Zheng Xiangfu and Shu Wenhao: Marxism in the Course of the African Socialist Movement
Since its inception, Marxism has been endowed with a great historical mission. Adhering to the noble pursuit of "the liberation of all humanity," it has spread and developed extensively on a global scale. Looking back at the trajectory of the spread of Marxism, it is not difficult to find that it has left a unique imprint on various countries worldwide, forming diverse types of Marxism. Examples include the Soviet Marxism of the former Soviet Union represented by Leninism; the nationalization of Marxism proposed by Mao Zedong and the subsequent formation of the theoretical system of socialism with Chinese characteristics; and the Latin Americanized Marxism represented by Castro in Cuba and Mariátegui in Peru. It is evident that the process by which Marxism spread across different countries and regions is a process of interaction between Marxism and local practice. Despite the influence of dogmatic Marxism in practice, most countries eventually reached a consensus on the localization of Marxism in their visions for developing socialism. On the African continent, the dissemination and development of Marxism were closely integrated with the African socialist movement; or rather, Marxism played a vital role in African socialism. Alongside the ebbs and flows of African socialist development, Marxism in Africa passed through three stages—introduction and rise, prosperity and development, and decline and low tide—exhibiting different forms and characteristics at each stage.
I. Marxism and the Rise of the African Socialist Movement
The Russian October Revolution not only brought Marxism to China [1] but also exerted a profound influence on oppressed nations and peoples throughout the world. Since the 1920s, the "specter" of Marxism began to haunt the African continent. Before African nations achieved victory in their struggles for independence and liberation, Marxism had already begun to spread in areas with a higher concentration of the working class. Marxist-Leninist communist cells, societies, and organizations emerged in some regions; the earliest Marxist parties on the continent were even born in South Africa and Egypt. Under the leadership of organizations and parties of a Marxist-Leninist nature, labor movements began to rise in these areas, targeting colonialism and gradually moving toward liberation struggles for national independence. Therefore, the rise of the African socialist movement is closely linked to the dissemination of Marxism in Africa.
First, the international communist camp, particularly the Comintern, served as the engine for the spread of Marxism in Africa. In July 1921, Africa's earliest Marxist-Leninist party—the Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA)—was established under the guidance of the Comintern. Simultaneously, a massive worker organization with a white majority, the International Socialist League, formed in South Africa, providing favorable conditions for South Africa to access the latest trends in the European socialist movement immediately. "The International, published by the International Socialists, began reporting news of the development of the Russian Revolution as early as February 1917." [i] Subsequently, news of the victory of the October Revolution arrived, greatly inspiring the South African working class and strengthening their resolve to establish South Africa's own "Soviet" regime. On July 29, 1921, various revolutionary groups represented by the left wing of the South African Labour Party held a meeting in Cape Town, deciding to establish the Communist Party of South Africa and join the Comintern. For a period thereafter, the CPSA implemented Comintern policies dialectically, even refusing to execute certain directives that were inconsistent with South Africa's national conditions. For example, "From 1924 to 1929, the Comintern required the CPSA to adopt a non-white nationalist policy and abandon South African nationalism; many party members refused to follow this instruction from Moscow as it did not fit South African realities." [ii] South African communists dared to reject the dogmatic Marxism-Leninism of the Soviet Union and nevertheless made enormous contributions toward securing equality and economic and political rights for Black people. As an autonomous branch of the Comintern, the Marxist atmosphere in South Africa was relatively strong, and the diversity of organizations promoted intellectual debate and the spread of Marxism among the populace.
Meanwhile, socialist movements flourished in other parts of Africa. As early as May 1922, the Comintern published the "International Communist Program of Action for the Liberation of Algeria and Tunisia," calling for their liberation. Recognizing the dangers posed by violent repression, the Comintern urged the French working class to support the struggles of North African workers and French soldiers. Thus, the French working class could assist revolutions in colonial countries while resisting imperialism at home. It was not until 1936 that the Algerian Communist Party was established with the influence and support of the French Communist Party. Subsequently, the Algerian Communist Party occupied the entire political space of the anti-colonial socialist left, engaging in fierce debates with Algerian nationalists over issues of the state and land. Although the initial dependence of the Algerian Communist Party on the French Communist Party hindered their theoretical work, the growth of the Algerian communist camp and the rapidly changing conditions during the War of Independence forced Algerian Marxists to adopt unique positions. Additionally, the Comintern was active in countries such as Ethiopia and Somalia, sending teachers and Marxists to these nations and advancing the spread of Marxist-Leninist thought in these regions. It is thus clear that the international communist camp made significant contributions to the spread of Marxism in Africa.
