Chen Airu: The Communist Party of Ukraine: New Dilemmas, New Strategies, and New Struggles

Following the outbreak of the Ukraine crisis in February 2014, nationalist parties came to power, and Ukrainian politics entered a new phase characterized by the total prevalence of populism ^[1]. The development goal set by the new authorities for Ukraine was to "look West" and join the European Union and NATO. In the realm of political ideology, this specific policy choice manifested as a vigorous drive for "de-communization." On April 9, 2015, the Verkhovna Rada (Supreme Council of Ukraine) passed the bill "On the Condemnation of the Communist and National Socialist (Nazi) Totalitarian Regimes in Ukraine and the Prohibition of Propaganda of Their Symbols." This was intended to repress communist ideology through legislation, outlaw the Communist Party, further sever ties with Russia, and accelerate the process of Ukraine's integration into the West. Under these circumstances, the Communist Party of Ukraine (CPU) encountered a crisis of survival and development. Facing this new predicament, the CPU adopted new strategies and launched new struggles, actively defending the Party’s interests amidst adversity. Not only did it stabilize its membership at 50,000—demonstrating a highly cohesive capacity for Party building—but it also successfully utilized the broad international stage of the international communist and left-wing movements to expose and criticize the fascist tendencies of the right-wing authorities, thereby expanding its international influence.

I. New Predicament: Dual International and Domestic Shifting Dynamics Faced by the CPU Since 2014

The CPU places great importance on the analysis and judgment of the domestic and international situation. In the political report of its 49th National Congress held on December 7, 2014, titled "Building a Party Capable of Fighting, Maintaining Unity, and Playing a Vanguard Role" ^[2], it conducted a comprehensive and detailed analysis of these dynamics.

(A) The International Situation

First, the CPU analyzed the characteristics of the international landscape, pointing out two developmental trends in the world today: on one hand, the most powerful and wealthiest country, the United States, attempts to dominate the globe; on the other hand, the unipolar world system is collapsing. Allies of the United States are striving to break free from the supervision of "Uncle Sam," and new centers of power such as the EU, BRICS, and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) are taking shape, objectively becoming forces opposed to the United States.

Second, the CPU criticized the acts of American hegemonism. The CPU pointed out that the United States tramples on international law and promotes neocolonial policies globally, introducing the "law of the jungle" (where the strong prey on the weak) into international practice. Dominating the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and other international oligarchic regimes, the United States launches financial attacks on most countries, forcing them to accept a US-led global "division of labor" model. It artificially transforms market relations into mechanisms for economic oppression, unequal exchange, and the plunder of various nations and peoples. Currently, the US is still able to keep its dependent states obedient and impose its will on vassal states, including the European Union.

Third, the CPU further noted that info-cultural expansion is becoming a contemporary mode of aggression, and the strategy of "controlled chaos" is being weaponized by the United States. With these weapons, the Americans arbitrarily change regimes that do not satisfy them, strengthening their influence and dominance in regions and countries such as the Middle East, Asia, Africa, and Ukraine. While implementing its plans, strategies, and programs, the US shamelessly controls independent nations under the banners of freedom, democracy, human rights, and the defense of national sovereignty. Forces opposing American's hegemonic plans are growing worldwide, including Russia and China, whose economic and military powers are both increasing rapidly.

Finally, the CPU expressed its views on the trilateral relationship between China, the US, and Russia. The CPU believes that to consolidate their position, US rulers are centralizing power in an attempt to weaken Russia and China by defeating them one by one. They obstruct the integration of Russia with the former Soviet republics that were destroyed in 1991 and hinder Russia's rapprochement with China in various ways.

In the view of the CPU, the United States is targeting Russia. The Americans do not hide their aim of using any means necessary to undermine Russian social stability, including the use of "color revolution" tactics already tested in Ukraine. They hope to change the Russian governing system, bring pro-Western forces to power, and use these forces to make Russian politics subservient to arrogant American demands, thereby seizing Russia's strategically significant natural resources. In this confrontation, the US has cast Ukraine in a special role. The Americans wantonly interfere in Ukraine’s internal affairs, intensify its anti-Russian tendencies, and drive a wedge between the "brotherly peoples" of Ukraine and Russia.

Evidently, the world today increasingly exhibits the characteristics of imperialism as described by Lenin. The deepening and unprecedented global financial and economic crisis continues to shake the foundations of the collapsing world capitalist system.

