manifestation of being historically correct. Conversely, to act against the trend is to turn back the wheels of history. Only by persisting in a correct view of history can one perceive the great vistas of humanity and grasp historical initiative. Second, national history must align with the broad path of the development of human civilization and human justice. "The standpoint of the old materialism is civil society; the standpoint of the new is human society, or social humanity." In the process of global history, some regions develop faster and others slower, but all are walking within the world-historical process of human society. Whether one possesses a grand future depends most importantly on whether the direction is correct. Every nation has its own unique history and culture; development paths and institutional models will have their own characteristics and numerous differences. The diversity of civilizations generates the necessity for exchange and mutual learning. "Justice is an important category of political value as well as a category of moral value... Justice has multiple meanings: one is behavior that conforms to the laws of historical development and the interests of the broad masses of the people; another meaning is fairness, impartiality, and equity." Peaceful development, win-win cooperation, unity and progress, democracy and freedom, independence and self-reliance, universal security, and the liberation of all humanity should become the basic principles of human justice. At every historical stage, whether internally or externally, in the ideological sphere or the spiritual world, the CPC has never chosen to succumb, abandon the truth, or yield to power because an enemy was strong; nor has it abandoned dignity, conviction, or grand ideals due to temporary difficulties. Therefore, persisting in standing on the right side of history and the side of human justice means standing on the side of the common interests of all humanity, rather than on the side of the "house rules and gang laws" formulated by a small number of Western countries, or on the side of hegemony, high-handedness, and bullying, or on the side of imperialism and power politics. Precisely because of this, the CPC has won the choice of history and the people. Practice has proven that such a choice is glorious, correct, and great.
- The Laws of Methods and Means of Ideological Construction under the Conditions of the CPC’s Long-Term Governance
The laws of methods and means of ideological construction under the conditions of the CPC’s long-term governance are vital laws. They primarily resolve the question of the mode of realization for ideological construction, carrying and realizing the laws of institutional attributes and structural functions. They are the laws that defend the nature of the Party and the state and sustain the nature, direction, structure, and function of socialist ideological construction. They permeate the entire subjects, elements, systems, levels, processes, and fields of socialist ideological construction, serving to arrange, organize, and transmit within the entire system of laws, thereby consolidating the overall system. It contains three key elements or sub-laws.
First, correctly handle the relationship between ideological work and other work. The law of correctly handling the relationship between ideological work and other work belongs to the laws of coordinating relationships, arranging layouts correctly, implementing responsibilities, and achieving goals. First, ideology is an extremely important task for the Party, but it is not the center of work [26]. Ideological work must revolve around the center and serve the overall situation. We must oppose "empty-headed politics" [27] and oppose the opposition and fragmentation of economy and politics. Ideological and political work is the lifeblood of all other work, but one must never conclude from this that only ideological and political work is important, that other work is unimportant, or that ideological and political work can disrupt other work. There was a time during the process of socialist construction when "ultra-left" errors were committed, which once seriously constrained and hindered socialist modernization, seriously lowered the Party’s prestige and cultural leadership, and seriously dissipated the attraction, cohesion, and guiding power of the mainstream ideology. Therefore, whether the relationship between ideology and the Party’s center of work can be handled correctly has become an important law constraining ideological construction under the CPC’s long-term governance. On August 19, 2013, Xi Jinping delivered an important speech at the National Conference on Propaganda and Ideological Work, clearly pointing out: "Economic construction is the Party's center of work, and ideological work is an extremely important task for the Party." "As long as the overall domestic and international situation does not undergo fundamental changes, the persistence in taking economic construction as the center cannot and should not change. This is the fundamental requirement for adhering to the Party's basic line for 100 years without wavering, and the fundamental requirement for solving all problems in contemporary China. At the same time, only when both material and spiritual civilizations are well-developed, when both national material and spiritual power are strengthened, and when the material and spiritual lives of all ethnic groups are improved, can the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics move forward smoothly." "Propaganda and ideological work must take revolving around the center