Second, the personal influence of intellectuals in the context of colonialism and immigrant cities was the primary path for the spread of Marxism in Africa. The history of colonialism dates back to the Age of Discovery, but by the 20th century, colonialism took new forms to commit violations of sovereignty, land seizures, and wealth plunder in colonies. The colonial expansion of the bourgeoisie caused immeasurable damage to colonized regions; for Africa in particular, it was a history of blood and tears. However, as Marx stated, "The bourgeoisie, historically, has played a most revolutionary part." [iii] It "draws all, even the most barbarian, nations into civilization." [iv] It can be said that, to some extent, colonialism accelerated the enlightenment and awakening of backward nations, incorporating barbarian civilizations into world history. Consequently, the trend of Marxist thought was able to spread in colonized African countries alongside colonial movements. In Senegal, a French colony, the French Socialist Party began activities as early as the end of World War I. A large number of socialists and teachers were sent to Senegal to serve as colonial officials or to teach, "beginning to vigorously spread the social-democratic ideas of early socialist leaders like Jaurès and Blum, as well as Marxist-Leninist doctrines." [v] In Guinea, also a French colony, Sekou Touré maintained close ties with the French Communist Party, began to accept Marxist-Leninist viewpoints, established communist study groups, and supported the liberation movements of the colonies. In Sudan, "some British communists held positions in the colonial administration; they actively propagated Marxism among Sudanese intellectuals and students." [vi] Influenced by them, some students and people of insight joined the "Sudanese Movement for National Liberation" (the predecessor of the Sudanese Communist Party) and actively participated in the struggle against British colonialism.
On the other hand, the influence of Marxism in Africa also diffused from coastal areas through ports, cities, and railways, such as Cape Town and the Witwatersrand in South Africa, Brazzaville in the Congo, Guinea-Bissau, and Luanda, the capital of Angola. The spread of Marxism in these central cities was often accompanied by the cultural activities of immigrant intellectuals. Its Influence as a theory and a political movement was mainly reflected in immigrant societies with an urban proletariat, especially in countries like South Africa and Algeria, colonized by the British and French empires respectively. In South Africa, due to its relatively relaxed political environment and immigration policies, various trends of thought entered with immigrants from all over the world. Cape Town, then the capital of South Africa, had become a veritable ideological melting pot. "During periods of social and political upheaval, exiles from Eastern Europe, British immigrants, and South African intellectuals—both Black and white—met and connected with one another." [vii] These immigrants generally possessed high cultural literacy and the ability to disseminate the latest ideas generated by the European revolutions of the time, including Marxism-Leninism. In Cape Town, immigrant intellectuals interacted with local residents through left-wing clubs, cultural salons, and regularly held Trotskyist discussion groups. These cultural activities had a major impact on South African society; for instance, the founding of the Workers Party of South Africa and the later "Non-European Unity Movement" had deep roots in them.
Third, the Pan-Africanist movement served as the primary platform for Marxism to become popular and influential in Africa. Due to the tragic history Africa endured, being called the "weeping continent," Africa yearned to unite and consolidate all Black forces to strive for national independence. Based on these demands and visions, the "Pan-Africanist" trend of thought began to rise. As early as February 1919, the first Pan-African Congress issued the "Appeal to the Nations of the World," pointing out the justice of the Pan-Africanist cause, which resonated strongly throughout the Black world. In 1944, the Pan-African Federation (predecessor of the African Union), centered on the International African Service Bureau led by George Padmore, was established. Its struggle objectives were summarized as: promoting the well-being and unity of all African peoples worldwide; striving for national independence and liberation of African countries; upholding equal rights for African people and abolishing all forms of racial discrimination; and promoting cooperation between all African peoples and nations globally that share a common vision. [viii] Subsequently, in October 1945, Padmore, along with Nkrumah and Kenyatta, promoted the convening of the Fifth Pan-African Congress. This meeting was a significant victory for Pan-Africanism, making an indelible and enormous contribution to the subsequent African national liberation movements. During this stage, major African leaders such as Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Julius Nyerere of Tanzania, Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia, and Sekou Touré of Guinea were all active supporters and proponents of Pan-Africanism. Nkrumah drafted the "Declaration to the Colonial Peoples" for the Fifth Pan-African Congress, the end of which stated, "Colonial and subject peoples of the world—Unite!" [ix]—becoming the loudest slogan of Pan-Africanism. Furthermore, at public Pan-Africanist meetings, Nkrumah pointed out the view that they "adopted Marxist socialism as its philosophy." [x] It can be seen that Marxism and Pan-Africanism played a guiding role collaboratively. Additionally, a group of influential Pan-Africanists emerged during this period, such as W.E.B. Du Bois from the United States, George Padmore from Trinidad, Frantz Fanon from France, and Amílcar Cabral from Guinea-Bissau. Their writings and thoughts exerted a profound influence in the Black world, striving to incorporate African history into the scope of world history and actively awakening the noble consciousness of Black people to restore "human dignity."
