He Quansheng: Mao Zedong and Petitions in New China
People's petitioning—that is, people’s letters and visits—serves as a vital channel and method for our Party to maintain contact with the broad masses and advance economic and social construction. It is a concrete manifestation and constitutive element of the scientific working method of adhering to the mass line. At the beginning of the founding of New China, when economic and social construction faced a myriad of tasks waiting to be undertaken [1], Mao Zedong, despite being occupied with a multitude of state affairs every day, remained highly attentive to people's petitions. He put forward important theses such as the necessity of valuing letters from the masses, that people's petitioning is an important way for our Party to connect with the masses, the need to warmly receive and actively and appropriately handle people's letters and visits, and the effort to excel in petitioning work. He personally replied to all letters from the people and warmly received visiting members of the mass in person, demonstrating the great demeanor of a people’s leader who loves the people and serves the people. Through receiving and processing people’s letters and visits, Mao Zedong obtained practical materials concerning various aspects of the economy and society, providing a reference basis for scientific decision-making regarding the major principles and policies of the Party and the state. Receiving and processing people's petitions constituted an important part of Mao Zedong’s governance of the country. It greatly promoted the economic and social construction of New China and provided a fundamental compliance and a guide for scientific working methods for us today—under the conditions of developing a socialist market economy—to stay true to our original aspiration and founding mission, adhere to the scientific working method of the mass line, practice the people-centered philosophy of development, and strengthen people’s petitioning work in the New Era.
I. Classification of the Types of People's Petitions Received by Mao Zedong after the Founding of New China
The letters and visits from the masses, offering suggestions and advice to our Party and the People's Government, are of great benefit to improving working methods, promoting scientific decision-making, and accelerating economic and social construction. After the founding of New China, the broad masses, filled with gratitude and reverence, wrote to the Party Central Committee and Mao Zedong. Mao Zedong received tens of thousands of letters and visits from the masses. Based on the texts of the 1983 People’s Publishing House edition of the Selected Correspondence of Mao Zedong, Volumes 6 through 8 of the 1999 People’s Publishing House edition of the Selected Works of Mao Zedong, and Volumes 1 through 6 of the 2013 Central Party Literature Press edition of the Chronological Biography of Mao Zedong (1949–1976), I have roughly identified and classified them into the following six types according to the purposes, demands, and visions of the people’s letters and visits.
(1) Reporting problems and situations This type of letter and visit primarily reflected the actual situation and existing problems in the economic and social construction of New China, helping our Party and the People's Government to praise the right and condemn the wrong, to clear the muddy water and bring in the fresh [2], and to build socialism in a more, faster, better, and more economical way. Chen Shutong, a famous figure in China's industrial and commercial circles, wrote a letter reflecting the issue of the way forward for industrial and commercial households across the country. Through this, Mao Zedong learned about the national industrial and commercial situation and personally replied to Chen Shutong on December 18, 1950: "There are five million industrial and commercial households in the country, of which about three million are commercial firms. In the transition of the entire economic enterprise from the old track to the New Democratic track, it is inevitable that a large number of commercial firms and handicraft industries will need to change their business or reorganize." He also informed Chen that the contents and requests of the letter had been forwarded to Comrade Chen Yun, Director of the Financial and Economic Committee of the Government Administration Council, for "discretionary action," noting that the people’s "government should properly guide this matter." On October 27, 1951, Yin Yigang and Luo Yunlu of the CPC Hebei Provincial Party school expressed differing opinions regarding the formulation that the semi-working class is also a leading class. Concerning this political issue, they wrote specifically to Mao Zedong. In his reply, Mao Zedong affirmed the view of Yin Yigang and Luo Yunlu, pointing out: "This proposal is justified; we must now correct that formulation in the draft resolution on Party rectification." This led the CPC Central Committee to issue the "Revised Directive on the Question of the Leading Class of the Chinese Revolution": "Regarding the leadership of the Chinese revolution, both in the past and in the future, it should only be stated as being led by the working class (through its vanguard, the Communist Party of China), and the semi-working class should no longer be included." In June 1952, Zhang Youcheng, a friend from Mao Zedong’s youth, wrote a letter reflecting the situation of "grain shortages and low pig prices." Mao Zedong took this very seriously and replied: Such letters are "very good, for they let me know many situations in the countryside." At the start of the new administration of New China, many members of the Mao family from Shaoshan and the Wen family from Xiangxiang visited Mao Zedong in Beijing. However, "after returning, some became arrogant and refused to follow government management," creating a bad influence in the countryside. Upon learning of the "arrogant" behavior of some relatives through people's letters and visits, Mao Zedong wrote specifically to the Party committee and government of Shicheng Township, Xiangxiang County, on April 29, 1954, instructing that "anyone from the Wen family, like everyone else in the township, must obey the leadership of the Party and the government, work diligently and abide by the law, and should not be treated as special." He added, "If there is backward behavior, they should be criticized; they should not be exempt from criticism of their shortcomings and mistakes just because they are my relatives." This demonstrated Mao Zedong’s noble character in refusing to bend the law for personal preference. On April 21, 1967, Qin Houde, a member of the Jinan Military Region personnel supporting the Left [3], wrote to Mao Zedong reflecting many problems in the work of supporting the Left—primarily that they were supporting conservatives rather than the Left; on the issue of "grasping revolution and promoting production," some units did not put revolution first; some propaganda teams adopted a simple and crude attitude toward so-called counter-revolutionary organizations; and the comrades of the armed forces were in sharp opposition to the revolutionary mass organizations. Mao Zedong gave instructions: "The problems reflected by this comrade are quite common and deserve serious attention." He tasked the Shandong Provincial Party Committee to seriously investigate and report to the Central Committee. Subsequently, the Jinan Air Force and the Jinan Military Region "publicly declared their support for the Provincial Revolutionary Committee. Both the Army and the Air Force have sent reports to the Central Committee, and the problem has begun to be resolved. However, in many other provinces and cities, some have been resolved, while others have not." Regarding these letters and visits that reported problems and detailed situations, Mao Zedong carefully observed them and provided responses, highlighting his noble ideological realm of being concerned with the Party's cause, national affairs, and the interests of the people.
