He Qin: Adjustments and Unity of the Latin American Left Viewed Through the 30th Anniversary of the São Paulo Forum
In July 2020, the São Paulo Forum, a regional organization of the Latin American left, reached the significant historical milestone of its 30th anniversary. Established in 1990, the São Paulo Forum is the most important forum for leftist political parties and progressive organizations in the Latin American and Caribbean region, aimed at seeking unity and integration based on diversity. Initiated by the Workers' Party (PT) of Brazil, the Forum has been held successively in countries across Latin America and the Caribbean, including Brazil, Mexico, and Nicaragua. Through 30 years of development and struggle, the São Paulo Forum remains a vital platform for the Latin American left to analyze the global and regional situation, explore alternatives to neoliberalism, and seek regional unity and cooperation.
I. The Establishment of the São Paulo Forum
At the end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s, following the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, the international communist movement and the world socialist movement entered a low ebb. Left-wing parties and progressive forces around the world fell into a period of reflection in the face of infiltration and demagoguery from Western capitalist powers. Simultaneously, the neoliberal paradigm, guided by the "Washington Consensus" and promoted by the Latin American right, further eroded the fragile socio-political and economic structures of Latin American nations. To address the unprecedented challenges facing the global and regional leftist movements, the Latin American left during this period organized a series of regional meetings to assess the situation and discuss development around practical issues such as the "crisis of socialism" and the "rise of neoliberalism." The creation of the São Paulo Forum marked the beginning of a new, more representative and organized stage of this historical reflection.
In July 1990, in order to shake off the "sequelae" of the Cold War, reposition the historical role of leftist parties and movements, respond to the neoliberal offensive, and search for possibilities for autonomous regional development, approximately 48 leftist parties and progressive organizations from 13 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean gathered in São Paulo, Brazil, at the invitation of the Brazilian Workers' Party. They convened the first "São Paulo Forum" to discuss issues such as the international landscape following the fall of the Berlin Wall and the impact of neoliberalism on Latin American countries [1]. The meeting brought together the vast majority of regional parties and progressive organizations across the leftist ideological spectrum—ranging from guerrilla organizations to social democratic parties—to conduct in-depth discussions on "changes in the international order and their significance for Latin America and the Caribbean" [2].
Participants condemned neoliberalism and emphasized the necessity of establishing a socialist paradigm rooted in Latin American history and culture. The meeting saw intense debate over the crisis facing "actually existing socialism" and its causes: regarding the reasons for the collapse of the Soviet Union, some delegates believed the model of socialist construction was flawed, while others attributed it to specific policy errors by the Soviet government. Regarding the challenges and future of Cuban socialism, some argued that the Cuban model required only partial minor adjustments, while others suggested Cuba should replace its existing political system with a more pluralistic socialist identity or promote internal democratic exchange and elections through the establishment of factions within the Party.
Participants not only expressed unanimous solidarity with socialist Cuba, then under the blockade and isolation of U.S. imperialism, but also conducted in-depth discussions on issues such as the subordination of trade unions and other social organizations to the party, party control over the media, and economic nationalization. The meeting ultimately adopted the Declaration of São Paulo (hereafter the Declaration) and decided to hold the second forum in Mexico City. Due to ideological differences among the participating parties, the final draft of the Declaration did not explicitly define socialist goals; instead, it defined the Forum as a leftist, socialist, democratic, popular, and anti-imperialist forum.
The establishment of the São Paulo Forum played a crucial role in promoting the rise, consolidation, and development of the Latin American left. Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, leader of the Brazilian Workers' Party, and Cuban leader Fidel Castro made significant contributions to the Forum's creation. On the eve of the first meeting, Lula visited Cuba. After speaking with Fidel Castro, both sides agreed that under the grave international and regional circumstances of the time, it was necessary to propose a strategic plan capable of mobilizing the masses and stimulating their consciousness for struggle. By establishing a regional forum dominated by leftist parties and progressive organizations, they sought to profoundly expose the essence of neoliberalism and seek an integrated path to counter imperialism and domestic oligarchic forces. The two sides ultimately proposed the initiative to hold a "Meeting of Left-wing Parties and Organizations of Latin America and the Caribbean" (the "prototype" and predecessor of the São Paulo Forum).