In short, during the rising stage of the socialist movement, Pan-Africanism, as a nationalist trend of thought adhering to the noble pursuit of "Black solidarity and unity," exerted a major influence on Africa's independence and liberation movements. During this period, the dissemination of Marxism by European communist parties was intermittent and even played a completely negative role at certain junctures. The French Communist Party was particularly prominent in this regard. During Algeria's anti-colonial struggle, it had major disagreements with the Algerian Communist Party and opposed the Algerian independence movement. It was not until the eve of independence that the French Communist Party began to support the Algerian National Liberation Front; the Algerian Communist Party, affected by this, suffered major setbacks in its confrontations with Algerian nationalists. This explains why some early African leaders publicly declared their rejection of Marxism-Leninism, as Padmore indicated in his book Pan-Africanism or Communism: "why the African Communist Parties lacked influence on the politics and ideology of the liberation movements of the fifties and sixties." [xi] Meanwhile, due to the immature class conditions on the African continent and the large differences in development conditions between regions, the dissemination and development of Marxism in Africa were extremely uneven. Therefore, it can be said that during the rising stage of the African socialist movement, African Marxism functioned only as one element within Pan-Africanism.
II. Marxism and the Prosperity of the African Socialist Movement
In the 1920s, as the prospects for European revolution dimmed, the Comintern placed greater importance on anti-colonial and national liberation struggles, viewing them as a means to weaken imperialism. The Comintern's 1928...
The Sixth Congress [of the Comintern] in 1928 held that "the peasant struggle may shake imperialism to its foundations, until the contradictions of capitalism lead to its collapse" [xii]. Consequently, the Third International actively supported socialist movements worldwide, establishing Comintern branches in several countries and dispatching representatives to provide theoretical and practical guidance. On the international level, the achievement of independence in semi-colonial countries such as China, Vietnam, and North Korea greatly inspired the African socialist movement. Furthermore, because Third World countries had long suffered under the colonial rule of capitalist powers, they harbored an intense subjective hatred and even hostility toward capitalist nations. Against this backdrop, African nations successively won their liberation struggles, moved toward independence, and embarked on the socialist path. Marxism gradually became the mainstream ideology in Africa, sparking a powerful tide of socialist movements.
First, Marxism served as an intellectual source influencing the first wave of the African socialist movement.
Admittedly, the first peak of the African socialist movement was dominated by "communal socialism" [2] and "democratic socialism." Regarding theoretical guidance, ancient indigenous African communal thought, Western democratic socialist thought, and Pan-Africanist thought all played crucial roles. Moreover, leaders of the first wave of socialist nations generally viewed Marxism as an alien ideology. Nevertheless, the presence of Marxism could still be felt in the socialist movements of these countries, and its influence during this wave cannot be ignored. Due to Africa's unique historical conditions, the leaders of African nations played a decisive role in driving the socialist movement. Influenced by colonialism, a group of early African intellectuals was able to study in the colonial metropoles, thereby coming into contact with the cutting-edge currents of thought of that time. Notable among them was Léopold Sédar Senghor of Senegal, who, after graduating from the University of Paris, joined the French Socialist Party in 1936. During this period, he dedicated himself to the study of French utopian socialism while also reading extensively the classic works of Marx and Engels. Similarly, Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana went to study in the United States in 1935, where he read widely in the works of Marx, Engels, and Lenin and maintained close contact with the Communist Party USA and Trotskyist groups; as a result, he remarked that "Marx and Lenin had a particularly profound influence on me" [xiii]. Furthermore, "most young intellectuals from British African colonies studied in Britain and America, primarily influenced by British Fabian socialism and Marxism, which in turn gave rise to the idea of African socialism" [xiv]. For example, Julius Nyerere, the Father of the Nation in Tanzania, went to the University of Edinburgh in the UK for advanced studies in 1949. During this time, Nyerere actively studied Marxist-Leninist classics and maintained close ties with the British Labour Party. These intellectuals returned to Africa with the ideal of transforming their societies and ending colonial rule. Having generally encountered the most advanced dynamic currents of thought during European revolutions, or having been exposed to concepts within socialist thought such as social equality, mutual respect, and shared labor through the works of theorists like Marx and Lenin, they successively became leaders of various African nations. Consequently, they exerted a massive driving force on the socialist movements of these countries, thereby facilitating the first wave of African socialism.