(2) Theoretical and academic inquiries The content of these letters mainly involved inquiries into culture, education, art, and theory, aiming to implement the guiding principle of "letting a hundred flowers bloom and a hundred schools of thought contend," opening up a "springtime" for culture and science, creating a vibrant and multi-colored atmosphere for cultural and academic pursuits, and promoting the prosperity and development of Marxist theory and socialist cultural and educational undertakings. On September 4, 1952, Huang Yanpei wrote to Mao Zedong, elucidating the basic idea of requiring the bourgeoisie to accept the proletariat and the Marxist worldview. This was a rather sensitive academic and political issue at the time. The next day, Mao Zedong replied to explore the matter, opining that the letter and "the draft of the speech were very well-intentioned, but I feel they are a bit too radical." Regarding the "requirement that the bourgeoisie accept the basic ideas of the working class" and "accept the Marxist worldview," this formulation seemed inappropriate. In reality, "this is asking the bourgeoisie to accept socialism," which is "possible" for a few progressive elements, but for the bourgeoisie as a representative class, "one should not make such demands" or "propagate in such a manner." It should be limited to the basic principles of the Common Program [4] and "should not exceed this limit." This clarified the political attitude, ideological principles, and academic boundaries for dealing with the bourgeoisie. Li Shuyi, a teacher and widow of the revolutionary martyr Liu Zhixun who had "raised their orphan to adulthood through great hardships," wrote to Mao Zedong about her plight in teaching and her familial struggles, expressing a desire to come to Beijing for guidance. Mao Zedong replied to encourage her: "Learning Marxism-Leninism can be done in your spare time from work; it is not necessary to travel far to Beijing to achieve this goal." There were also other exchanges of letters from people wishing to explore theoretical research methods and improve their level of Marxist theory. Chen Jisheng, a middle school teacher, studied the history of ethnic minorities in his spare time. He sent his research works and a letter to Mao Zedong, asking for guidance. Mao Zedong replied on August 29, 1950: "I have read your kind letter and am much comforted." However, regarding the history of ethnic minorities, he "had not studied it" and had few academic insights, thus he "could not offer a single word of praise." At the same time, he specifically pointed out that academic research must adhere to the Marxist worldview and methodology to achieve success: "If one does not use the Marxist method for research, one will likely waste energy and fail to achieve good results." Zang Kejia, then editor-in-chief of Poetry Journal (诗人), wrote to Mao Zedong requesting his grand writings and verses for public publication to satisfy the nation's readers. Mao Zedong replied, declining with difficulty and explaining his inner thoughts: "I have always been unwilling to officially publish these things because they are in the old style [5]. I fear they might spread erroneous influences and mislead the youth; furthermore, they have little poetic flavor and no special characteristics." He proposed that "poetry should, of course, be centered on new poetry. Old poetry can be written, but it should not be encouraged among the youth because this form constrains thought and is not easy to learn." He specifically added a congratulatory message: "The publication of Poetry Journal is very good, and I wish it growth and development." Professor Zhou Gucheng of the History Department of Fudan University wrote to Mao Zedong to discuss logic. Mao Zedong replied: "I have not studied logic much and do not dare to make any comments." Regarding the request to write a preface, he said: "I do not plan to accept the assignment; I hope for your understanding." Mao Zedong possessed profound foundations in literature and history; his prose, phrasing, and use of allusions and citations were handled just right, yet he remained extremely humble in nurturing later scholars. He can be called a literary master, academic mentor, and a paragon of character for his generation.