(B) The Domestic Situation in Ukraine

The CPU pointed out that the preconditions for the "neo-Nazi coup d’état" that broke out in Ukraine in February 2014 had actually matured long ago. Following the "Orange Revolution" in the Ukrainian capital of Kyiv from 2004 to 2005, the pro-Western opposition leader Viktor Andriyovych Yushchenko came to power, but suffered defeats in the 2010 presidential election and the 2012 parliamentary election. In 2010, Viktor Fedorovych Yanukovych, leader of the Party of Regions, came to power; however, the "Regionnaires" not only failed to meet the expectations of the voters but actually betrayed them. During Yanukovych's tenure, Ukraine's foreign policy lacked continuity, the economy became further oligarchized, and high-ranking officials were particularly greedy, shamelessly indulging in the accumulation of personal and "Family" wealth. Intense dissatisfaction with the actions of the "Regionnaires" was a major cause of the mass protests. These protests were skillfully utilized by pro-Western and pro-American forces to seize power. These forces included neo-Nazis exhibiting aggressive characteristics, among whom was the fascist "Svoboda" (Liberty) party, which had been fostered by the Party of Regions.

The CPU noted that Ukraine faces the threat of losing national sovereignty and being partitioned. The pro-Western, treacherous policies pursued by the new Ukrainian authorities led to massive human and material losses and the loss of the Republic of Crimea. Social division in Ukraine intensified. Events in the capital and western regions led to serious armed conflict and casualties, forcing residents in eastern Ukraine to rise up to defend their legal rights. Instead of exploring ways to solve the emerging problems, the authorities accused them of "terrorism" and "separatism." In the CPU's view, the subsequent so-called "Anti-Terrorist Operation" (ATO) launched by the authorities in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions was actually a punitive operation. The authorities launched a cruel struggle against their own people, which evolved into a fratricidal civil war. The Americans openly incited an armed conflict between Ukraine and Russia, which has already brought catastrophic consequences to Ukraine.

The CPU further pointed out that everything happening in Ukraine has a deep background: the intensification of the systemic crisis of capitalism. In this context, social antagonism grows, and the most reactionary and aggressive groups of imperialism hope to escape the crisis by relying on those neo-Nazis who implement fascist policies. With their help, they exercise an open terrorist dictatorship, suppressing democratic freedoms and progressive social movements. The rights of Ukrainian citizens and legal persons cannot be protected. For example, on June 19, 2014, the Verkhovna Rada passed the "Lustration Law" (government cleansing) under the pretext of purging corrupt and incompetent personnel, using it to punish those who do not comply with the rulers' wishes.

The CPU believes that terminating the current Ukrainian system and transferring power to the working people of Ukraine is an urgent task for all patriotic forces and the only possible guarantee for saving Ukraine as an independent and sovereign state.

II. New Strategy: Summary of the CPU's Experience of Struggle During an Extraordinary Period

Within the year 2014, the CPU's membership decreased by nearly 8,000 ^[3]. How to preserve the Party became an urgent issue for the CPU. In the history of the international communist movement following the "dramatic changes in Eastern Europe" and the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the Communist Party of another country had faced a situation extremely similar to that of the CPU: the United Communist Party of Georgia. Before the "Rose Revolution" broke out in Georgia in 2003, the United Communist Party of Georgia had 82,000 members. After the revolution, Georgia introduced "de-communization" bills, the Party was banned, and membership plummeted to about 3,000, with only about 1,500 active members. Another 1,500 became "zombie members"—those who did not renounce their communist beliefs and kept their party cards but did not participate in Party activities or speak out on major issues of principle ^[4]. How to prevent a recurrence of this situation became a difficult problem for the CPU leadership to solve. The CPU focused on Party building and the use of legal weapons to consolidate the strength of its members, occupy the moral high ground, seek the support of the broad masses, and strive to secure a safe, stable space for existence and a stage for activity.