Second, the primary ideology of Africa shifted from Pan-Africanism to Marxism.
Pan-Africanism played a critical role in African history; during the period of African nations' struggle for national independence, Pan-Africanism united Black people worldwide and dedicated itself to reshaping the history of Black civilization. Guided by Pan-Africanism, nearly half of African countries achieved victory in their colonial liberation struggles by the 1960s. However, "at the very moment of its greatest victory, classical Pan-Africanism suffered a fatal defeat" [xv]. Replacing the former direct and naked forms of colonial rule, neocolonialism eroded the African continent in more concealed and indirect ways. Relying on formidable economic strength, it implemented economic harvesting and cultural aggression against colonial nations; thus, the emerging socialist regimes suffered a fatal blow. After Pan-Africanism completed its historical mission—namely, defeating old colonialism to achieve national independence—African nations encountered a situation where they looked to classical Marxism in hopes of countering neocolonialism. In 1961, a political crisis erupted in the Congo, and Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba was murdered by rebels following a military coup in Brazzaville. Subsequently, a Marxist-Leninist party—the Congolese Party of Labour—was established, launching the "August Revolution" [xvi] and proclaiming scientific socialism as its guiding principle. In 1966, taking advantage of Nkrumah’s state visit abroad, a military coup broke out in Ghana, overthrowing the recently established socialist regime in one fell swoop and completely repudiating Nkrumah’s reform measures. Afterward, Nkrumah’s political positions underwent a massive change as he "resolutely abandoned non-violence and communal socialism, advocating instead for violent revolution and scientific socialism" [xvii]. As Daryl Glaser stated, "Marxism is a Pan-Africanist element, but its role has been to transform thinkers and transcend eras" [xviii]. Nkrumah’s 1964 publication, Neo-Colonialism, the Last Stage of Imperialism [3], not only announced that African history had entered a new phase but also demonstrated the infeasibility of classical Pan-Africanism in this new stage. Pan-Africanism remains historically significant in maintaining the spiritual unity of the Black world. However, faced with the erosion of neocolonialism, some countries turned their gaze toward classical Marxism. The fundamental reason they suffered setbacks was that economic development failed to improve or was too slow, leaving the grassroots population with a lack of a sense of gain [4].
Third, "African Scientific Socialism" was guided by Marxism-Leninism.
In the late 1960s, a group of countries professing orthodox Marxism, namely "scientific socialism," emerged across the African continent. They unanimously believed that "Marxism-Leninism is the only 'true' socialism" [xix], and that the greatness of Marxism lay in its applicability to all situations, the African continent being no exception. In Somalia and Ethiopia, local intellectuals introduced Marxism-Leninism to their respective countries and pushed those in power to adopt it as the official ideology. In countries like the Congo, Benin, and Madagascar, the personal convictions of leaders or military government officials facilitated the transition toward Marxism-Leninism. In practice, these leaders attempted to integrate the universal principles of Marxism with the actual conditions of their own countries, thereby driving the second wave of the African socialist movement. The first to propose this theoretical program was the Congolese leader Marien Ngouabi; in 1969, the Congo proclaimed itself a "People's Republic" and declared Marxism-Leninism as its guide. Shortly thereafter, several more instances of armed seizures of power occurred, leaving a deep imprint on the Marxist-Leninist footprint in Africa. These ranged from the Siad Barre regime in Somalia in 1969 to the Mathieu Kérékou regime in Benin in 1974, to the brief "People's Democratic Revolution" in Burkina Faso in 1983, as well as the representative examples of Ethiopia, the People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), and the Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO). These regimes all viewed Marxism-Leninism as their guiding ideology and socialized different modes of social organization. Consequently, certain traces of orthodox Marxism existed in the state-building efforts of these countries: first, the establishment of revolutionary vanguard parties. The Marxist-Leninist parties born of this wave included the Congolese Party of Labour, the People's Revolutionary Party of Benin, the Workers' Party of Ethiopia, the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU), and the Somali Revolutionary Socialist Party, among others. Second, the general recognition of class struggle. Ngouabi pointed out that classes had existed before the