(3) Requests for job recommendations, schooling, Party membership, and promotions Mao Zedong had many family members, schoolmates, and comrades. Due to different family backgrounds and personal interests, letters and visits requesting Mao Zedong to recommend jobs, schooling, Party membership, and promotions occurred frequently. Some of these matters involved Party discipline and national laws, which indeed made it difficult for Mao Zedong, the leader of the Republic, and caused him headaches. Proceeding from the fundamental interests of the Party and the broad masses, while he cherished old ties and helped his relatives, he never sought personal gain and always declined with polite words. Yang Kaizhi was the elder brother of Mao Zedong’s wife, Yang Kaihui. He graduated from China Agricultural University, which was a rare high degree at the time. As long as Mao Zedong wrote one word or nodded his head, a job appointment or promotion would not have been excessive. However, Mao Zedong strictly disciplined himself and scrutinized his relatives, refusing to start the harmful precedent of recommending work for relatives or seeking benefits. After the founding ceremony of the PRC, Yang Kaizhi wrote to Mao Zedong, wanting to work in Beijing or seek a "Department Director" (厅长) position in Hunan. On October 9, 1949, Mao Zedong replied with a firm refusal: "I hope you will wait in Hunan for the CPC Hunan Provincial Committee to assign work that fits your ability. Do not have any extravagant hopes, and do not come to Beijing. Do whatever work the Hunan Provincial Committee assigns you; everything must be handled according to normal regulations. Do not make things difficult for the government." On the same day, Mao Zedong personally wrote to Wang Shoudao, a member of the Hunan Provincial Military and Administrative Committee, instructing him to supervise "Yang Kaizhi and others so they do not come to Beijing. Assign them appropriate work in Hunan according to their abilities. Any unreasonable requests should not be permitted." Once this good start was made, it became a model for behavior; the national spirit became clean and honest, no one dared to break the rule, and everyone strove to emulate it, which was manifest to all. Yang Kaizhi followed Mao Zedong, used what he had learned, and worked for the Hunan Provincial Tea Company. When he retired, he was only a deputy-division-level (副处级) official. Mao Senpin was Mao Zedong’s classmate at Dongshan Higher Primary School in Xiangxiang, and he also wrote an earnest request for Mao Zedong to recommend him for work. Mao Zedong replied on April 18, 1950, politely declining: "I highly approve of you taking up a position. The steps for this should involve showing support and performance regarding the interests of the masses, so that you are respected and join in naturally. It is not appropriate for me to recommend you, as it would instead burden my reputation for integrity. I wonder if you agree?" This promoted the clean and upright style of a public servant, providing an inspiring example. The Wen family of Tangjiatuo, Xiangxiang, was the family of Mao Zedong’s maternal grandfather. Mao Zedong lived there for six years, spent his childhood there, and his literary education and conduct were all rooted in the good education he received there. After the founding of New China, the Wen family listed names and wrote to request Mao Zedong to recommend them for work, schooling, or trips to Beijing. Mao Zedong firmly refused out of a sense of justice, replying: "Work issues should be resolved locally in Hunan; one should not travel far. It is also not convenient for me to personally introduce him," and "It is not appropriate for me to recommend him; it is better for him to perform among the people and gain their trust, then he will have the opportunity to participate in work." Furthermore, school admissions were also not to be recommended; otherwise, it would undermine academic regulations and school rules, which would have a very bad impact. Zhou Dunhu had met Mao Zedong while studying in Changsha in his early years. On February 8, 1955, he wrote to Mao Zedong for help with his child’s schooling. Mao Zedong replied: "I do not directly interfere in students' school admissions. Therefore, I cannot satisfy your request. I hope for your understanding." Zhang Ding was a student at the supplementary school attached to the Hunan Self-Study University founded by Mao Zedong, and Zhou Rong knew Mao Zedong at the Hunan Provincial First Normal School. These two wrote to Mao Zedong asking for an introduction to join the Party. Mao Zedong strictly adhered to Party rules and discipline, explicitly and politely declining, and replied to both: "Joining the Party must be handled through certain regulations locally." It could not be done hastily or by bypassing rules. "It is not convenient for me to introduce you suddenly. You should perform well locally, request the local organization, and wait for a resolution." With rules for joining the Party, regulations for governing the Party, and responsibility for strictness in the Party, a healthy atmosphere prevailed throughout the Party, gathering great strength and uniting for diligent progress.
(4) Life difficulties, requests for care and financial assistance Most of Mao Zedong's relatives and schoolmates were of peasant origin and faced difficult lives. Many wrote letters or visited to request care and financial aid. In receiving and handling these letters and visits from relatives and friends, Mao Zedong upheld the principle of the people's interests coming first. He was close to his kin but did not practice favoritism; he was mindful of old ties but did not seek benefits for old friends; he helped his relatives but did not back them in special treatment. He did not set precedents for special care, special status, or "going through the back door" [6], demonstrating the broad-mindedness of a generation of great men dedicated to the people’s integrity and justice. After the founding of New China, relatives from Shaoshan and the Wen family in Xiangxiang wrote to Mao Zedong, requesting care and financial aid to solve their livelihood difficulties.
On January 3, 1950, Mao Yimin of Shaoshan wrote to Mao Zedong on behalf of the families of martyrs, requesting assistance for those facing livelihood difficulties. In terms of both emotion and reason, providing for the families of martyrs was beyond reproach. However, proceeding from the overall national situation, Mao Zedong replied that special treatment could not be granted: "The poor people in the countryside are facing difficulties, and the families of martyrs are facing even greater ones. For the time being, you must have a little patience. Things may improve after the land reform, and at that time the People's Government might provide the people with some help, such as loans, so that the people can gradually improve their lives." He continued, "The care of martyr families is a nationwide matter; throughout the country, there are millions of such households, all of whom must be cared for. Naturally, it would be inconvenient to provide separate and special care to a minority of places." In areas where conditions permitted, he noted, priority "care should be given as much as possible" to martyr families in distress.
