Yu Haiqing: The "Counter-Attack" of the Workers' Party of Belgium and Its Implications
In 2019, the Workers' Party of Belgium (PTB/PVDA) emerged as a "dark horse," breaking through the developmental bottleneck facing European radical left parties. In the European Parliament elections held in May, the party's support surged from 3.5% to 8.7%, securing its first-ever seats in the European Parliament and delivering a standout performance amidst a general decline for European radical left parties in that cycle. In the Belgian regional elections held the same month, the party garnered support rates of 6.6% in Flanders, 12% in Brussels, and 13.5% in Wallonia, winning 4, 11, and 10 seats respectively. In the Belgian federal elections, the party achieved an unprecedented breakthrough, winning 12 seats in the Chamber of Representatives and 4 seats in the Senate. Consequently, the party's total number of parliamentary seats rose rapidly from 8 in 2014 to 41, ranking fifth among the 12 parties with national representation. Viewed from the perspective of the recent development of Western communist parties, the rapid upward momentum of the Workers' Party of Belgium is unique. The party has effectively staged a perfect "counter-attack," with some commentators even labeling it a "significant bright-red breakthrough" and a "phenomenal social movement."
As the "most dynamic force of the European Left" today, where does the strength of the Workers' Party of Belgium come from? How was it able to achieve such a massive increase in strength in such a short time? What inspiring insights does its rise offer to the contemporary Western and even global communist and socialist movements? This article will elaborate on and analyze these questions.
I. The Developmental Process and Stages of the Workers' Party of Belgium
The Workers' Party of Belgium was born at the height of the student movements that spread across the West in the late 1960s. It has undergone a process of birth, slow progress, crisis, division, reshaping, and revival, advancing through twists and turns across several main developmental stages.
The first stage was the party’s founding period from 1966 to 1979. In the late 1960s, amid an atmosphere of increasing radicalization across Western society, the Belgian socialist movement surged. Marxist thought spread widely in Belgium; students at the University of Leuven and Ghent University, deeply influenced by Marxism, took to the streets shouting slogans such as "Bourgeoisie out of the campus" and "The People's University," calling for the democratization of higher education. Concurrently, feminist movements against patriarchy and for equal pay, peace movements opposing the U.S. invasion of Vietnam, and anti-racist movements supporting Black liberation in the U.S. developed with great fervor across Belgium.
It was within these progressive movements that a new type of workers' party was conceived. On October 5, 1970, a newspaper titled All Power to the Workers (AMADA/TPO [1]) was launched, and a new party of the same name was established. At its inception, AMADA/TPO sought to unite with Marxists in the student movement and actively engaged in struggles to defend democratic rights, secure legal rights for new immigrants, and oppose the establishment of a professional military, undergoing a "baptism" in the successive waves of Belgian strikes from 1970 to 1973. However, its immaturity as a nascent party was gradually exposed during these struggles, manifesting in the chaos and disorder of an organization rooted in student movements, and political propaganda that was hollow and detached from the realities of daily life. Consequently, starting in 1976, AMADA/TPO worked to correct the party’s sectarianism and dogmatism, rectified erroneous views such as the "theory of the uselessness" of traditional trade unions, and sought practical breakthroughs through a spirit of self-criticism by taking joint actions with unions on specific issues, building alliances, focusing on environmental protection, and actively supporting urban ecology.
The second stage was the period of formal establishment and slow development from 1979 to 1989. On November 4, 1979, nearly ten years after the formation of AMADA/TPO, the first party congress was held, and the name was formally changed to the Workers' Party of Belgium (PTB/PVDA). The congress adopted the party’s first program, emphasizing socialism as its developmental goal while formulating a minimum program for social progress, democracy, peace, and national independence. The Workers' Party of Belgium thus became a genuine political force within the country. After the 1970s, following the outbreak of the oil crisis, the "Golden Age" of high Western economic growth ended. Neoliberalism became the dominant economic policy and ideology, the labor movement was suppressed, "farewell to the working class" theories became prevalent, and left-wing radicalism gradually ebbed. In this context, the process of open and inclusive policies initiated by the party in the late 70s somewhat contracted. At the Second Party Congress in 1983, the party reaffirmed its political principles at the ideological and organizational levels, strengthened the organizational core, maintained its image as a "cadre party," and imposed stricter requirements for party membership.