Congo became a colony: on one hand, colonial rule reduced the masses to a proletariat; on the other hand, groups that became wealthy through political activity became a bourgeoisie or a privileged class with a compradore character [5]. The bourgeoisie exploits the proletariat, and the two are in opposition. Samora Machel, the founder of FRELIMO, pointed out: "Marxism-Leninism is the fundamental tool for social analysis and the greatest tool for understanding class struggle" [xx]. As long as classes exist, class struggle will not quickly disappear. Similarly, the former Angolan President Agostinho Neto once said: "We intend to realize the genius theories of Marxism-Leninism according to the specific conditions of our country's class struggle" [xxi]. Third, the general advocacy for a planned economy and the development of state-owned enterprises. Measures for agricultural collectivization and industrial nationalization were commonly implemented in countries like Mozambique, Ethiopia, and the Congo, based on the belief that the implementation of a public ownership economy and a collective economy was simultaneously a process of eliminating exploitation and private ownership. However, these regimes were simultaneously fraught with controversy; to some extent, they all deviated from the orthodox Marxist path to power and were clearly eclectic in their policies. In countries such as Madagascar, Benin, the Republic of the Congo, and Zimbabwe, the leaders of independent regimes merely claimed to be Marxist-Leninists, often without formulating a strictly Marxist ideological system or consistent socialist policies. Nevertheless, it is evident that the period from the late 1960s to the mid-1980s can be regarded as the era of Marxist ideological dominance on the African continent.
III. The Low Ebb of the African Socialist Movement and Reflections on Marxism
In the early 1990s, with the Soviet Union's socialist system changing its colors [6], the world socialist movement encountered an unprecedented crisis and predicament. On the African continent, socialist countries became synonymous with poverty and backwardness. Coupled with changes in the global situation, countries practicing socialism successively declared they were abandoning the socialist path, generally choosing representative systems politically and trending toward neoliberalism economically. It is observable that the African socialist movement fell into a low ebb following the decline of the world socialist movement. Only five socialist countries remained globally—China, Cuba, North Korea, Vietnam, and Laos. Except for China, which stands in a class of its own, the other four countries generally encountered the difficult problem of slow modernizing development. It can be said that the fact that the development of world socialism has long been in a low-ebb stage is indisputable. Moreover, there is effectively no longer a single true socialist country on the African continent. The reasons for this are primarily two-fold:
First, the low ebb of the world socialist movement and the setbacks of African Marxism.
As the curtain fell on the US-Soviet Cold War, the international communist camp led by the Soviet Union suffered a devastating blow, and Marxism encountered its most painful defeat. On the African continent, both "African-style socialist countries" and socialist countries adhering to Marxist-Leninist thought abandoned the banner of socialism one after another and tilted toward the capitalist camp. Aside from internal factors, why was the decline of the African socialist movement so heavily influenced by the world socialist movement? It is necessary to trace the traces of the international socialist camp within the African Marxist movement.
The vigorous development of the Marxist movement on the African continent coincided with the beginning of the Cold War—an ideological and strategic competition between the two opposing camps led by the United States and the Soviet Union for vassal states in Africa. Therefore, the superpowers exerted a significant influence on the Marxist-Leninist tendencies within the African socialist movement. Nkrumah, who turned toward Marxism-Leninism in his later years, pointed out: "The world is mainly divided into socialist and capitalist countries, and imperialist and anti-imperialist countries" [xxii]. Therefore, socialist countries ought to be the "natural allies" of African nations. Although African nations were committed to the Non-Aligned Movement, for Marxist-Leninists, the Non-Aligned Movement meant opposing capitalism, imperialism, and both old and new colonialism. More importantly, Marxist-Leninist regimes viewed the African Marxist movement as a part of the world socialist movement. According to the official wording of Angola's "MPLA," "a revolutionary process of world-historical significance is underway; this is the stage of the worldwide transition from capitalism to socialism that began with the Great October Socialist Revolution" [xxiii].