Separately, there was "Ms. Li Shuyi, the widow of Comrade Liu Zhixun (a martyr) of Changsha, who makes her living by teaching. She is advanced in years and her teaching load is heavy, making it difficult to carry on." At a time when the national economy was still relatively strained, it was difficult to provide her with separate and special care. However, out of deep revolutionary camaraderie, Mao suggested, "I intend to help by providing a portion of my book royalties to resolve this problem." It must be noted that using royalties to assist relatives, friends, and comrades had become a standard practice for Mao Zedong’s special expenditures. When the Wen family from Xiangxiang (Mao's maternal relatives) wrote requesting relief for their livelihood difficulties, Mao wrote to Liu Yanan, then-magistrate of Xiangxiang County, instructing: "As for the Wen family's (my maternal uncles' family) request for relief due to livelihood difficulties, it can only be resolved through rent reduction and land reform in the same way as for ordinary peasants. Special relief cannot be given, lest it cause dissatisfaction among the general populace." Mao Zelian was Mao Zedong’s closest paternal cousin; when he wrote to report "difficult family circumstances," Mao replied: "We shall see about finding a way to provide a little help in the future; for now, do not rely on hope." Such integrity and moral character are clearly manifest.
(5) Reminiscing with Old Friends
Among the letter writers, many were people Mao Zedong had associated with or known in the past. Reminiscing with old friends became an important way to look back on those years, recall past events, and strengthen friendships. After the Revolution of 1911 [7], Mao Xusheng had served alongside Mao Zedong in the Hunan New Insurrectionary Army. After the founding of the New China, he wrote to Mao Zedong three times, recounting their work and life in the New Army. Zhou Shizhao was a classmate of Mao Zedong during his studies at the Hunan Provincial First Normal School and a member of the New People's Study Society [8], with whom Mao had a close association. After the founding of the New China, he and Mao Zedong corresponded frequently, reminiscing about their school days, and he was received by Mao on multiple occasions.
On October 15, 1950, Mao wrote back: "Although you did not participate in the revolutionary struggle in the past, teaching is beneficial to the people." Hearing that "you are the principal of the First Normal School, I deeply celebrate that the right person has been found; it shows the 'steed's bones have not withered' [9] and there is still vitality." He noted that although the whole country was liberated, "the great calamity has only just been quelled and the people's livelihood is haggard. It will take several years to restore the people's economy, complete the reform of the land system, and raise the level of the people's political consciousness. These tasks all await the assistance of cultural and educational work." This expressed the idea that the cause of education is glorious—that cultivating talent and nurturing people is a merit that lasts for a thousand autumns. In December 1950, Zhou Shizhao wrote to Mao Zedong requesting him to enscroll the nameplate and school motto for the Hunan Provincial First Normal School. Mao complied, writing "First Normal" for the nameplate and the motto: "To be the people's teacher, one must first be the people's student." He also mentioned that he was changing his daily routine, "acting according to the sun, not the moon," maintaining an orderly life with a proper balance between work and rest. These letters and interactions fully demonstrate the exceptionally close bond and friendship between Zhou Shizhao and Mao Zedong.
(6) Screening and Rehabilitation: Restoring Historical Integrity and Justice
In the cruel, perilous, and complex revolutionary environment, some steadfast Communist Party members met heroic ends or suffered false accusations and grievances. To open long-sealed historical archives, conduct screening and rehabilitation [10], and restore the historical integrity of revolutionary martyrs and comrades is an important task in protecting and developing the cause of the proletarian revolution. After the founding of the New China, many materials Mao Zedong received through the people's letters and visits were petitions for screening and rehabilitation.
On October 12, 1949, Xiang Mingqing, a maternal uncle from Yang Kaihui’s [11] hometown, wrote to Mao Zedong inquiring about the revolutionary history of his nephew Xiang Jun. After verification, Mao replied on April 19 of the following year to finalize the screening: "Your nephew, Comrade Xiang Jun, was a member of the Communist Party. In 1927, he served as the Secretary of the Hengshan County Committee. He was a loyal and capable comrade. He was arrested following the Kuomintang's betrayal in 1927 and died a glorious martyr's death." He instructed Xiang Mingqing to report this reply and the screening materials to the Hunan Provincial Committee to comfort the martyr's soul for all eternity. Cao Yunfang had performed revolutionary work under Mao Zedong's leadership during the Great Revolution [12] alongside her husband Luo Zhe, who was heroically sacrificed in 1928. On July 8, 1956, Cao Yunfang wrote to Mao Zedong requesting a screening of Luo Zhe's history. On August 11 of the same year, Mao replied to certify Comrade Luo Zhe's glorious revolutionary history: "I had heard some news of Comrade Luo Zhe’s heroic sacrifice long ago... I can bear witness to Luo Zhe’s hard work for the Party; there were no other documents at the time." Mao's reply likely served as the sole piece of evidence for Luo Zhe’s revolutionary history.