II. The Developmental Path and International Influence of the São Paulo Forum
Since its inception, the São Paulo Forum has consistently adhered to seeking dialogue among the many traditional factions of the Latin American left, promoting the unity and progress of regional leftist forces. Through 30 years of adjustment and development, the Forum’s organizational structure has been further strengthened, and its regional and international influence has grown daily.
(1) The Forum’s Developmental Path
The development of the São Paulo Forum can be roughly divided into the founding period (1990–1997), the flourishing period (1998–2009), and the period of hesitation (2010 to the present). Reflecting on the collapse of the Soviet Union and the changes in Eastern Europe, and seeking alternatives to neoliberalism, were the primary concerns during the founding period. The flourishing period from 1998 to 2009 coincided with the "Pink Tide," during which the Latin American left took power in a concentrated wave. During the period of hesitation from 2010 to the present, the Forum has encountered a new round of offensives launched by U.S. imperialism and the Latin American right against the Latin American left following the 2008 capitalist economic crisis.
The Forum’s organizational structure has been continuously refined. In June 1991, the second São Paulo Forum held in Mexico City attracted 68 political organizations from Latin America and the Caribbean, as well as 12 observer organizations from North America and Europe. At this meeting, the organizers formally adopted "São Paulo Forum" as the permanent name and proposed the Forum's objectives: promoting the exchange of experience among the regional left, resolving differences, building consensus, coordinating action, and deepening regional integration.
The second Forum established a Forum Organizing Committee and a Working Group. The former was designed to assist the host party in organizing the Forum, while the latter focused on exploring the normalization of the Forum's institutional construction. The second Forum’s Organizing Committee consisted of the Workers' Party (Brazil), the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD, Mexico), the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN, El Salvador), the United Left (IU, Peru), the Broad Front (FA, Uruguay), and the Communist Party of Cuba. The Working Group meets four times a year and is responsible for communication between members and the preparation of foundational documents for the congresses. As the Forum’s influence grew, an Executive Secretariat was established in São Paulo, led by the Brazilian Workers' Party, responsible for convening the annual meetings and Working Group sessions. Subsequently, three regional secretariats were established in Uruguay, Colombia, and El Salvador, covering the Southern Cone, the Andean-Amazon region, and Central America and the Caribbean [3].
Because participants opposed the organizational form dominated by a single party—similar to the Third International or Comintern—the São Paulo Forum adheres to principles of openness and pluralism. It explicitly states that the Forum will not become an organization of a Comintern nature, will not pass binding declarations or programmatic documents, will not participate in resolving internal multi-party disputes within a country, and will not become a competitor to existing party organizations in Latin America.
As of 2019, the São Paulo Forum has held four meetings each in Brazil (1990, 1997, 2005, 2013), Mexico (1991, 1998, 2009, 2015), and Nicaragua (1992, 2000, 2011, 2017). It has met three times each in Cuba (1993, 2001, 2018) and El Salvador (1996, 2007, 2016), twice each in Uruguay (1995, 2008) and Venezuela (2012, 2019), and once each in Guatemala (2002), Argentina (2010), and Bolivia (2014). The themes of successive Forums have included the crisis of capitalism and its alternatives, critiques of neoliberalism, regional integration and solidarity, and development strategies for the Latin American left. Simultaneously, participants have expressed views on the global and regional situation and commemorated major events and figures in the history of world socialist development.
Since its founding, the member parties of the São Paulo Forum have continuously adjusted and grown. Currently, it includes 123 parties and progressive organizations from 27 countries (or territories) in Latin America and the Caribbean [4]. The Forum’s Working Group is composed of representatives from 16 leftist parties and organizations [5]. Among these parties are "centenarian" parties like the Communist Parties of Chile, Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay, and Peru, as well as leftist alliances and progressive organizations that emerged during new political movements. They include the Communist Party of Cuba, which adheres to Marxism and has been in power for a long time, as well as leftist parties and organizations that have experienced ups and downs and continuous restructuring due to ideological differences or external pressure.