Throughout the 1980s, the Workers' Party actively participated in numerous protest movements—for example, opposing the Belgian government’s austerity policies, factory closures, and corporate layoffs; supporting the 1985 British miners' strike against Margaret Thatcher’s pit closures; and supporting liberation struggles in Southern countries such as Nicaragua, South Africa, and El Salvador. This led to a continuous rise in the party's influence within trade unions and social movements. In 1988, the Third Party Congress summarized the party’s workers' struggles of the 1980s, actively supported unionism, and called for trade union unity. Overall, however, the party failed during this period to translate its appeal in the labor movement into effective electoral support; its support rate in national elections failed to break 1%, and its influence at the institutional level remained negligible.
The third stage was the party’s period of low ebb from 1989 to 1999. Since its founding, the Workers' Party of Belgium had been a staunch critic of Soviet socialism, considering it corrupt, degenerate, and the "most dangerous superpower." However, at the critical moment between 1989 and 1991, as it faced the drastic changes in Eastern Europe and the dissolution of the Soviet Union—and as calls for the party's self-dissolution resonated internally—the party held its Fourth Congress in 1991. For the first time, it conducted an in-depth analysis of the upheaval in socialist countries and the subsequent New World Order, largely revising its negative assessment of the Soviet Union to the extent that, for a long time thereafter, the party was even called an "uncritical defender of Soviet history." In 1995, the Fifth Congress attempted to reflect on past policies, calling for party cadres to show greater responsibility and more political and tactical effort, and to correct bureaucratic tendencies to adapt to new social realities. In practice, however, these goals were not realized. This congress focused more on the party itself; it neither analyzed the political situation six years after the fall of the Berlin Wall nor critically reflected on the new situation. Instead, it continued to "cut and paste" past operational principles, failing to form a new program based on the needs of the people or to formulate a new strategy adapted to the new environment. The party’s self-assessment of this situation was that its "thinking was not yet mature enough to develop new methods."
During these ten years, in sharp contrast to the lag in ideological theory, the party's practical struggles progressed steadily. These ranged from opposing new wars of aggression such as the Iraq War and actively supporting peace movements, to opposing racial violence and protesting the rise of neo-fascist organizations, and launching a petition movement—the "Target 479,917 Signatures"—which lasted over two years and sought automatic citizenship for those with five years of legal residence. From being the only party in the country to oppose the restrictive clauses of the Maastricht Treaty and organizing anti-Euro movements, to actively practicing the idea of "going to the people," participating in protests against the government's neoliberal policies, and supporting nationalist and revolutionary forces in Belgium's former colonies, the party's social prestige grew. Generally, however, the party remained rigid in handling relations with trade unions during this period. At the Sixth Congress in 1998, the party continued to adhere to an inward-looking policy orientation, resulting in a historic defeat in the 1999 elections nearly 30 years after its formation. With a support rate of only 0.6%, the party stood on the brink of an internal crisis.
The fourth stage was the period of deepening crisis and strategic adjustment from 1999 to 2008. Following the 1999 electoral failure, the party leadership engaged in profound reflection, concluding that the defeat was the cumulative result of erroneous strategies over several decades. The party conducted extensive research among its supporters, which showed that while the party's strengths lay in its fighting spirit, idealism, commitment, and its distinct character as a working-class party, elements of sectarianism, ideological rigidity, dogmatism, sloganizing, and a penchant for moralizing still largely constrained its development.
Entering the 21st century, internal debates became more intense. Influenced by post-Marxists such as Negri and Hardt, the party tended toward struggles against U.S. aggression and committed itself to organizing radical anti-war alliances, while paying little attention to daily life issues. This strategy caused the party to sink further; in the 2003 elections, its support hit a new low. This situation led to a severe crisis for the leadership, as a majority of members who opposed the development strategy fiercely attacked the leadership for being "Leftist" [2] and dogmatic, and for a lack of focus on material issues. Under these circumstances, the party split; some supporters of the traditional line were expelled, and a new leadership composed mainly of young cadres was established. Subsequently, the party line gradually changed, shifting toward struggles centered on the needs of daily life, and the party’s "Renewal Movement" was launched.