During the "Cultural Revolution" [13] period, there were even more letters and visits requesting the rehabilitation of those involved in unjust, false, and wrongly decided cases. Mao Zedong read the letters one by one and issued instructions to verify the facts and grant rehabilitation. On March 18, 1972, Yang Junsheng, the daughter of Yang Chengwu, wrote to Mao requesting her father's rehabilitation. The letter stated that Yang Chengwu was loyal to Chairman Mao and had been politically framed by Lin Biao, Chen Boda, and Ye Qun; she hoped he could be allowed to return to social practice. After reading the letter, Mao instructed: "There may have been an error in the handling of this case; at the time, we listened to Lin Biao’s one-sided story." After verification, Yang Chengwu was promptly rehabilitated. In October 1972, the Petition Office of the General Office of the CPC Central Committee compiled "Summary of Letters" [1978] No. 723, which noted: A letter from the son of Xu Dixin, former Deputy Head of the United Front Work Department of the CPC Central Committee, requested permission for his father to return home for medical treatment. Mao read and instructed: "Ji and Wang [14] are to handle this as they see fit." In December of the same year, Xu Dixin was rehabilitated. In October 1975, Tao Zhu’s wife, Zeng Zhi, and daughter, Tao Siliang, wrote to question the special investigation group’s conclusions regarding Tao Zhu’s so-called "historical problems," hoping that different people could be assigned to conduct the screening. Mao read the letter and instructed: "Circulate this among the comrades of the Politburo in Beijing. Comrade Wang Dongxing is to handle this as he sees fit." Subsequently, Tao Zhu was rehabilitated, restoring his historical integrity. Such letters and visits requesting screening and rehabilitation are too numerous to list. In reviewing such letters, Mao Zedong instructed that they should be handled in a manner that seeks truth from facts [15] regarding history, rehabilitating unjust, false, and wrongly decided cases, allowing historical truth to be revealed to the world, and ensuring that history writes a great chapter of justice.
In summary, from these categorizations of the people's letters and visits, we can see in broad strokes the eager expectations of the broad masses for economic and social development in the early period of the New China. Through the form of letters and visits, they entrusted their beautiful aspirations, actively contributing wisdom and strength to the recovery and development of our national economy and the conduct of socialist transformation and construction, working together to build a socialist country. From the people's letters and visits, Mao Zedong gathered much practical material concerning the national economy and people's livelihood, which undoubtedly laid a solid foundation for the Party’s cause and for making scientific decisions and "truth-seeking" judgments in national construction.
II. Receiving and Handling People's Petitions as an Important Task in Mao Zedong's Leadership of New China's Construction
At the start of the New China, the economy and society were in a state of ruin and devastation, with a thousand things waiting to be done. It was an unprecedented and great undertaking for Mao Zedong to decide the major principles and policies of the Party and the state, lead the recovery and development of the national economy, carry out the "Three Great Socialist Transformations" [16], and establish the socialist system. There were many paths and methods for these great initiatives to form scientifically correct lines, principles, and policies, and one important channel was receiving the people's letters and visits. From these, Mao Zedong obtained much valuable material for building the New China, providing a basis and laying a solid foundation for deciding on national construction and opening a new situation for the comprehensive building of socialism. Receiving and handling the people’s letters and visits was an important task in Mao Zedong’s leadership of New China’s construction.
(1) Valuing People’s Petitions and Consciously Rectifying the Outlook on Petitions
The people's letters and visits are an important way to reflect the interests and demands of the masses and to expose economic and social contradictions and problems. At the start of the New China, when the individual interests of the masses or the will of certain groups could not be effectively realized, letters and visits became a choice and a hopeful path for these people to express their interests. They also served as a "express bus" for our Party and Mao Zedong to reach the grassroots, understand social conditions and public opinion, and implement scientific decision-making. Valuing, receiving, and handling the people’s letters and visits thus constituted an important part of Mao Zedong’s leadership in the construction and development of the New China. Mao Zedong pointed out: "We must value the people's correspondence." This provided the fundamental observance and general guiding ideology for valuing and handling the people’s letters and visits and for consciously rectifying the outlook on petitions.
The essential elements of Mao Zedong’s making of this important judgment were: First, clarifying the ideological conditions and social background of the people's petitions. From January to March 1951, the Secretary’s Office of the General Office of the CPC Central Committee received nearly 20,000 letters from the masses, which were categorized to summarize the problems reflected and the status of their handling. Among these 20,000 letters, over 9,000 were batches of letters of tribute written by local organizations that had mobilized the masses; some were still being sent. Such a large volume of letters reflected the content of the demands, ideological feelings, and the foundation of public opinion of the broad masses. It was precisely against this background of mass petitions and expressions of tribute to the Party and the people's leader that Mao Zedong made the important judgment to value and handle the people’s petitions.