and serving the overall situation as its basic duty." This is an important ideological, political, and theoretical consensus, as well as an important understanding of laws, formed after summarizing the experience of ideological construction under long-term governance. Second, ideology is a soft power, not a soft task. At the beginning of Reform and Opening-up, due to the emphasis on economic construction as the center, a situation of "one hand being hard while the other was soft" emerged—that is, grasping material civilization was solid, firm, tight, and "hard," while spiritual civilization was neglected and grasped in a manner that was not solid, firm, tight, or "hard." Western "peaceful evolution" [28] took advantage of this opening, providing a profound lesson. In response, Deng Xiaoping emphasized that we must "grasp with both hands, and both hands must be hard." Party committees and governments at all levels cannot only value GDP growth and treat ideological construction as a soft task that is optional. In the evaluation system for leading officials, one cannot only assess GDP and business indicators while ignoring ideological and political work indicators; this phenomenon must be corrected. Marx pointed out: "If viewed conceptually, the dissolution of a certain form of consciousness is enough to bring down an entire epoch." "Why did the Soviet Union disintegrate? Why did the CPSU collapse? One important reason was that the struggle in the ideological field was extremely intense." Ryzhkov [29] once described it thus: While Gorbachev and the Politburo announced the transition to glasnost, freedom of speech, and total democratization, they did not seize the initiative to scientifically, objectively, and cautiously re-examine the history of the Party and the state—which had been distorted in many respects since the Stalin era by the Short Course on the History of the CPSU(B)—but instead handed this extremely sharp and powerful information task to their potential enemies. Those people later indeed turned out to be open enemies, winning for themselves the reputation of fighters for truth and justice. The collapse of a regime often begins in the realm of ideas and ideological positions; once the ideological line of defense is breached and the ideological positions are lost, it is very difficult to hold other lines and positions. Finally, we must earnestly implement the Responsibility System for Ideological Work. Addressing the problem where ideological work is "important in speech but ignored when busy," and preventing phenomena such as "diminishing marginal effects" or "water on a beach never reaching the end" [30], we must start with institutional building. We must stress work responsibility from a political height, strengthen rigid constraints, and implement the Implementation Measures for the Responsibility System for Ideological Work of Party Committees (Party Leadership Groups). We must improve the "responsibility chain" of knowing and clarifying duties, hold high the "conducting baton" of supervision and evaluation, and use the "mace" of accountability to ensure ideology is implemented with precision and detail. By clarifying the subjects of organizational leadership, strengthening the implementation of responsibility, and enhancing institutional building, we can form a management system for the ideological responsibility system where each level grasps the next, ensuring the rules of ideological work are established and upheld, and that "iron rules" and institutions exert their full power.
Second, continuously strengthen the construction of the disciplinary, academic, and discourse systems. Continuously strengthening the construction of the disciplinary system, academic system, and discourse system is necessary to realize the theorization, standardization, and characterization of ideology as a science. First, ideological construction under the CPC’s long-term governance is a process of "disenchantment." Strengthening these three systems is a critical borrowing of and adherence to the general laws of the evolution of human ideology. As is well known, religion as an ideology has since ancient times paid great attention to systematization, striving to elevate itself into a theology, forming Buddhist theology, Islamic theology, Christian theology, etc. These explore, improve, and finalize the world of the divine, the relationship between man and God, and internal religious relations, forming self-consistent systems and texts, and compiling a large number of religious scriptures and documents. Of course, diametrically opposed to religious theology leading people toward mysticism, ideological construction under the CPC’s long-term governance does not lead people toward idealism, mysticism, the collective unconscious, or fragmented ignorance, but toward scientific truth—transforming the subjective world while transforming the objective world. Therefore, ideological construction under the CPC’s long-term governance is a process of truth-construction far superior to religious theology. Throughout this process, we must consciously construct a disciplinary, academic, and discourse system for Sinicized and modernized Marxism, and for Chinese civilization. Second, ideological construction under the CPC’s long-term governance is a process of coordinating and smoothing the relationship between the two systems of politics and academia. While ideological work is indeed a task of propaganda and thought, it cannot be viewed merely as a simple matter of publicity; it must be treated as a scientific task that reflects the times, grasps laws, and is full of creativity—otherwise, it