At the same time, Mozambique regarded the Eastern socialist states as "our natural allies," while Mengistu of Ethiopia viewed his country's socialist movement as an "integral part of the socialist community." From the perspective of "proletarian internationalism," African Marxist-Leninist regimes called upon the world’s socialist forces to unite and enhance cooperation. In practice, the Soviet Union, Cuba, and Eastern European countries provided these African Marxist-Leninist regimes with essential material aid and military support. Consequently, the inclination of African Marxist-Leninist regimes toward the Soviet socialist camp was, in a more significant sense, a pursuit of Soviet protection and aid to counter the potential hazards posed by Western capitalist countries. Meanwhile, the aid provided by the international communist camp, led by the Soviet Union, to African Marxist-Leninist regimes was also based on the lofty goal of promoting the development of the world socialist movement, as well as the practical need to unite the socialist camp against the capital camp. However, when the day came that the Soviet banner of socialism fell, the African Marxist-Leninist regimes were subsequently submerged by the torrents of history. From this, it is evident that excessive dependence on the Soviet Union—merely copying the Soviet socialist model without implementing reforms tailored to their own national conditions—was the primary root cause of the failure of African socialism.
Second, the paradox of the universality and particularity of Marxism in Africa.
Following the low ebb of the African socialist movement and African Marxism, some scholars began to reflect on the paradox between the universal principles of Marxism and the specific national conditions of African continental states. In the eyes of early African leaders, the path they chose was a "third way" between capitalism and scientific socialism; while emphasizing an independent and self-reliant path of development, they highlighted the indigenous African connotations of these countries' paths to modernization. At the end of the 1960s, a group of countries claiming to believe in scientific socialism took the historical stage and declared to the outside world that they would integrate Marxism with their own national practices. It can be seen that, whether for states styling themselves as orthodox Marxist-Leninist regimes or "African socialist states," how to resolve the contradiction between the universality of Marxist principles and the particularity of the African continent has always been a contemporary task needing reflection in the development of the socialist path.
However, Marxist-Leninist regimes fell into a predicament during the process of the Sinicization [7] (indigenization) of Marxism in Africa. The vision of integrating Marxism with African practice stalled in practice due to the emergence of dogmatic and mechanical tendencies. Leaders of Marxist-Leninist parties repeatedly emphasized the integration of scientific socialism with their national conditions, using this as a promotional slogan to galvanize the masses. However, "integration" does not remain at the level of slogans; it must be implemented in concrete policy practice. Understanding what true socialism is comes first, followed by a clear recognition of one's national conditions; both are tortuous and lengthy processes that require continuous testing, reform, and refinement in practice. These Marxist-Leninist leaders neither fully recognized that the conditions for advancing the socialist movement in their countries were not yet mature, nor did they fully grasp the essence of dialectical materialism. Consequently, the vision of localizing Marxism became nothing more than a scene of bookishness [8] and dogmatism in practice. Looking back today, the socialist explorations of African Marxist-Leninist regimes were undoubtedly failures. If they possess any value, it lies only in providing experiences and lessons for the subsequent development of socialist paths in underdeveloped countries: namely, that developing a socialist path requires not only a profound understanding of universal Marxist principles—treating them as methodological guidance—but more importantly, adapting to local and temporal conditions in practice to systematically and closely integrate the universality of Marxist theory with the particularity of African national conditions.
How should African countries develop following the collapse of the Soviet Union? This is the most pressing question for all nations across the African region.
First, the failure of neoliberal practices in Africa over the past 30 years is a major reason for the reigniting of Marxism in Africa.
On the African continent, since 1990, countries that followed neoliberalism have largely failed to escape the crisis of underdevelopment; poverty remains, and social contradictions frequently emerge. Therefore, the choice of development path for African nations remains an urgent practical issue. The most effective means of understanding the current situation in Africa lies in comprehending the logic of capital penetration across the continent. Marx's theory of historical materialism explains why capital is necessarily expansionist; why the plunder of Africa was the process of primitive accumulation [9] for Western capitalist countries; and why European industrialization required the exploitation of African human resources and the seizure of African natural resources. Retracing the colonialism and expansion of capitalist countries on the African continent, it is not difficult to find that the root cause of mass poverty among the African people is colonialism. Through naked resource plunder and cultural invasion, metropolitan powers continuously devastated the productive forces of colonized regions. In the neoliberal context, colonialism has returned in a new form; while Africa is integrated into the global market, it cannot avoid being exploited and harvested by developed capitalist states. "Due to unfair trade schemes and terms of trade, as well as protectionist tendencies, most sub-Saharan African countries face poor terms of trade with developed capitalist states and are forced to accept neoliberalism." [xxiv] The economic lifelines of African countries are throttled by Western nations, and they have yet to form their own national economic systems. "The African economic operation model remains the export of energy and the import of commodities," [xxv] resulting in the perpetual poverty and weakness of the African continent.