(2) Primary Concerns of the Forum in Recent Years
Since the 2008 financial crisis, the situation in Latin America has tensed, and social conflicts have occurred frequently. Several leftist regimes associated with the São Paulo Forum have successively fallen into difficulties characterized by domestic economic decline, social unrest, right-wing counter-attacks, and electoral defeats. To counter the neoliberal offensive and break the developmental deadlock of the left, the São Paulo Forum published important documents in 2017 and 2019, such as the Consensus of "Our America" and the Final Declaration of the 25th Forum. these documents articulate the Forum's views on the regional and global situation, its proposals for alternative development, and its refutation of the attacks and fallacies of regional and global reactionary forces.
In 2017, the 23rd São Paulo Forum held in Nicaragua discussed topics such as the "100th Anniversary of the Russian October Revolution" and the "50th Anniversary of the Death of Che Guevara." The basic document of the congress argued that neoliberal globalization has not perished; rather, attacks by the regional right and global centers of power against progressive regional governments and organizations have intensified, attempting to erase the history of progress in Latin America over the past decade. The document cited continuous attacks on Venezuela's Bolivarian path and the vilification of former leftist leaders such as former Brazilian President Lula and former Argentine President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner as vital evidence of this transnational counter-attack strategy. It argued that media under elite control serves the political right and regional/global corporations; society has become increasingly alienated under their manipulation, public services have been destroyed, and "soft coups" have continuously emerged. It called for the protection of current experiences in countries like Venezuela, Nicaragua, Bolivia, Ecuador, and Cuba, and for an effective political counter-strike against the reactionary left and the right.
This Forum also released its first programmatic document titled The Consensus of "Our America" (hereafter the Consensus). The Consensus noted that while the regional balance of forces has changed and a socio-political slump has appeared, the progressive cycle of the Latin American left has not ended. In the face of the capitalist counter-attack, it is a critical moment for the left to engage in self-criticism, summarize lessons learned, and seek historical reconstruction. The Consensus advocated for reducing polarization and social inequality while respecting the differences between countries; strengthening the role of state investment in the economic sphere and implementing social ownership of major economic resources—without excluding the role of domestic and foreign private sectors, provided their operation conforms to the national developmental direction. In the social sphere, it asserted that seeking a fairer distribution of wealth is the hallmark of leftist policy; without social inclusion, there is no real development. The state plays an irreplaceable role in guaranteeing all citizens universal, indivisible, and interdependent human rights. Faced with profound changes in information and communication, it called for strengthening people's power to resist the centralization and concentration of information, media, and culture. It advocated for the continuous exploration of integration models aimed at regional liberation while rejecting dependent models of regional integration [6].
In 2018, the 24th Sao Paulo Forum was held in Havana, Cuba, marking the third time Cuba hosted the forum following the sessions in 1993 and 2001. More than 400 representatives of political parties and social movements from Latin America, the Caribbean, and other countries including China, Laos, and Syria attended the meeting. The forum aimed to strengthen regional unity and integration under the spiritual guidance of Simón Bolívar, José Martí, Fidel Castro, and Hugo Chávez, opposing neoliberalism and imperialism. It also paid tribute to and commemorated former Brazilian President Lula and former Cuban leader Fidel Castro, who founded this united front of leftist parties and social movements. The meeting also adopted a "Final Declaration" and a "Plan of Action."
In 2019, the 25th Sao Paulo Forum was held in Caracas, the capital of Venezuela. Nearly 500 leaders of leftist parties, representatives of social movements, parliamentarians, and intellectuals from 124 countries in Latin America, Europe, Asia, and Africa participated. The forum adopted a "Final Declaration" and several resolutions. The declaration demanded the release of former Brazilian President Lula and other leftist leaders imprisoned for political reasons, condemned US sanctions against the governments of Venezuela and Cuba, supported dialogue between the Venezuelan government and opposition and the Colombian peace process, and advocated for the unity of Latin American progressive forces to actively promote the process of Latin American integration. During the conference, the forum also established breakout sessions for Afro-descendants, youth, women, parliamentarians, and indigenous groups. It held secretariat meetings for the Andean, Amazonian, Southern Cone, Central American, and Caribbean regions, and organized a dialogue between Latin American political parties and friendly parties from Asia, Africa, and the Middle East [12].