will lack vitality. If systems of belief, politics, and political discourse are not integrated with the construction of disciplinary, academic, and discourse systems—if they are not explained, disseminated, and carried within these systems—they cannot be deepened and may even become uncultured, shallow, dry, and tedious. In ancient China, whether it was "I annotate the Six Classics" or "the Six Classics annotate me" [31], the positive significance lay in effectively inheriting the unique Chinese knowledge and civilization systems while closely attracting the shi [32] (scholar-official) class to the royal power for social service. this produced a magnificent array of Chinese civilizational classics and academic schools, which still offers significant lessons today. Finally, strengthening the disciplinary, academic, and discourse systems must be implemented in the construction of the textbook system. Textbooks possess a powerful capacity to shape ideology. The propositions of a textbook shape the propositions of a generation; the vistas of a textbook shape the vistas of a generation; and the conceptual framework of a textbook shapes the conceptual framework of a generation. From a negative perspective, during the War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression, an important means of Japan’s spiritual colonization of China was compiling colonialist textbooks to replace China’s original ones. An important means for Japan to beautify its history of aggression is also through tampering with history textbooks to distort history and historical perception. In the contemporary era, although television, radio, newspapers, and the internet all participate in shaping people's minds, spiritual worlds, and values, these media have great limitations compared to textbooks; their role cannot match them. While the content of television, radio, newspapers, and the internet is novel and timely, it is fluid, transient, non-standardized, and unstable. Textbooks are different; they are systematized and standardized texts characterized by authority, scientific rigor, normativity, and stability. They are the basic carriers of systematically layered and repeatedly used training for cognition. After the founding of the People's Republic of China, Zhou Enlai and Deng Xiaoping attached great importance to textbook construction. The Central Propaganda Department and the Ministry of Education particularly focused on the construction of university liberal arts textbooks, revising seven categories of professional liberal arts textbooks and seven categories of art college textbooks, publishing over 140 volumes across more than 70 types. During the Reform and Opening-up process, the power to compile textbooks was once decentralized, and a large number of original Western textbooks were introduced. This led to serious consequences, requiring careful and thorough screening and clearing. Based on integrating China and the West, we should comprehensively rewrite textbooks for China's independent disciplinary, academic, and discourse systems.
Third, controlling the construction of communication network platforms and battlefronts. Controlling the construction of communication network platforms and battlefronts is an important law of ideological communication technology. First, one must follow the laws of communication to shape attitudes, positions, and values through information. From the perspective of transmission, communication is delivery; from control, it is regulation; from play, it is a subjective game; from power theory, it is power; from dissemination theory, it is broadcasting; and from sharing theory, it is sharing and interaction. For the subjects of communication to perform ideological implantation, control, modification, and the shaping of attitudes in others, they must be adept at occupying layouts via traditional media and occupying traffic via new media, using short videos to capture attention. It is necessary to control the construction of communication network platforms and battlefronts to forge the fundamental base of public opinion, ensuring that audiences gain satisfaction through use and develop attitudes through that satisfaction.
Second, the "maximum variable" of the internet must be transformed into the "maximum increment" [33] of development. The internet has become an indispensable part of social life, increasingly acting as an essential auxiliary tool and infrastructure. While bringing immense informational richness and convenience to social members, it is accompanied by numerous uncertain variables. This is reflected both in the "wealth myths" and "economic drivers" created on the economic front, and in the subtle, subconscious alterations of the thoughts and social ideology of social members. On one hand, social members use the internet for learning, socializing, working, entertainment, and even confrontation and venting, which can generate online rumors and cyberviolence. On the other hand, ideological confrontation and infiltration between states are accelerating through internet media. Western countries frequently engage in online smear campaigns and instigate online public opinion against China, and even attempt "peaceful evolution" [34]. Examples include the organized cultural appropriation of Chinese culture by the "VANK" (Voluntary Agency Network of Korea) organization, the misappropriation and misleading labeling of domestic Chinese creative short videos by Southeast Asian countries on platforms like YouTube and TikTok, and the instigation of opposition by "internet armies" of regional separatist forces during domestic internet hotspots.