The internal crisis, combined with the neoliberal "rightward turn" of European social democracy during this period, made the party's profound transformation possible. In 2005, the party actively participated in a 100,000-person demonstration against pension reform in Belgium, regaining prestige in the trade union movement. Hundreds of unionists joined the party, greatly advancing the "Renewal Movement," which was seen as a vital step in the party's transition from a "cadre party" to a "member party." This change in line also allowed the party to make substantial progress in the 2006 municipal elections, and calls to "reposition" the party grew louder internally. In 2008, the party held its "Renewal Congress," formulating a new developmental line that combined "principledness" with "flexibility," and the Workers' Party began its path to rise.
The fifth stage is the period of the party’s gradual rise from 2008 to the present. During the 2008 financial crisis and the subsequent European debt crisis, the Workers' Party actively participated in anti-austerity street actions and launched a "Tax the Rich" campaign. With the rise of right-wing populism and separatism, as the only national party in Belgium, the party actively supported the "Save Solidarity" movement. In 2014, it launched a campaign against "expensive energy," pushing the government to cut the VAT on electricity; it also launched the "Red is the New Green" movement, pushing climate issues to become systemic institutional topics. Furthermore, during the political turmoil in the Arab world after 2010, the Workers' Party—as the only party in Belgium to oppose Western intervention in Libya and Syria—launched a large-scale solidarity movement to support refugees. These struggles and actions further expanded the party's social influence.
Organizationally, the party's scale expanded rapidly during this period. At the end of 2007, the party had 2,800 members; this increased to 8,500 in 2015, reached 10,000 in 2016, and exceeded 19,000 by December 2019. Primary party branches were strengthened, a turnover from old to new occurred in regional and departmental leadership, and the party's research departments saw new development. The party also achieved substantial breakthroughs in parliamentary elections. In the 2014 national elections, the party won two federal parliamentary seats for the first time in history, as well as two and four seats in the Walloon and Brussels regional assemblies respectively, along with 52 local representative seats. By 2018, the party made rapid strides in local elections, with the number of elected representatives increasing from 52 to 157. By 2019, the party achieved new historic breakthroughs at all levels—regional and national—developing into an important political force with national influence.
II. The Party’s Strategic Breakthrough: Combining "Principle" with "Flexibility"
The rise of the Workers' Party of Belgium (PTB) began with the Party’s 8th National Congress in 2008. This congress transformed the PTB’s entire line and developmental direction, shaping its trajectory over the subsequent decade. The core theme of this congress was "building a party that unifies principle and flexibility; building a party of the working class." Adhering to the equal importance of "principle" and "flexibility" has become a hallmark strategic characteristic of the PTB within the contemporary global socialist movement. From the 8th Congress in 2008 to the 9th Congress in 2015—themed "Unity"—this basic strategy of combining "principle" and "flexibility" has been consistently applied, enriched, and refined, constructing a solid ideological foundation for the Party’s sudden emergence.
The PTB’s "principled nature" includes two key points: adhering to Marxism and adhering to socialism, emphasizing that these are the Party’s "strong pillars" in a rapidly changing world.
On one hand, Marxism is the Party’s worldview and methodology. The PTB believes the foundations of Marxism were laid by Marx, Engels, and Lenin, consisting primarily of five components: an objective and scientific attitude toward understanding the universe, the world, and humanity (dialectical materialism); historical materialism, which understands the laws of human social development; the class analysis method for understanding the process of human class struggle; Marxist political economy for understanding the laws of capitalist economic development; and an in-depth understanding of socialist history, which has seen both great achievements and serious setbacks. In the PTB’s view, with the full development of capitalism today, Marxism is even more relevant than it was 200 years ago. The 2008 crisis revealed the effectiveness of Marxist crisis analysis theory in explaining the causes and progression of crises. The PTB uses Marxism as an interpretive framework for capitalism, as well as a theoretical tool for constructing an alternative society and a guide for social action and goals aimed at fundamental social transformation.