3. The International Influence of the Forum
In the 1990s, the Latin American left and socialist movements were at a historical low point. During this period, the Sao Paulo Forum overcame numerous difficulties and held eight consecutive sessions, providing an important platform for progressive forces in Latin America to conduct historical reflection and reconstruct regional identity. Under the influence of the Sao Paulo Forum, the geopolitical landscape of Latin America gradually saw the emergence of positive factors conducive to the return of leftist movements.
Since the end of the 20th century, several member parties of the Sao Paulo Forum have successively won national elections or achieved historic breakthroughs in elections. Especially in the first decade of the 21st century—in order to mitigate the negative impacts of neoliberalism and promote national economic development and social justice—left-wing regimes in Latin America, represented by "21st Century Socialism," launched a new round of political, economic, and social transformations. In December 1998, the Fifth Republic Movement (MVR), led by former Venezuelan President Chávez, won the general election, thereby initiating the path of the Bolivarian Revolution aimed at achieving Venezuelan sovereignty, justice, development, and solidarity. Subsequently, Latin American leftist leaders such as Lula and Dilma Rousseff in Brazil, Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner in Argentina, Juan Evo Morales Ayma in Bolivia, Manuel Zelaya in Honduras, Rafael Correa in Ecuador, and Daniel Ortega in Nicaragua achieved historic victories or breakthroughs in their respective national elections.
At the beginning of the 21st century, as Latin American leftist parties and organizations took power in a concentrated manner, the disadvantageous geopolitical position of regional progressive forces improved. Simultaneously, new developments in regional integration movements to some extent frustrated Washington's hegemonic plans in Latin America. In 2005, the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) plan advocated by the United States ended in failure. In December 2011, the first regional integration organization to include all 33 independent countries in Latin America and the Caribbean—the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC)—was formally established in Caracas, Venezuela. This organization seeks to find a balance between unity and diversity among Latin American countries.
During the "Pink Tide" [6] of the early 21st century, the Sao Paulo Forum not only became an important vehicle for building a united front for "21st Century Socialism" in Latin America but also provided an essential platform for exchange and union among progressive forces in Latin America and globally. To realize a common agenda and action, the Sao Paulo Forum maintained relationships of mutual respect with regional party organizations such as the Permanent Conference of Political Parties of Latin America and the Caribbean (COPPPAL), the Latin American Socialist Coordination (CSL), and the Socialist International Committee for Latin America and the Caribbean (CALCIS). It also maintained a dialogue with regional social movement organizations and actively participated in global and regional activities such as the World Social Forum (WSF) [13].
III. The Sao Paulo Forum Under the Impact of the Pandemic: Positions and Propositions
On May 8, 2020, the working group of the Sao Paulo Forum held its first video conference centered on "The Complex Situation and Synergistic Cooperation under the COVID-19 Pandemic," and issued a declaration titled Anti-imperialist Unity and Solidarity under the Pandemic. Organized by the forum's Executive Secretariat and the Workers' Party of Brazil, the meeting was attended by 23 member parties from 14 countries. The meeting held that the pandemic was a comprehensive test of national governments, politicians, scientists, and the medical, health, and social systems of all countries. It has caused significant negative impacts on the global economy, politics, and society; in particular, neoliberal countries that implemented the marketization of healthcare suffered catastrophic consequences. Global and Latin American medical personnel have braved sacrifices to shoulder the heavy responsibility of treatment. However, as there is no vaccine, the pandemic is far from over. Countries should be supported in taking appropriate measures, investing necessary resources to protect the people, and complying with the rules of the World Health Organization (WHO).