Specific manifestations are also continuously evolving. In the early stages, this took the form of public opinion guidance such as "Western supremacy," "the lighthouse of civilization," and "peace for beggars" [35] promoted by groups like "public intellectuals" (gongzhi), "Big Vs," and "opinion leaders." It also appeared in the unhealthy trend of "substituting Japanese for Chinese" (yiwo daihua) in the architecture and costumes of historical costume dramas caused by partial foreign investment. Currently, it is seen in the "KPOP" idol entertainment format, where misleading information is smuggled into variety shows, music, and fan interactions to distort the cultural identity of Chinese youth. This has led to the frequent appearance of concepts and verbal behaviors among primary and middle school students in "fandom circles" (fenzhuon), such as referring to mainlanders as "Jianzhuoren" (simplified Chinese users—a derogatory term for mainland Chinese) and claiming "insulting China makes you healthier." All these warn us of the urgent need to contest the discourse power of internet ideology under new conditions. We urgently need to rely on national power to respond in an organized manner to new forms of cultural erosion from other countries. We further need to subdivide the steps, division of labor, and responsible subjects for our response. In a relatively disadvantaged global network environment, we must use cohesion and organizational force to form a partially advantageous or even dominant network propaganda and response system. This will continuously disintegrate the network offenses of hostile forces—"using magic to defeat magic" and "repaying them in their own coin"—to safeguard the cultural confidence and ideological identity of the people and future generations, ensuring the internet variable becomes the greatest boost and increment for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.
Third, effectively building key platforms to fortify communication bases. Transforming the variable of the internet into an increment is inseparable from the active construction and control of communication pathways such as platforms and channels. The development of the internet has brought people into the information society; the platforms for ideological dissemination have evolved from single-form text, sound, and image platforms to more efficient integrated platforms. Further development has moved these platforms from fixed locations to being within reach anytime and anywhere, deeply embedded in life. People are addicted to the convenient life and social networking brought by smartphones. The dissemination of thought has never been so convenient, but based on the ease of transmission, the information explosion, and new platform algorithms, it has also brought a series of problems such as "information cocoons," the fracturing of public opinion, ethnic identity issues, and excessive entertainment. Commercial platforms that excessively pursue profit dominate the social information infrastructure of the New Era. These company platforms are both the promoters and carriers of public opinion hotspots, as well as the primary beneficiaries behind economic development and universal networking. In a situation where the industry is shifting from "finding increments" to "seizing stock," the infinite pursuit of profit leads to increasingly frequent blind competition and "boundary-crossing operations." On the one hand, it is necessary to establish Party organizations within large platforms to strengthen political leadership and accelerate the process of establishing relevant management laws and regulations. On the other hand, investment must be increased in the transformation of traditional platforms like CCTV and local TV stations into new media to enable them to participate more in market competition. We must strengthen the active promotion of information and traffic diversion for existing platforms propagating "New Thought" [36], improving content richness and usability. For traditional print media, the operating model must be changed; in today's increasingly aging society, we should proactively conduct precise surveys and concentrated coverage for marginal groups still detached from the network, moving toward a public welfare organizational model. By coordinating with the new media landscape, we can build an effective information transmission system that covers the entire society and compensates for the shortcomings in current mainstream ideological dissemination.