Regarding Marxist theory, the PTB particularly emphasizes the need to guard against two dangerous tendencies: first, underestimating the importance of theoretical research. It must be recognized that Marxism is not realized spontaneously; it requires in-depth study. Theory is vital for constructing principles, strategies, and tactics. Only through correct theoretical analysis can one propose the right slogans, organizational forms, and action proposals in different environments. Second, the separation of research from practice. The PTB maintains that the purpose of research is to drive practice. Marxism is a living science, not a ready-made formula; it requires a thorough mastery of theory and creative application to current conditions to make the theory richer and more diverse. Social progress can only be advanced through extensive practice involving trial and error.
On the other hand, the establishment of socialism is the goal the Party is committed to achieving. The PTB proposes that the Party’s goal is to organize all people to seek the establishment of a socialist society free from the exploitation of man by man and capable of achieving ecological sustainability. In its view, while capitalism once achieved historical successes, it can no longer guarantee the future of humanity and nature. In the 21st century, human society faces profound economic, ecological, democratic, and cultural crises, the resolution of which requires a global answer. This solution is by no means a minor tinkering with a doomed system; rather, it requires a new paradigm shift—an alternative way of understanding the world, humanity, and nature. To this end, the PTB has proposed the concept of building "Socialism 2.0 for the 21st Century," arguing that such socialism is not only possible but necessary.
The PTB has sketched a beautiful blueprint for Socialism 2.0, including a life of dignity, high-quality social security, equal rights and opportunities, a secure environment, rich cultural development, a clean natural environment, the expansion of diversity, and the coordination of economic development with the conservation of natural resources. Socialism 2.0 is not what neoliberals call a "dangerous illusion"; the PTB has designed a complete practical framework for it based on the theory of the social nature of humans and human activity as the driving force of history. For instance, it has provided detailed and thorough demonstrations regarding the socialization of economic levers, planned development, sustainable social models, the realization of active political participation, the guarantee of fundamental rights and freedoms, cultural development and prosperity, and even the feasibility of implementation at the international level. However, the PTB also points out that Socialism 2.0 is not the end of history, but the beginning of building a non-exploitative society on a new basis, with the ultimate goal of constructing a classless society, a truly collective society, or a communist society.
While adhering to "principle," the PTB emphasizes that the Party must also maintain "flexibility"—the ability to adapt to the environment. The PTB posits that the Party’s actions cannot be based on "fixed dogmas" or "unchanging blueprints" but must be as flexible as an accordion player to respond to changes in today’s world. Simultaneously, the PTB dialectically notes that a flexible party is not an unprincipled one. On the contrary, precisely because of a better understanding and insight into principles, the Party can respond to daily practical issues of politics, organization, and action in a more flexible and creative manner. The Party's most important task is to uphold principles while maintaining flexibility, organically combining the two. The PTB believes this is like the human body requiring both a strong spine and flexible limbs. A body without flesh and blood cannot survive. Similarly, without flexibility, adherence to principle becomes a mere skeleton.
In the PTB’s view, strategy and tactics are like "conjoined twins." Strategy determines the direction of development and long-term goals; tactics mean finding the most suitable paths and methods for moving forward. Tactics serve strategy and must change according to the environment. The PTB believes that tactics are an art with their own rules and patterns, and learning to employ them is particularly important for the Party’s development. To this end, the PTB provided 30 "good" tactical recommendations to all members, including: every tactical action must be built on correct analysis; build the widest possible network of contacts; fully exploit contradictions among opponents; understand the zig-zag nature of the road and make appropriate compromises; focus on solving the daily life problems of the masses; maintain close contact with the people and commit to solving practical problems; accumulate small victories to boost morale and continuously move toward established goals; seek an active media policy; use direct and concise language that the people can understand; let facts speak for themselves; constantly seek organizational forms suited to the environment; and support the establishment of broad mass organizations. The PTB’s goal is to maximize the use of these 30 recommendations simultaneously to build a modern communist party that is broad-based, transparent, good at listening, acting, and cooperating, and imbued with the spirit of the times.