The declaration pointed out that the COVID-19 pandemic is a global challenge that disregards borders, ideology, and levels of development. To respond to the current crisis, political differences should be set aside to strengthen international solidarity and cooperation. The life and health of the people should be placed above the market, and national policies should be formulated to guarantee people's rights and food security. Priority and continuous investment in public health must be ensured, treating it as a basic human right rather than a commodity. The pandemic has had a particularly massive impact on women, who constitute the majority of healthcare workers in Latin America and the Caribbean, the majority of housewives in the Americas, and workers in the informal sector and freelance professions; during the pandemic quarantine, the problem of domestic violence in Latin American countries has risen significantly. Neoliberalism has once again proven its failure as a social model, while the leadership and effectiveness of the state in safeguarding national interests and protecting vulnerable groups are of paramount importance. Defending Latin America’s status as a "Zone of Peace" is a vital prerequisite for ensuring regional stability and synergistically responding to the pandemic.
The meeting declaration put forward 26 recommendations, including: on strengthening anti-pandemic cooperation, supporting UN Secretary-General António Guterres's initiative for a "global ceasefire to fight the pandemic together"; supporting the establishment of an international humanitarian fund to raise medical supplies needed for diagnosis and treatment, produce protective equipment and masks to ensure the safety of medical personnel, enhance the role of science and technology in the anti-pandemic process, and strengthen hospital networks and vaccine research and development. It called on regional and international multilateral organizations, political parties, social movements, and people’s groups to urge governments to prioritize vulnerable sectors and pandemic victims, comply with WHO rules, and recognize its work. It urged for the role of CELAC to be leveraged and strengthened, and for an international scientific committee to be established within its framework with the support of the WHO and the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) to advance discussions on relevant research and procedures. It supported the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) coordinating meeting decision of May 4, 2020, regarding "strengthening national, regional, and international anti-pandemic cooperation," regarding this decision as a true vaccine against unilateralism and an important message in support of multilateralism and international cooperation. It demanded that governments strengthen their capacity to ensure that all citizens obtain safe and equal access to healthcare services and drinking water, and that national economic recovery measures must not affect the protection of the people nor widen economic and social gaps. It supported the UN proposal to establish and implement a "universal basic income." The declaration also pointed out that the production and distribution of medical supplies needed by COVID-19 patients and medical staff should be ensured; national governments and international financial institutions should quickly make decisions to ensure that COVID-19 medicines, testing, and vaccines are free; and countries should be supported in transcending ideological differences to carry out necessary solidarity and cooperation.
The declaration lodged a complaint against the imperialist inequalities faced by the Cuban revolutionary regime and highly affirmed the spirit of internationalism shown by the Cuban government in the process of fighting the pandemic. The declaration stated that the current moment is a time for solidarity, not for war; a time for cooperation, not for politically motivated blockades and sanctions; a time for peace, not for threats and terrorist attacks; a time to respect the people's right to self-determination, not for invasions and the implementation of state terrorism. It is a time when national governments have an inescapable responsibility to protect citizens and save lives, not a time for the US Trump administration and its regional allies to use lies, military exercises, accusations, and disregard for the WHO—attacking other governments—to find excuses for their own ineffective response to the pandemic. In Latin America and the Caribbean, the Trump administration attempted to use threatening neo-colonial discourse to implement aggression, sanctions, and blockades against Latin American governments that did not submit to its interests, showing a strong tendency to promote "McCarthyism" and the "Monroe Doctrine" [7] once again.
IV. The 30th Anniversary of the Sao Paulo Forum: Historical Significance and Challenges of the Era
Following the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, the international landscape underwent profound shifts, and the situation in Latin America also experienced unprecedented upheaval. As a regional organization for the regional left and progressive forces to reflect on their experiences of struggle and seek alternative development, the Sao Paulo Forum has not only witnessed the low tide, hesitation, and return of the Latin American left but has also become an important platform for condensing leftist consensus and strengthening leftist unity. At the same time, facing the diverse and hybrid political traditions and the complex, volatile geopolitical situation of Latin America, the creation and development of the Sao Paulo Forum have always faced difficult choices and tests between unity or fragmentation, and struggle or compromise.