Finally, strengthening international communication to shape China’s reputation and discourse power. Along with the significant leap in China's comprehensive national strength, the communication of a positive international image based on hard power faces both opportunities and challenges. The struggle for ideological discourse power and the shaping of the national image is a long-term and systematic process. All of this is based on the growth and improvement of the nation's hard power; military strength, industrial strength, and economic vitality are the best carriers and "business cards" for discourse power, and the best accelerators for the construction of one's own communication media platforms. Developed countries use methods like "account banning," "shadow banning" (xianliu), and "regulation" to artificially interfere with positive reports about other countries. European and American countries suppress developing countries—either overtly or covertly—in their vocal capacity and channels, and arbitrarily smear and manipulate public opinion through the manufacture of rumors, attempting to achieve "peaceful evolution," create chaos, and profit therefrom. Therefore, on the one hand, China’s national image building and network communication under new conditions can appropriately change existing forms. We can explore using the cultural and entertainment industries as a vanguard, leveraging our industrial scale advantage to produce targeted, easy-to-understand films, TV dramas, and internet literature in an organized manner. By harnessing the circulation advantage of being a major nation in the trade of industrial goods, and by learning from the methods and paths of KPOP's erosion of our youth, we can conduct targeted dissemination and positive energy leadership toward the common people of other countries, starting with Asia and then moving toward Europe.
III. Acting According to the Laws and Continuously Strengthening the "Five-Body" Construction to Promote the Steady and Long-term Progress of Ideological Work in the New Era
On the new journey of the New Era, centering on the comprehensive construction of a great modern socialist country and the realization of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, ideological construction must—on the premise of grasping these laws—stand within the historical process of human peaceful development, win-win cooperation, mutual learning between civilizations, universal security, and common prosperity. It must continuously strengthen the construction of the "leadership subject" (领导主体), the "theoretical ontology" (理论本体), the "key subjects" (关键主体), the "conventional carriers" (常规载体), and the "environmental momentum" (声势环体). We must exert force steadily, enhance things positively, rise in a spiral, and persist over the long term to "continue to promote cultural prosperity, build a leading country in culture, and build the modern civilization of the Chinese nation at a new historical starting point."
Continuously strengthening the construction of the "leadership subject" of ideology in the New Era. The Communist Party of China was, is, and will remain the "leadership subject" of ideological construction. The more successful the construction of a great modern socialist country becomes, and the closer the goal of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation draws, the clearer the political consciousness and the heavier the responsibility of Party committees at all levels regarding the power of ideological and cultural leadership should be. Without the leadership of the CPC, Chinese ideology would be like a heap of loose sand; it would lose its direction and undergo qualitative change because of the lack of a correct outlook on the overall situation, direction, history, and culture, and the lack of a correct theme, main line, and backbone. Leadership subjects at all levels must never lose themselves amidst praises, nor lose their foundation or direction in the tide of modern civilization. They must implement the ideological work responsibility system with a long-term and normalized mindset, grit, and patience. They must put their heart, soul, and effort into firmly grasping the leadership, management, and discourse power of ideology, resolutely resisting the infiltration of external forces into Party and government leadership organs and sensitive departments, and earnestly consolidating the Party’s leading position in the ideological sphere.
Continuously strengthening the construction of the "theoretical ontology" of ideology in the New Era. We must continuously strengthen the construction of the "theoretical ontology" of ideology in the New Era to better "hold high the banner and develop culture." First, we must uphold the fundamentals and break new ground to continuously strengthen the construction of the guiding ideology. We must uphold fundamentals without being archaic, and respect antiquity without trying to restore it. We must continuously consolidate the guiding position of Marxism, and unswervingly use the latest achievements in the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism to coagulate the soul and forge the spirit, arming the whole Party, educating the people, guiding practice, and promoting development. Second, we must stay true to our original aspiration and founding mission to continuously strengthen the construction of the system of belief. "Faith in Marxism and belief in socialism and communism are the political soul of the Communists and the spiritual pillar that enables them to withstand any test." Socialist ideology builds consensus through a belief system; it must guide social ideals and reflect social reality. Third, we must strengthen cultural confidence and confidence in our values to continuously reinforce the value system. "To continue promoting cultural prosperity, building a leading country in culture, and building the modern civilization of the Chinese nation at a new historical starting point, we must strengthen cultural confidence, persist in following our own path, and base ourselves on the great historical and contemporary practices of the Chinese nation. We must use Chinese logic to summarize Chinese experience and elevate that experience into Chinese theory to achieve spiritual independence and autonomy. We must remain open and inclusive, persist in the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism, inherit and develop the fine traditional Chinese culture, promote the localization of foreign cultures, and continuously nurture and create a socialist culture with Chinese characteristics for the New Era. We must uphold the fundamentals and break new ground, using the integrity and vigor of this approach to continue the historical lineage and write a contemporary chapter." Fourth, we must persist in academic confidence to continuously strengthen the construction of the academic system. The academic system of philosophy and social sciences is the fundamental support for the cohesion, guidance, and influence of ideology, and it is also a focal point of contention between opposing ideologies. We must transcend the patterns and horizons of traditional Western academic development, opening up the future by rooting ourselves in what is original while critically absorbing what is foreign. Finally, we must build a socialist ideological discourse system with strong cohesion and guiding power. Lenin once said, "any belittling of the socialist ideology, any withdrawal from it, means by that very fact the strengthening of bourgeois ideology." This indicates that we must occupy the heights of discourse and seize the initiative, enhancing the effectiveness of socialist ideological discourse, consolidating the "social existence" of that discourse, building a discourse advantage, and innovating in content and expression.