III. Main Characteristics of the PTB’s Political Practice
From a practical perspective, the rise of the PTB over the past decade has been the process of grounding the strategy of combining "principle" with "flexibility." The general characteristic of the PTB’s political practice, in the words of Party Chairman Raoul Hedebouw (Peter Mertens) [3], is the endeavor to practice this strategy by adhering to "principles, courage, moral codes, and the desire to learn," building a strong communist party and a true party of the left. Only by adhering to "principle" can the Party dare to speak out and face difficulties head-on without being bought off by the lobbyists of big capital; only by being good at learning, continuously drawing experience from the struggle to build a more just society, and maintaining the Party's "flexibility" can it advance with the times, break free from ideological stagnation, and remain full of vigor and vitality. Guided by the strategy of combining "principle" and "flexibility," the PTB has formulated and implemented a series of distinctive action tactics, manifested in the following areas.
First, adhering to a radical political orientation while focusing on "daily life" issues to determine action strategies. The PTB is a firm practitioner of a radical stance. Opposing neoliberalism, opposing the rule of big capital, anti-austerity, opposing the non-democratic operating mechanisms of the EU, and defending the fundamental rights and interests of the people are the PTB’s consistent struggle goals. However, unlike some "slogan parties" or "banner parties" [4] in political practice, the PTB appears more pragmatic and down-to-earth. It is better able to integrate socialist transformation plans with specific struggles and direct measures, moving beyond "grand narratives" to focus on the resolution or improvement of "small" problems in "daily life" to determine the Party’s realistic struggle tasks and construct its social base. As PTB Vice-Chairman David Pestieau stated, at every different stage, the PTB attempts to concretize themes rather than generalizing or proposing "big concepts." The PTB spends a great deal of time consulting and understanding what the people think and feel, using this as a starting point to research how to carry out social actions and transmit the Party's message.
Based on this understanding, since 2008, the PTB has launched numerous political actions reflecting public opinion and livelihood needs. In addition to the actions mentioned above, the "Medicine for the People" (Médecine pour le Peuple) movement is particularly worth noting. This movement originated from 11 community health centers established by the PTB at its founding in the 1970s, dedicated to providing high-quality free medical services to society. In the last decade, the PTB has successively launched the "Kiwi Model"—based on promoting public tenders to lower prescription drug prices—and the "Free GP Consultation" action, promoting improvements in the Belgian medical system. This has allowed 250,000 people nationwide to enjoy free healthcare by joining community medical centers, with 25,000 of them benefiting directly from the 11 centers operated by the PTB. Furthermore, the campaign for a minimum pension of 1,500 euros launched by the PTB on its parliamentary election platform since May 2019 has largely demonstrated the Party’s influence. The PTB’s goal was to propose a citizen's initiative law on the issue; under Belgian law, such a bill must be voted on in parliament only if 25,000 signatures are collected for submission to the Chamber of Representatives. Under the PTB’s active mobilization, over 100,000 signatures were collected in just a few months. Such actions, tailored to the actual needs of the people, have had a wide social impact and are generally regarded as "a true left-wing project on a Belgian political stage dominated by the right." These actions have also given the PTB a positive image distinct from other parties, earning it the support of many anti-establishment voters. Even analysis from anti-communist perspectives has had to admit that the PTB’s rise is due to its realistic policies being closely linked to the expectations of the people.
Second, defending the Party's identity and striving to construct an anti-establishment discourse system adapted to the environment. In contrast to the tendency of some contemporary Western left-wing parties toward ideological moderation and ambiguity, the PTB does not avoid or hide its identity in political practice. Key Marxist concepts and principles discarded by Social Democrats and even some Western Communist parties—such as Leninism, socialism, democratic centralism, class and class struggle, and the working-class party—remain prominent signifiers of the PTB’s identity. For example, the PTB defends the vital value of Leninist thought to Marxism, asserting that Lenin laid the intellectual foundation of Marxism; emphasizes democratic centralism as the Party’s basic organizational principle, requiring the whole Party to apply it creatively; stresses that class struggle is the driving force of world history—a political struggle aimed at seizing social power, by no means taking over existing systems but rather abolishing old forms to establish a new state and society; and adheres to class analysis, emphasizing that the PTB remains a party of the working class, a choice that is more important now than ever before.