1. Historical Contributions and Contemporary Significance of the Sao Paulo Forum
At a moment when world socialism was at a historical low tide, the founding of the Sao Paulo Forum reflected the historical responsibility and contemporary insight of Latin American progressive forces. In 1993, at the 3rd Sao Paulo Forum held in Havana, the leader of the Cuban Revolution, Fidel Castro, once again emphasized the importance of Latin American integration and pointed out that to realize the ideals of the independence pioneers of Latin America and the Caribbean, there must be sufficient ideological preparation. Fidel Castro emphasized that without the unity of the peoples, the independence, security, peace, development, and well-being of Latin American countries cannot be achieved. From the predicament of Latin American economic integration, one can recognize that integration where each country goes its own way is not advisable; rather, Latin America needs political and economic integration to overcome all obstacles. Transnational corporations will not bring about the integration and unity of Latin America; Latin American economic and political integration should first be resolved in terms of concepts and ideas [14]. Fidel Castro believed that at that historical juncture, Latin America and the Caribbean lacked favorable political conditions for social revolution, but it was possible to build a more fair and just society, realize an anti-imperialist united front, and promote the development of the Latin American progressive movement by reversing the decline of the left in the regional balance of power, achieving unity on the basis of regional pluralism in the near future [15].
Pluralism, unity, and complementarity are the core essences of the São Paulo Forum. The foundational documents of the 17th São Paulo Forum emphasized that unity and respect for the diverse opinions and views of various parties are the two fundamental principles the Forum must follow. Enrique Ubieta Gómez, a prominent Cuban intellectual and editor-in-chief of the magazine Cuba Socialista, noted in the preface to the book Our American Consensus: Building Solidarity from the São Paulo Forum that every country in Latin America and the Caribbean will advance along its own path; some must build, consolidate, or defend their ideological consensus, while others should first establish a political consensus rather than an ideological one. However, in either case, the Left in Latin America and throughout the world faces two main enemies: disunity and imperialism (neoliberalism). Therefore, uniting against imperialism and neoliberalism constitutes the "minimum program" of the Left [18]. Although the historical origins, ideologies, political positions, and policy proposals of the Forum's member parties or organizations are not identical, the São Paulo Forum has consistently adhered to the fundamental principles of uniting on a pluralistic basis and conducting struggles against imperialism and neoliberalism on a unified basis. It continually seeks the "greatest common denominator" of all parties' interests to explore alternative paths that conform to the national conditions, development stages, and people's interests of Latin American countries.
The Forum maintains that alternative development models should be built on the foundation of social justice. Reflections and exchanges of experience within the São Paulo Forum regarding alternative models have formed a multi-dimensional and mutually beneficial regional relations network. Latin American integration should be established on the improvement of relations between countries, continuously practicing the ideal of "Our America" [8] through the establishment of new regional integration regulations. The history of the São Paulo Forum demonstrates that establishing a "new internationalist" path is possible. Despite facing numerous internal and external challenges and the tests of the era, the São Paulo Forum remains an important platform for the Latin American Left to seek regional integration, democracy and freedom, social welfare, sovereignty, and socialism [19]. In July 2020, to commemorate the 30th anniversary of its founding, the São Paulo Forum invited the leaders of Cuba, Venezuela, and Nicaragua to deliver online keynote speeches [20]. Aída García Naranjo, one of the founding members of the Forum, former Minister for Women and Social Development of Peru, and member of the Socialist Party of Peru (Partido Socialista del Perú), believes that during the 30 years since the Forum's founding, Latin American countries have experienced "hurricanes" of struggle, victory, resistance, and hope, as well as "hurricanes" of democracy in forms such as people's democracy, communal democracy, representative democracy, and egalitarian democracy. The people's democracy of Latin American countries has achieved historical expression through the political programs of progressive, nationalist, and democratic revolutions under leftist governments. In Latin America, the São Paulo Forum serves as both a space for debate and a "hurricane" of hope for the new struggles of the Latin American people over the 200 years since the independence movements to strive for a new social contract, a new constitution, and new regulations [21]. Despite facing many internal and external challenges, the history of the São Paulo Forum forging ahead under a heavy burden shows that the path to a new internationalism is possible [22].