Continuously strengthening the construction of the "key subjects" of ideology in the New Era.
Continuously strengthening the construction of "key subjects" of ideology in the New Era to better educate new people and empower these subjects. First, leverage the role of Party schools as the main front in the Party’s ideological construction. "A Party school is a school, but it is no ordinary school; it is a school for the Party to educate and train its governing backbone." We must further exert the role of Party schools as the primary battlefield for the Party's ideological construction, serving as active heralds of the Party's innovative theories, firm defenders of the guiding position of Marxism in the ideological sphere, and reliable vanguards in guiding social trends of thought with the Party's ideology. Second, leverage the role of the national education system—spanning primary, secondary, and tertiary levels—as the cultural foundation for the Party’s ideological construction. National education is the "cradle," "nursery," and "production line" for enlightening wisdom, moisturizing the heart, planting roots, and casting the soul [37]; it is the bedrock of socialist ideological construction. Through the integration of ideological and political education across all levels of schooling, we must cultivate reliable successors for the cause of the Party and the state, as well as loyal builders of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Third, properly cultivate the intellectual stratum. Intellectuals are a highly intelligent group with active ideas and serve as the backbone of society; they are the primary producers, disseminators, and cultivators of culture, knowledge, and thought. Facing the era of national rejuvenation, we must pay attention to cultivating a group of believers, disseminators, and practitioners who are loyal to the Party's innovative theories, and who will take the initiative to shoulder the work of creating and disseminating socialist ideological discourse. Fourth, unite the masses of the people. The people are both the witnesses and the sculptors of the times. Therefore, the winning or losing of public support [38] becomes the decisive factor in the rise or fall of the cause of the Party and the state. Socialist ideology must persist in the broad participation of the masses and must always adhere to the value orientation of seeking happiness for the people. Fifth, forge a strong People's Army. The People's Army is a "Great Wall of Steel," and the fundamental reason for its invincibility lies in its powerful military soul [39]. As the pillar of the state apparatus and the people's democratic dictatorship, the Party organizations in the military shoulder the major mission of ensuring the Party's absolute leadership over the armed forces. Forging a People's Army with a powerful ideology is the core of military development. Finally, construct a situation of "towering strength" [40] through the close unity and sincere cooperation of "key subjects." Ideological work is an extremely important task for the Party, and all fronts and departments must be mobilized to work together. We must mobilize members of the united front—including democratic parties, non-party personages, religious figures, and overseas Chinese elites—to actively participate in ideological work, forming a "grand chorus" of towering strength with the Communist Party of China as the core of leadership.