While upholding the basic principles of Marxism, the Workers' Party of Belgium (PTB-PVDA) is also able to proceed from changes in the era and social environment to flexibly apply and develop Marxist theory. They have constructed a discourse system that adapts to the reality of social development, reflects their own value cognitions, and wins over the broadest possible range of supporters. A representative example is their understanding and interpretation of the working class and its class consciousness. On this issue, the Workers' Party adheres to the classical Marxist definition of the working class—namely, wage laborers who subsist by selling their labor power. However, based on a value cognition of solidarity rather than division, the Party emphasizes that the working class refers not only to factory workers but also includes broad social strata such as white-collar workers, civil servants, the unemployed, youth, intellectuals, and the self-employed. Consequently, it maintains that the Belgian working class has, in a certain sense, expanded rather than shrunk. Nevertheless, compared to the past, some new changes have emerged: for instance, the working class has become more diverse and fragmented; the contradiction between labor and capital still exists but has become more concealed and less concentrated; and the working class has failed to realize that it possesses the capacity to transform society as a class.
Under these circumstances, an important task for the Workers' Party is to instill class consciousness into the fragmented working class. In the Party’s view, this is a process of re-capturing, consciousness-raising, mobilizing, and organizing the working class, which requires the use of popular, easy-to-understand discourse that points directly to the core of this contradiction. To this end, the Party has proposed slogans such as "People before Profit" [5], while simultaneously emphasizing that this does not signify the disappearance of class into a vague concept of "the people" (peuple), but rather an effort to reclaim the cultural hegemony of certain important concepts and terms. Furthermore, the proposal and practice of innovative discourses have greatly expanded the Party's space for action and social recognition. These include the "Social Climate Revolution," which combines the anti-austerity struggle and the pursuit of social equity with the fight against climate change; "We Are One" (Wij zijn één), which opposes right-wing nationalism and separatism while advocating for national solidarity and unity; and the "Leftist Europe Against Big Capital," which critiques the political "revolving door" and the high salaries of European officials.
Third, a dialectical understanding of the relationship between parliamentary struggle and social movements, as well as the possibility of governing. Like most Western Communist Parties today, the Workers' Party follows a parliamentary road, but by comparison, it maintains a clearer understanding of the logical relationship between struggles inside and outside parliament. The combination of a significant parliamentary presence with sustained street struggle has been the Party’s unique mode of political action over the past decade. On the one hand, it acknowledges the importance of parliamentary struggle, believing that only by participating in parliament can the Party propose legislative motions and use its voice to support social resistance. On the other hand, it fully recognizes the limitations of parliamentary struggle, emphasizing that participation in parliament is not the final goal in itself; parliamentary work is merely one link in the Party’s cause of liberation, not the final stage of political struggle. The Workers' Party resolutely opposes "parliamentarism" and the recourse of all work to the parliament. It emphasizes that social struggle is in the Party’s DNA and that the momentum for change lies in street activities and mass movements. Maintaining that "the actual dynamics of the people are the Party's lifeline and source of strength," it advocates that extra-parliamentary initiatives and actions take priority in the Party's work. The Party explicitly defines its working principle as "Street-Parliament-Street," requiring its deputies to focus more energy on communities, factories, and people’s associations, conducting meticulous analyses of popular demands and transmitting those voices back to political institutions. The Workers' Party strongly agrees with the view proposed by Rosa Luxemburg over 100 years ago: "Although special political situations may temporarily cause the working-class parties of various countries to focus more on achieving certain goals, the foundation of political struggle remains the eternal basis of our program."