Since the turn of the century, and especially following the outbreak of the serious financial crisis in the capitalist world in 2008, neoliberalism has faced continuous criticism and questioning. Marxism has regained international attention, with Marxist seminars and commemorative activities frequently held. On the occasion of the anniversary of Marx's birth, "within the month from April 20, 2018, to May 20, 2018, 2,431 foreign newspapers and 11 major news agencies including AP, UPI, Reuters, and AFP published a total of 929 reports regarding the 200th anniversary of Marx's birth." [xxvi] It is evident that the global influence of Marxism remains resilient. On the African continent, the political demands of African countries in the "post-apartheid era" still focus on striving for social justice in fields such as healthcare, education, and public welfare. In the economic field, the African continent is striving for meaningful development; after continuous economic adjustments, African economic development has shown a positive trend. In the East, the system of theories of socialism with Chinese characteristics, formed during the process of the Sinicization of Marxism, is guiding the Chinese nation toward a great rejuvenation. In this process, the Chinese wisdom and Chinese solutions embodied in the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics provide experience and reference for the modernization process of underdeveloped countries. For example, the "Belt and Road" policy [10] advocated by China has had a significant impact on the African continent, driving the orderly development of local African economies. Relying on its "unique advantages in natural resources, human resources, and cultural resources, Africa's future development is full of hope; if it can grasp opportunities and respond to challenges well, the 21st century could become the 'African Century'." [xxvii] In short, reality proves that the practice of neoliberalism on the African continent has also been a failure, while the practice of the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics demonstrates the possibility for underdeveloped countries to move toward modernization in a Marxist sense. Therefore, Marxism remains a potential alternative for African countries to achieve meaningful development.
Second, continuing to disseminate and deeply understand Marxism, and studying the system of theories of socialism with Chinese characteristics, is an excellent opportunity for Africa to find a new path of development.
To bow before the capitalist powers is to inevitably become a vassal and colony of capitalist states. Much like Africa's hidden and brief socialist history, Marxism in Africa has similarly been elusive and short-lived. Due to the widespread poverty Africa faces, the proportion of intellectuals is not high, and the understanding and acceptance of Marxist theory in particular remain at a relatively low level. The development of Marxism on the African continent has been insufficient, failing to form a systematic theoretical framework, while the socialist movements under the leadership of Marxist-Leninist parties on the continent generally encountered the predicament of failure. Since the 1990s, during nearly 30 years of choosing neoliberalism, various African countries have not shed the labels of poverty and backwardness; acute issues such as colonialism, religious factors, and racism continue to plague the continent.
On the other hand, socialism represented by China has demonstrated strong vitality and unprecedented world influence. The solidarity of Third World countries, marked by peaceful development and win-win cooperation, is an unstoppable trend. Comrade Xi Jinping’s proposal of a community with a shared future for humanity has stimulated the participation of the Third World, especially African countries, and pointed the direction for Africa’s future development. In the context of a community with a shared future for humanity, the practice and influence of a China-Africa community with a shared future will have a major impact on Africa's future development. On one hand, the concept of a community with a shared future for humanity is the latest achievement of scientific socialism's practice in mainland China and a model of the indigenized practice of Marxism, providing a useful reference for the development of African countries. On the other hand, within this context, China upholds the position of South-South cooperation and Third World solidarity, increasing investment and aid to Africa. The "Belt and Road" policy benefits countries along the route in Africa and drives their economic development. Simultaneously, China has long dispatched peacekeeping forces to maintain peace in the African region; additionally, during the COVID-19 pandemic, China’s medical assistance and sharing of anti-epidemic experience made a huge contribution to the African continent. Recently, South Africa’s second-largest website published an article titled "Can China Point the Way for South Africa to Escape Poverty?" which noted: "South Africa and other African countries can learn from the Chinese experience, promoting economic development and helping people escape poverty through active government intervention, the formulation of sound policies and regulations, and the strengthening of guidance for enterprises." [xxviii] Therefore, when the African people draw on the experience of the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics and gradually recognize the laws of the indigenization of socialism and the nationalization [11] of Marxism, it will surely guide the African people toward new development.