Continuously strengthening the construction of "routine carriers" of ideology in the New Era to better build platforms and fortify the foundation. First, continue to deeply promote the construction of the "Four Major Platforms" [41] for theoretical work. The Project to Research and Construct Marxist Theory (Marxist Project), the Research Centers for the Theoretical System of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics, Schools of Marxism, and the theoretical propaganda fronts in newspapers, journals, and networks each have their own division of labor; they must be laid out systematically and advanced as an integrated whole. Second, continuously strengthen the construction of network ideology. The Internet has become a sensitive field of public opinion; whether the Party can pass the "Internet test" is the greatest trial for its ability to achieve long-term governance. We must continue to build a modern media system with media convergence that leads globally, maintain the dominant position of socialist network ideology in cyberspace, and constantly enhance its cohesion and leadership. For example, building on the existing advantages of dissemination platforms in Southeast Asia, we should focus on adjusting the content orientation of film and television dramas—such as idol dramas with wide audiences—to cultivate and expand the "C-Drama" fan base. We should strengthen platform traffic guidance and "hunger marketing" to help them understand the reality of China's development and imperceptibly complete the questioning of negative Western propaganda. Similarly, the exposure of the "train chemical pollution" incident in the United States via short videos on Douyin (TikTok) allowed the European and American public to truly understand the nefarious conduct of Western media, leading to an "awakening." Meanwhile, targeted social forces should be organized to conduct reciprocal operations against organized "Internet water armies" [42] from Western countries. In an environment where we are at a disadvantage in Internet dissemination, we should more proactively use our "scale advantage" to launch counterattacks against Western value propaganda in the form of "screen-swiping" and "comment control," creating a public opinion atmosphere favorable to us. At the same time, we must increase the intensity of crackdowns on "network armies," toughen penalties for related platforms and accounts, and more effectively shape China’s right to speak [43] in the New Era. Finally, continuously strengthen disciplinary construction, textbook construction, and forum management. Strengthen the macro-guidance and micro-instruction of mainstream ideology to form a synergy for educating people and a "chorus" of values. As specific disciplinary knowledge becomes both deeper and narrower, it is necessary to consciously strengthen ideological guidance, using a scientific worldview and methodology to pilot knowledge, thereby forming a textbook system that is "centered on us," self-confident and self-reliant, and bridges China and the world.
Continuously strengthening the construction of "resonant environments" [44] for ideology in the New Era to better create an atmosphere and display China’s image. First, strengthen the construction and utilization of venues such as memorial halls, museums, and National Archives of Publications and Culture. We must fully utilize advanced means and knowledge systems for updating and renovation to shape the broader social environment and reinforce foundational edification and cultivation. Second, strengthen the publicity and reporting of moral models, the "most beautiful" figures [45], and national awards in radio, television, and news. This will expand the prestige of positive images and establish noble moral benchmarks throughout society. Third, make full use of major festivals and anniversaries to carry out ideological education activities. Strengthening the understanding of the CPC’s leadership position and the Party’s core values not only helps guide the people to strengthen their historical memory and establish correct views of the state, history, nation, and culture, but also helps educate and guide the masses to inherit and carry forward the glorious traditions and fine style of work of the CPC. Finally, strengthen international communication to contribute Chinese wisdom and Chinese solutions to the progress of human civilization. Solving the problem of being "unjustly criticized" [46] in the international public opinion arena is a long-term task. We must proactively strive for the international right to speak, transform our passive role in public opinion, and break through the Western discourse monopoly. We must present Chinese stories and expound Chinese ideas with more vivid content, clearer propositions, and more engaging methods, allowing the world to understand China in an all-round and multi-layered way. We should actively construct a conceptual system with strong moral appeal and discourse creativity, including concepts such as "a community with a shared future for humanity," "common values of all segments of humanity," the "Belt and Road Initiative," "win-win cooperation," the "Global Development Initiative," the "Global Security Initiative," and the "Global Civilization Initiative." These concepts both contain the profound heritage of fine traditional Chinese culture and encompass the value consensus of humanity, polishing the "discourse business card" of China’s ideological construction and its image as a Great Power in the New Era.
( Author Biography: Xu Chengfang, Professor and Doctoral Supervisor, School of Marxism, Inner Mongolia University. ) Web Editor: Tongxin Source: Marxism Studies (《马克思主义研究》), Issue 9, 2023.