The Workers' Party also possesses a clear awareness of the potential problems of governing at the current stage, reflecting its pragmatic attitude and style. The Party does not oppose participation in power and decision-making, and it actively participates in governing coalitions at the local level; however, it has clearly stated that it will not seek to govern at the federal level for the time being. In its view, the necessary conditions for governing are currently lacking. Even if it were to govern, it would be impossible to dictate political decisions, leading inevitably to a state of being "in office but not in power," as described by the former leader of the French Socialist Party, François Mitterrand. In contemporary capitalist society, governments lack real power; the lobbies of numerous multinational corporations influence decision-making, and some cabinet officials are even direct representatives of big capital. Simultaneously, at the pan-European level, it is currently impossible to break the dominance of neoliberalism. In this regard, the experience of the Syriza government in Greece provided particularly useful lessons and enlightenment for the Workers' Party. The Party believes that although the Syriza government won the election and possessed a relatively radical anti-austerity plan, its choice to "govern without touching those truly in power"—resulting in eventual surrender to neoliberal policies—demonstrates that to find a strategy for the problems of the era, one must question the entire ruling power. To shake this power, one must possess a strong force of opposition. Beyond winning elections, this opposition requires a social movement and organization with the ability to influence ideological hegemony. As a social force, the Workers' Party needs time to grow and to formulate strategies capable of achieving a balance of power. For the Party, this is the clearer and more pragmatic strategy.
Fourth, adopting the "average worker’s wage system" to prevent the alienation of Party leaders and ensure the healthy operation and independence of the Party. A well-known practice of the Workers' Party is putting into practice the important principle of the Paris Commune: the "average worker’s wage system." This stipulates that Party leaders and deputies can only receive an income equivalent to the average wage and guarantees they do not use their positions to obtain other benefits. The Party's logic is based on the recognition that: "If you do not live as you think, you will eventually think based on how you live." To serve as representatives of the workers and the people, one must live like ordinary people, residing in working-class neighborhoods and receiving the wages of average workers to deeply understand popular concerns. If one earns a high salary of 6,000 to 10,000 Euros per month (the standard salary for deputies and ministers), one will lose contact with social reality. To this end, the Workers' Party stipulates that according to current Belgian wage standards, Party leaders and deputies can only receive a monthly salary of 1,600 to 1,900 Euros, with the remainder turned over as Party dues. This practice has established a new image of the Workers' Party as clean and honest while also providing the Party with a degree of financial independence, ensuring its healthy operation.
Fifth, adhering to an orientation toward the labor movement and treating trade unions and other social movements and groups with a more open and inclusive attitude. As a working-class party, defending workers' rights and promoting the development of the labor movement is the Party's responsibility and mission. In recent years, the Workers' Party has participated in almost all important strikes and protest actions in Belgium. Whether opposing the federal government's austerity policies or participating in sectoral strikes by railway workers, bus drivers, cleaners, and medical personnel, the Party has actively played a leading role or participated directly. At the same time, the Party advocates for an "open door" policy, strengthening cooperation with progressive social organizations and groups, uniting all domestic resistance actions and organizations to jointly carry out the struggle against hegemony, and emphasizing that this common struggle is a substantive factor in achieving socialism. In 2015, the Workers' Party adjusted its logo, adding multi-colored flags alongside the basic red flag design to express its close ties with various social movements.
Over the years, the Workers' Party has also developed a comprehensive set of movements, organizations, and initiatives centered on specific fields, target groups, and concrete issues. These include youth movements like the Pioneers (for children), Redfox (for teens), and COMAC (for high school and university students); the women's movement Marianne, which addresses issues such as opposing gender discrimination, pursuing gender equality, and fighting domestic violence; and the "Friendship Without Borders" organization for refugee aid. Among these, the "ManiFiesta" festival, launched in 2010, has a ten-year history. Attended annually by thousands of workers, union members, and progressives from Belgium and other countries, it has become Belgium's largest solidarity festival. Furthermore, the Party's attitude toward the trade union movement is particularly worth mentioning. Unlike the manifest sectarian positions of some Communist Parties, the Workers' Party emphasizes that unions should achieve maximum unity. It believes that dividing into competing unions is disadvantageous to workers, leading to unnecessary conflict and fragmentation, and advocates that unions should strengthen cooperation in a constructive manner. Regardless of the "color" [6] of the union, so long as it aims to defend and promote workers' rights and demands, the Workers' Party will engage in joint struggle with it in important social battles, thereby demonstrating a basic spirit of openness, inclusivity, interaction, and cooperation.