(II) Realistic Challenges and Historical Limitations Facing the São Paulo Forum
With the evolution of the regional situation, the São Paulo Forum faces an urgent requirement for adjustment and transformation. Elements of the Latin American Right continuously attack the Forum to disrupt the regional situation and mislead public opinion. For example, Brazilian politician Cabo Daciolo has publicly referred to the São Paulo Forum as a conspiracy organization on several occasions, while the current Brazilian Foreign Minister, Ernesto Araújo, regards it as a "network of corruption, dictatorship, drug trafficking, and terrorism."
The core leadership of the São Paulo Forum believes that its operations must undergo a qualitative improvement to expand unity in dialogue, integration, cooperation, and action among the Latin American and Caribbean Left, and to enhance its capacity for theoretical analysis, strategic programs, tactical formulation, and the resolution of specific problems. The main challenges facing the Forum also include: how member parties can consolidate their existing positions—especially the governing status of those in power; persisting in the struggle against the Right and imperialism; deepening reforms in national governance by governing parties; promoting regional unity and integration; supporting social struggles; adhering to political means for the peaceful resolution of issues in Honduras and Colombia; expanding discussions on alternatives to neoliberalism and capitalism; improving the Forum's organizational operations; and deepening dialogue and cooperation among the regional Left.
In addition to the trials of complex current events and political struggle, the Forum also possesses certain historical limitations in its organizational principles and theoretical propositions. For example, at its inception, the São Paulo Forum rejected becoming a binding organizational body in the form of an "International" [9], instead striving to create a venue for participants to express themselves freely and exchange ideas, providing potential options for achieving regional independence, democracy, prosperity, and development [23]. Due to the Forum's loose organizational form and weak binding nature, its organizational composition has always maintained a degree of fluidity. The legitimacy of some participating parties and organizations has often sparked internal debates due to regional or domestic political changes, and some member parties or organizations lacks sufficient representativeness and influence. Furthermore, in seeking a basic political consensus, the Forum's foundational documents from various meetings repeatedly mention socialism but have not adopted the "realization of socialism" as a basic policy. Divergences caused by differing "views of socialism" have always existed within the Forum. The basic documents or declarations issued by the Forum still lacks theoretical propositions and epochal judgments that contemplate history and reality from a Marxist perspective; their guidance and specificity regarding the practice of the Latin American Left are not strong, and the historical reflection on the political lines, theoretical propositions, and practical strategies of the Latin American leftist movement is not sufficiently profound. Although seeking regional unity and integration has always been the Forum's greatest consensus, differences over the line of struggle and programmatic propositions have, to a certain extent, dissipated the Forum's centripetal force and cohesion. After the outbreak of the new round of economic crisis in world capitalism in 2008, some Latin American leftists believed that imperialist forces led by the United States launched a more violent counter-attack against Latin American countries during their "death throes." They argued that the São Paulo Forum, as a Latin American leftist front, cannot merely remain at the level of conciliatory lines and empty slogans but should seize this historical opportunity to conduct more in-depth discussions and produce feasible plans. Otherwise, the Forum runs the historical risk of being unable to respond to the challenges of the times and meeting the same fate as other similar international organizations that became increasingly bureaucratized and eventually disappeared [24].
V. Historical Reflections and Future Trends of the Latin American Left from the Perspective of the São Paulo Forum
The thirty-year development process of the São Paulo Forum centrally reflects the mental trajectory, practical exploration, and developmental aspirations of the Latin American Left over the three decades following the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe. After experiencing the brief "pink tide" [10] at the beginning of the 21st century, the Latin American Left failed to maintain its momentum in the second decade of the century, gradually declining in domestic political struggles and geopolitical contests. Some analysts believe this is a historical recurrence of the 20th-century "pendulum effect" in Latin American politics (the alternating dominance of the Left and Right in geopolitics) and marks the end of the progressive cycle in Latin American politics following the dissolution of the Soviet Union. However, some core forces of the Latin American Left believe this is a "strategic opportunity period" for the Left to conduct historical reflection and regroup its forces, asserting that socialism remains the future of Latin America in the 21st century.