Second, he pointed out that for local organizations to have the masses write letters of tribute "is not good, and this should not be done in the future." It should be noted that the spontaneous writing of letters of tribute by the masses was an expression of their boundless admiration for the CPC and the people's leader Mao Zedong; it was where the hearts and minds of the people lay, a sincere declaration of the deep ideological feelings of the people who had stood up and been liberated. This was beyond reproach. However, organizing the masses to write letters of tribute did not conform to the principles of proletarian Party spirit and also ran counter to the spirit of the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh CPC Central Committee [17]. It was from the strategic perspective of maintaining and consolidating the Party’s governing position and its foundation for governance that Mao Zedong proposed that while the people’s letters and visits must be valued and received to promote the development of the Party’s cause and the state, the masses should not be organized to write collective letters of tribute.
Third, he instructed that the focus of the people’s petition work should be placed on healing the wounds of war, restoring and developing the national economy, and improving the people's livelihood. At the beginning of the New China, everything had to start from scratch. At this time, many of the people’s letters and visits were suggestions—pooling wisdom and strength to discuss state affairs. This was of great significance for opposing bureaucratism [18], liberating and developing the productive forces, overcoming difficulties together, healing the wounds of war, and continuously meeting the growing material and cultural needs of the broad masses. In March 1957, in a conversation with representatives from the news and publishing sectors, Mao Zedong pointed out: "Some letters from the masses can be published; let us try and see. If the government and relevant business departments have different opinions, the newspaper office can study and discuss it with them, explain it in the paper, and then see the results. It is probably not good to publish nothing at all, as that would allow the business departments to fall into bureaucratism and not move to improve their work."
Fourth, he promoted the creation and development of a specialized management agency, the National Public Complaints and Proposals Administration (国家信访局), and the conscious rectification of the outlook on petitions. Receiving and handling the people’s letters and visits required a specialized working body to be responsible for management, ensuring that our Party maintains close ties with the people. Therefore, at the beginning of the founding of the New China, our Party created this specialized agency. From its creation to today, this specialized working body continues to play a political functional role in maintaining close ties with the masses, promoting economic and social development, and facilitating two-way interaction between the top and the bottom, urging the Party to do a good job in serving the people's petitions. Mao Zedong’s important judgment on valuing the people’s petitions boiled down to one point: warning the whole Party to value the various demands of the masses, striving to maintain and develop the fundamental interests of the broadest masses of the people, and consolidating the Party’s foundation and position of governing for the people to ensure the long-term peace and stability of our Party and the country.
(2) Receiving People’s Petitions is the Fundamental Path and Scientific Work Method for Adhering to the Mass Line and Maintaining Close Ties with the People, and for Resolutely Resisting Bureaucratic Styles of Work
The mass line is the lifeline, the governing baseline, and the bottom line of strength for our Party. Mao Zedong believed that adhering to the mass line and warmly receiving the people’s letters and visits is the fundamental path and scientific work method for our Party to maintain close ties with the people and overcome bureaucratism. He emphasized:
"We must pay serious attention to letters from the people, handle them appropriately, and satisfy the legitimate demands of the masses. We should regard this as a method for the Communist Party and the People's Government to strengthen their ties with the people, and must not adopt a bureaucratic attitude of negligence or indifference." This pointed out the ideological and political direction as well as the scientific work methods for receiving letters and visits from the people, maintaining close ties with the masses, resolutely resisting bureaucratic styles of work, and promoting the spirit of serving the people. On November 17, 1952, the Discipline Inspection Commission of the Shandong Sub-bureau of the CPC submitted the "Report on Opinions Against Bureaucratism, Commandism [19], and Violations of Law and Discipline," which provided observations on the phenomena of coercive orders and violations of law and discipline among grassroots cadres (including some cadres at or above the county level). It argued that opposing bureaucratism is the key to correcting these behaviors. After reviewing this report, Mao Zedong concluded that this problem was a universal phenomenon and that launching a struggle against bureaucratism was of universal significance, requiring the attention of leading organs at all levels. Subsequently, he requested that leading organs focus on "starting with the handling of people's letters to conduct an inspection of bureaucratism, commandism, and those who violate law and discipline, and wage a resolute struggle against them." He aimed to closely integrate the reception and handling of people's letters and visits with Party rectification, Party building, and economic construction to promote the healthy development of socialist transformation. On December 21, 1952, Mao Zedong wrote back to Yi Pingnan, hoping his old classmate would "kindly inform me from time to time of the situation in the countryside," so as to understand agrarian conditions and the people's livelihood. Such letters and visits were conducive to investigating and researching the national and social conditions, providing a scientific basis for decision-making in formulating the Party and state's lines, principles, and policies, and advancing national construction. Mao Zedong placed the highest importance on investigation and research [20] and maintaining close ties with the masses. He required the entire Party to practice this diligently, gradually creating a climate of investigation, research, and adherence to the mass line. On October 4, 1953, Mao Zedong replied to Mao Yueqiu, who was working as a receptionist at Mao's former residence in Shaoshan: "Please take this letter to the township governments of Shaoshan and Shicheng, as well as the two local district governments and the leading comrades of the Party. Consult with them, and if they agree, ask them to put the situation of the two townships and two districts, along with the urgent problems needing resolution, into written materials for you to bring back to me for reference (not for the direct resolution of local problems)." Clearly, this reply was part of an effort to investigate and research social and popular conditions to serve as "reference" for the Party's scientific decision-making. On September 10, 1961, after reading a letter from Xu Zhenye, head of the Organization Department of the Qingyuan County Party Committee in Liaoning, which reported that higher authorities’ increased grain procurement quotas were seriously dampening farmers' enthusiasm for collective production, Mao instructed: "Please inform me how the Provincial Committee handles this matter." He noted that considerations should be thorough and not arbitrary, for if policy implementation failed, "it would seriously affect the Party's prestige among the masses." During the "Cultural Revolution," the handling of people's letters and visits was centralized under the Letters and Visits Office of the General Office of the CPC Central Committee. They compiled briefings such as "Reports on Extracts of Important Letters" and "Summaries of Letters" for the Central Committee and Mao Zedong to consult, allowing them to grasp the dynamics of economic, political, and social development. Enthusiastically receiving people's letters and visits is of great significance for upholding the mass line, maintaining close ties with the masses, and resisting bureaucratic styles of work.