IV. Reflections and Inspirations
As an "exception" rising against the general trend, the ascent of the Workers' Party of Belgium is worthy of our in-depth study and reflection. Why has the Workers' Party been able to emerge as a new force in a short period, given that the external environment is largely the same, and its historical heritage, organizational scale, and social base are far inferior to many traditional major parties in the Western communist movement? Through the summary above, we can see that the proposal and practice of a strategy combining "principledness" and "flexibility" has been of decisive significance in promoting the Party's historic leap in recent years. For Western Communist Parties that remain in developmental straits or are confused about their strategic choices, the success of the Workers' Party clearly possesses important reference and inspirational value.
Using the evolution of theoretical strategy as a clue, Western Communist Parties over the past 30 years can basically be divided into two distinct developmental paths: "traditional" and "modernized." The former is represented by relatively radical Communist Parties that have inherited more from traditional socialist theory, possess a strong ideological character, and feature a prominent identity as the "Left of the Left." The latter has seen more new developments and greater degrees of change in ideology and theory, with a more significant degree of transformation. However, from the perspective of the past 30 years of practice, these two developmental paths have encountered increasing problems and shown an increasingly prominent trend toward "polarization." For example, the "traditional" type has become increasingly rigid, dogmatic, and formulaic in its thinking, equating "upholding" principles with "sticking" [7] to them, remaining mired in traditional definitions and detached from reality, and failing to make corresponding adjustments in light of changes in the era on important issues concerning the Party's future. Conversely, the "modernized" type has been overly flexible in strategy and tactics, overemphasizing the pragmatism of theory and compromising too much during strategic adjustments. This has led to insufficient preservation of their own characteristics, resulting in the increasing weakening of the Party's original distinct features. Judging from the results of both paths, relevant parties currently either find it difficult to break through the "ceiling" of their approval ratings, or have suffered a serious loss of traditional voters. The strength and influence of these parties are increasingly shrinking, and their space for survival in regional and national politics is becoming narrower and more marginalized. If Western Communist Parties are to escape their predicament and achieve results, they must conduct new explorations and strive for new breakthroughs in theoretical strategy.
The recent practice of the Workers' Party of Belgium (PTB) provides a new, referable model for Western communist parties in terms of theoretical strategy. The combination of "principledness" and "flexibility" is not in itself a new proposition; it has seen concrete practice and successful application during various periods and stages in the history of the international communist and world socialist movements. The significance of the Workers' Party's theory and practice lies in its forging of a "new" path amidst the strategic dilemma of "polarization" currently facing the Western communist movement. This "new" path is based on a profound summary of the party's own developmental experiences and lessons. Starting from a changing social environment, it creatively interprets "principledness" and "flexibility." By formulating a series of effective tactics, it successfully avoids the two extreme tendencies of the contemporary Western communist movement, achieving a dynamic balance between adhering to principles and the flexible application of strategy.
This "new" path also provides "answers" to several important theoretical questions that have long plagued the Western communist movement: for instance, how to effectively integrate intra-parliamentary struggle with extra-parliamentary movements in actual practice; how to correctly handle the relationship between the party’s specific political tactical actions and its long-term developmental strategy; and how to correctly handle the relationship between maintaining the party’s unique identity and independent action while expanding social ties and support. Using this as a mirror [8] is conducive to communist parties in various countries conducting in-depth reflections, actively correcting and improving their own strategies and tactics, and exploring developmental directions more suited to their respective national and party conditions. This "new" path might be called the "Third Way" [9] of the contemporary Western communist movement; perhaps it will become the road for Western communist parties to break free from the shackles of development and achieve a breakthrough against adversity.
(Author: Researcher at the Institute of Marxism Studies, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences) Online Editor: Zhang Jian Source: Report on the Development of the International Communist Movement (2019-2020), Social Sciences Academic Press, June 2020, pp. 253-268.