Third, vigorously developing productive forces and improving the economic level of African countries are the necessary material conditions for the return of Marxism to the African continent.
Admittedly, the initial practice of socialism or Marxism in Africa was a failure; one need only look at the history of poverty and hunger on the African continent in the second half of the last century to understand this. In reality, that was based on a dogmatic understanding of Marxism. In practice, the socialism of African countries trended toward an egalitarianism of low productivity. Clearly, this violated the original intention of socialism in the Marxist sense. When we turn our attention to the first indigenous practice of Marxism—namely, the process of the indigenization of Marxism in the former Soviet Union guided by Leninism—it seems to provide a highly instructive line of thought. Lenin pointed out: "State-monopoly capitalism is a complete material preparation for socialism, is its threshold." [xxix]
Here, Lenin regarded state monopoly capitalism as a "transitional stage" toward socialism; in this stage, the most important objective is to develop the productive forces to establish the necessary material foundation for socialism. [40] Therefore, African countries must raise the level of their productive forces before it becomes possible for Marxism to undergo a resurgence in Africa. Internally, African countries must absorb the positive elements of neoliberalism to vigorously develop their productive forces. Today, the vast majority of African countries remain shackled within the neoliberal framework. Although neoliberalism has not changed the general state of backwardness in African nations, and has even brought about negative effects such as a widening gap between the rich and the poor, one still cannot deny its important role in promoting socio-economic development. Neoliberalism advocates for a laissez-faire economy and opposes excessive government regulation, aiming to solve the difficult problems of inefficient resource allocation and widespread corruption. African countries must absorb the positive side of neoliberalism and allow the market to fully play its role in allocating resources; only then can the tension of capital be utilized to its maximum extent to further promote the development of the productive forces. Of course, African countries must realize that the primary purpose of borrowing the neoliberal model is to develop the productive forces and raise the level of the national economy. Consequently, in this process, efforts should be made to avoid or mitigate the negative impacts brought by neoliberalism.
On the international level, African countries must accept humanitarian aid dialectically. The African continent has a long history of receiving humanitarian aid. In the past, aid provided to African countries—whether from Western capitalist nations or the international communist camp—played a positive role at certain historical junctures, promoting the staged economic development of the recipient countries. However, in the process of humanitarian aid, the economies of African countries gradually developed a dependency on donor nations; even worse, the economic lifelines of some countries fell under the control of these donors. Today, African nations face intensifying economic crises, particularly a continuously growing debt burden, which provides an opportunity for Western capitalist countries and international financial institutions to promote Western ideology to African countries under the guise of humanitarian aid. Furthermore, accompanying humanitarian aid and loans from international financial institutions are a series of unequal clauses. The result is that the African continent can only serve as a supplier of raw materials and a dumping ground for the products of Western countries. Therefore, while accepting foreign aid, African countries must consider their own long-term interests, accept humanitarian aid dialectically, and avoid falling into the economic traps of Western countries.
Finally, we must recognize that the return of Marxism to the African continent is a tortuous and lengthy process. At the current stage, neoliberalism remains the mainstream trend of thought embraced by most African countries. Despite Africa encountering political instability and a crisis of continuous economic underdevelopment, with various currents of thought surging beneath the surface, "it is still far from the time when one can declare the death of neoliberalism. It is important for us to recognize that neoliberalism is merely a model imposed on African countries, making Africa a space with a series of generic 'problems' and 'solutions.'" [41]
Only when neoliberalism is unable to solve the crises and problems generally faced by the African continent will the moment arrive for neoliberalism to exit the stage of African history. Today, Marxism remains an effective theoretical tool for understanding social change and social injustice in Africa. At the same time, within the context of a community with a shared future for humanity, China’s role regarding Africa is becoming increasingly important. Therefore, based on the internal demands of the African continent and the guidance of the Chinese-path modernization of Marxism, we must say that a resurgence of Marxism in Africa is possible, though this process will be tortuous and lengthy. Marx pointed out: "A new revolution is possible only in consequence of a new crisis. It is, however, just as certain as this latter." [42]
Currently, the entire world is experiencing the severe challenges brought by the COVID-19 pandemic. Whether Marxism can recover on the African continent in the post-pandemic era and whether it is possible for a socialist movement to break out anew remains worthy of our continuous attention.