In the thirty years since the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the changes in Eastern Europe, the Latin American Left has proposed some constructive and localized theoretical propositions centered on the lessons of 20th-century world socialism and the developmental dilemmas of peripheral capitalist countries in Latin America. The Latin American Left generally believes that the two core issues currently facing Latin American countries are "substitution" [11] and "development," and that people's unity and regional integration are the important prerequisites and inevitable directions for solving these two problems. The "substitution" proposition stems from the Left's dissatisfaction with and concern over regional history and current conditions; seeking a systemic substitution from capitalism to socialism is the mainstream view. However, a certain degree of theoretical ambiguity and divergence remains on fundamental issues such as the methods and direction of "substitution," especially regarding the transition from capitalism to socialism and the historical inevitability and necessity of socialist transformation. A small number of ultra-leftists advocate using armed revolution to disrupt or destroy the existing state order but lack foresight regarding future state-building. Some radical leftists who came to power through legal struggle implemented state transformations and pro-people policies guided by the theory of "21st Century Socialism" domestically, and advocated regional unity and opposition to hegemonism externally. However, during their terms, they neither achieved a structural transformation of the socio-economic base of their countries' peripheral capitalism nor managed to completely extricate themselves from the geopolitical chains of imperialist and neoliberal interests. Some moderate leftists from major regional powers, facing the reality of a solidified domestic oligarchy and their countries being deeply embroiled in the world capitalist economic system, advocate gradualist reforms of the existing peripheral capitalist state apparatus at the policy level domestically, while supporting active participation in regional integration and economic globalization externally, maintaining a principled critique of imperialism and neoliberalism. Regarding the differences within the São Paulo Forum and the Latin American leftist camp, the famous Argentine leftist scholar and former Executive Secretary of the Latin American Council of Social Sciences (CLACSO), Atilio Borón, pointed out sharply that without an anti-capitalist revolution, there will be no socialism; capitalism will not automatically exit the stage of history. Defeating capitalism requires a pluralistic and multi-dimensional subject to conduct a long-term, organized, and conscious struggle for socialism through correct strategies and tactics. Chávez again emphasized the profound analysis of this issue by classical Marxism, especially the critiques by Lenin and Rosa Luxemburg of Bernstein’s "evolutionary" democratic socialism and bourgeois reformism [25].
In short, at the current socio-historical stage, the Latin American Left's schemes to seek systemic substitution through the traditional path of violent revolution lack mature objective and subjective conditions. Meanwhile, the path of legal struggle through the fragile representative democracies of peripheral capitalism also faces complex political maneuvering and the trials of current events. Facing the epochal tasks of "substitution" and "development," the Latin American Left can only take up the historical responsibility of leading the Latin American substitution movement by standing on the side of the working people, fully respecting and affirming the status of the Latin American people as the subjects of history, and closely uniting with and relying upon them. Faced with the realistic dilemma of "the Left retreating and the Right advancing," the Latin American Left should profoundly recognize the new characteristics and trends of geopolitics under the Great Changes Unseen in a Century [12]. By elevating their theoretical level, strengthening organizational building, and adjusting practical strategies, they should actively seek and implement epochal solutions that truly conform to the developmental laws and stages of peripheral Latin American countries. Seeking substitution within development and seeking development through substitution is the common mission and beautiful vision of the Latin American Left and the region's progressive forces for the future. However, the journey from regional capital integration to the integration of the region's people under the background of capitalist globalization remains a long road ahead.
(The author is an Associate Research Fellow at the Institute of Marxism Studies, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences) Online Editor: Xin Ran Source: World Socialism Studies, 2020, Issue 12