(3) Actively and appropriately handling people's letters and visits to improve the level of service to the people
People's letters and visits are intended to voice demands regarding the masses' immediate interests. Mao Zedong’s people-centered and diligent governance in personally attending to these matters also required leading organs and cadres at all levels to handle them promptly, actively, and appropriately. He pointed out: "We must give people’s letters appropriate treatment and satisfy the legitimate demands of the masses." He further noted: "If there are many letters and it is difficult for the person in charge to handle them personally, a specialized organ or specific personnel should be established. If there are few letters and the person or a secretary can handle them, then no specialized personnel are needed." Handling these matters actively, promptly, appropriately, and steadily resolves the immediate interests of the masses. On November 1, 1955, Mao Zedong replied to Zhang Naiqi regarding a letter reflecting the simplistic and one-sided work methods of some cadres. Mao requested that democratic parties, personages, and social elites [21] patiently "help them learn the method of seeking truth from facts and comprehensive analysis," strive to improve work styles, and resolve the various contradictions and problems reflected in letters and visits to promote economic construction and social stability. On March 29, 1959, after reviewing many letters, Mao wrote "A Letter to Party Comrades," extensively discussing the mass line, investigation and research, and methods for handling letters and visits. He proposed: "In the formulation and execution of all major policies, the opinions of grassroots cadres (branch secretaries, workshop directors, section chiefs) and activists among the masses must be solicited." Only by adopting this important work method can "contradictions be exposed, truth be found, and movements be launched." He resolutely opposed the erroneous tendency of some cadres to "completely detach themselves from the masses and act arbitrarily." On November 24, 1975, Mao reviewed a letter from the agricultural and forestry scientist Le Tianyu. The letter reflected serious factionalism within the forestry system; Le stated his own history was "clear" (politically untainted) and requested to return to his original unit. Mao instructed: "Please ask [Wang] Dongxing to check this person's situation." Mao required care and concern for scientific talent to fully utilize their wisdom for national construction. Following Mao's instruction and subsequent verification, Le Tianyu was permitted to return to his unit to contribute to the nation's agro-forestry economy. The Down to the Countryside Movement [22] was of great significance for building the socialist countryside, alleviating employment pressure, and implementing the policy of intellectuals integrating with the workers and peasants. In early 1976, two "educated youths" in Beidu Commune, Xianyang city, Shaanxi, wrote a letter reflecting many problems in the placement, training, and recruitment of youth in the movement. After reading it, Mao instructed: "The issue of educated youth seems to require a specialized study; prepare first, then hold a meeting to resolve it." Due to the interference and sabotage by the "Gang of Four," the National Work Conference on the Down to the Countryside Movement was not held until late October 1978. The conference formulated and implemented the "Minutes of the National Work Conference" and the "Provisional Regulations of the State Council on Several Issues Regarding Educated Youth," which relatively well-resolved these issues, mobilized the enthusiasm and creativity of youth for socialist construction, and pushed the Party to uphold the mass line and improve its service to the people.
In summary, the people's letters and visits greatly assisted and enabled Mao Zedong to lead the construction of the New China, propelling the country's socialist construction into new stages of development.
III. The Contemporary Value of Mao Zedong’s Theory and Practice of People’s Letters and Visits in the New China
Mao Zedong’s theory and practice regarding people's letters and visits in the New China constitute an important part of his thought on socialist construction. They greatly advanced the building of socialist democratic politics and economic development. In the context of developing a socialist market economy today, they provide ideological inspiration and practical guidance for remaining true to our original aspiration and founding mission, adhering to the people-centered development philosophy, and carrying forward the scientific work style of the mass line. They encourage "seeking policy from the people, seeking wisdom from the people, and seeking the needs of the people," maintaining the flesh-and-blood ties between the Party and the masses. This serves to advance the great cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the New Era, comprehensively build a modern socialist country, achieve the Second Centenary Goal, and realize the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.
First, we must uphold the work style and value orientation of the mass line and maintain close ties with the masses to comprehensively build a modern socialist country. The people possess the greatest wisdom and strength. Essentially, people's letters and visits provide us with the best materials and practical basis for scientific decision-making. An important value of Mao Zedong’s theory and practice is the indication that in advancing the great cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the New Era under the conditions of a socialist market economy, we must adhere to the scientific work method of the mass line. We must put the fundamental interests of the masses in the highest position. "When the Party cares for the people, it is like a fish in water; when it deviates from the masses, it is like a tree without roots." Xi Jinping has pointed out: "What does maintaining the Party's advanced nature and purity, and consolidating the Party's ruling foundation and status depend on? Most importantly, it depends on adhering to the Party's mass line and maintaining close ties with the masses." Detachment from the people is the beginning of danger and ruin. Xi Jinping has criticized some leading cadres who "are unwilling to go deep into difficult and arduous areas, unwilling to help the grassroots and the masses solve practical problems, and even unwilling to deal with the grassroots and ordinary people for fear of trouble." This is an extremely erroneous tendency that must be resolutely overcome. In receiving and handling people's letters and visits, we must adhere to the principle that "public opinion is the best yardstick" and "letting the masses be satisfied is the value orientation and fundamental standard for all the Party's work." The report to the 20th National Congress of the CPC pointed out: By adhering to the work methods and value orientation of the mass line, effectively "safeguarding the people's fundamental interests, enhancing their well-being, and ensuring that development is for the people, relies on the people, and its fruits are shared by the people, so that the achievements of modernization benefit all people more equitably," and maintaining the flesh-and-blood ties between the Party and the masses, we can condense a powerful spiritual force to promote the healthy development of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the New Era and comprehensively build a modern socialist country.
Second, we must remain true to our original aspiration and founding mission, earnestly practice the people-centered development philosophy, and continuously meet the people's growing needs for a better life. Mao Zedong’s theory and practice remind us that in developing the socialist market economy, building socialist democratic politics and advanced culture, and coordinately advancing the Five-Sphere Integrated Plan and the Four Comprehensives, we should remain hardworking and people-centered. Xi Jinping pointed out: "The people’s aspiration for a better life is our goal." The people are the creators of history and the fundamental force determining the future and destiny of the Party and the country. Letters and visits reflect the people's interests and their concerns regarding a better life. In his report to the 20th National Congress of the CPC, Xi Jinping emphasized: The whole Party must thoroughly implement the people-centered development philosophy, "insist on making the realization of the people’s aspiration for a better life the starting point and ultimate goal of modernization, work hard to maintain and promote social fairness and justice, strive to promote common prosperity for all, and resolutely prevent polarization." By adhering to the values of the Party's commitment to the public good and governing for the people, vigorously developing economic and cultural undertakings, improving livelihoods, and advancing the comprehensive and strict governance of the Party, we can enhance the people's sense of gain and strengthen their confidence in the path, theory, system, and culture of socialism with Chinese characteristics. When the people have faith, the country has strength, and there is hope for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.
Finally, we must emphasize investigation and research, enhance our ability to learn and our capacity for mass work, and strive to improve the level of service to the people. The report to the 20th National Congress of the CPC pointed out: As socialism with Chinese characteristics has entered a New Era, the whole Party must...
“Strengthen education on ideals and convictions, guiding the whole Party to keep the Party’s tenets firmly in mind... persisting in the integration of study, thought, and application, and the unity of knowledge, belief, and action,” [23] persisting in the mass line, emphasizing investigation and research, enhancing various professional competencies, and striving to build a “Marxist learning-oriented political party,” dedicated to improving the level of service to the people. The entire Party should promote the spirit of learning and enhance the capacity for learning. We must treat learning as an excellent working method and a way of life, creating a social atmosphere conducive to being adept at learning and practicing innovation—learning a bit more, learning a bit deeper, and learning a bit better—to cultivate solid internal skills for our work. We must strive to build a Marxist learning-oriented, innovative, and service-oriented political party, promoting the prosperous development of a great learning nation. Simultaneously, we must enhance our capacity for mass work, innovating the systems, mechanisms, and methods of mass work. We must give full play to the role of mass organizations [24] such as trade unions, the Communist Youth League, and the Women’s Federation as bridges and links to the broad masses of the people, encouraging and “organizing and mobilizing the broad masses to unwaveringly follow the Party,” and to “consciously become firm believers and faithful practitioners of the lofty ideal of communism and the common ideal of socialism with Chinese characteristics.” We should encourage them to offer suggestions and contribute wisdom, to uphold the fundamentals and break new ground, so as to extensively unite and expand the forces for building socialism with Chinese characteristics. These important judgments provide us with fundamental value adherence and scientific methodological guidance for further carrying forward the fine style of persisting in the mass line and investigation and research in the construction and development of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the New Era. They greatly inspire us to enhance our learning capacity and mass work capacity, to strengthen the Party’s political leadership, ideological guidance, mass organizational power, and social appeal. This will continuously improve the level of service to the people, promoting the healthy development of the great cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the New Era, comprehensively building a modern socialist country, comprehensively advancing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, and realizing the Second Centenary Goal [25].