(A) Starting with Party Building: "Building a Party Capable of Fighting, Maintaining Unity, and Playing a Vanguard Role"

Achieving the modernization and rejuvenation of the Party and improving the mechanism for cadre cultivation were the focal points of the CPU's Party-building work. The CPU emphasized these measures during its 39th, 42nd, and 44th National Congresses, and all subsequent congresses paid high attention to the issues of modernization and rejuvenation. For instance, around the time of the 44th National Congress, the CPU admitted a total of 31,000 new members, 55% of whom were under the age of 45. In 2013, the CPU conducted evaluations of provincial and district committee secretaries, re-electing 490 first secretaries for 761 local party committees; 294 of these secretaries were under 35 years of age ^[5]. In this way, young people were rapidly brought into the Party's leadership ranks, thus achieving the rejuvenation of the Party. Such large-scale cadre turnover can also cause problems in primary-level Party organizations, as young cadres often lack basic political training and experience. In response, the CPU strengthened the cultivation and education of young cadres and mobilized veteran members and old soldiers to participate actively in this process. A training mechanism of this kind has been established at the whole-party level.

The CPU emphasizes organizational work and political work among the masses. For example, the CPU implemented the whole-party work programs "Strategy 2012" and "Strategy 2014," and organized activities such as the "People’s Referendum," "Keep Your Job and Salary," "Supervision, Order, and Justice," youth propaganda group tours, anti-Nazi and anti-fascist protest marches, collecting signatures against the banning of the Communist Party, supporting a pan-Ukrainian national referendum, and promoting propaganda kiosks ^[6]. CPU leader Petro Mykolayovych Symonenko pointed out that while formalism is inevitable in this work, the direction is correct. The CPU must continue to organize and improve this work and give it new momentum.

The CPU utilizes organizational channels to link the Central Committee with primary-level Party organizations into a single community. The CPU holds a monthly meeting between the Central Committee and the first secretaries of various local committees, a monthly meeting in each province and the city of Kyiv with city and district committee secretaries, and a meeting at the local committee level with the secretaries of primary-level Party organizations. The application of electronic communication systems ensures rapid and timely information exchange and the transmission of instructions to Party activists, thereby guaranteeing unified action among members across the entire Party. The work of primary-level Party organizations is also a matter of great concern to the CPU, as it believes they will play an important role in future local elections.

The CPU has vigorously enhanced its information dissemination capabilities, creating a powerful network that includes the Party's official organ Kommunist and a system of regional publications. It is also able to exert influence on newspapers such as Kyivsky Vestnik and Rabochaya Gazeta, as well as other mass media. The magazine Kommunist Ukrainy has carried out beneficial and necessary work, publishing the CPU's main documents (those of significant historical importance) and historical literature, including theoretical articles.

The CPU has undertaken extensive work and committed significant funding to create modern means of information transmission. During this extraordinary period, the Party's task is to preserve these modern information tools and actively leverage their role. Symonenko noted that prior to the 2014 Ukraine crisis, the newspaper Komunist (The Communist) had only 15,000 subscribers—an abnormal situation for the primary organ of a party with over 100,000 members ^[7]. The CPU maintains that to propagate communist ideas and convey them to the broad masses, especially the youth, it is necessary to more actively utilize the internet and social networks. For young members of the CPU, this is also an important task assigned by the Party: to work among their peers, exchange information, and provide guidance.

The CPU established the Institute of Problems of Socialism under the Central Committee. The Institute conducts in-depth reflection and research on practical social issues as well as theoretical and practical problems of major significance for the struggle for socialism. It systematically and pointedly exposes the justifications provided by bourgeois populism and neoliberalism for comprador capitalism. The Institute has written and published a series of works aimed at defending socialist values, revealing the historical truth of the Soviet era, and attracting the working people to join the political struggle to defend their legal rights. The CPU also uses the Institute to conduct social survey research, providing deep analysis of the nation’s developmental processes and the reaction of social consciousness to these processes. The Institute’s representative work, The Ukrainian Working Class: Yesterday and Today, has provided great assistance to Party organizations in conducting work among the workers. Additionally, the Institute of Problems of Socialism published the "Practical Theory and Creative Activity" social library series, including pamphlets such as The Communist Manifesto: The Future of Ukraine, Socialism in the 21st Century, and Upholding Truth—Defending Justice, as well as the new edition of the CPU Party Program. The CPU pointed out that despite the difficulties, the work of the Institute of Problems of Socialism must continue. The Presidium of the CPU Central Committee hopes the Institute will explore new paths alongside regional Party committees, uniting Marxist theoretical forces—including promising young researchers—to jointly advance the Institute’s academic research work ^[8].

(2) Using legal weapons to struggle and suing the authorities for the unconstitutionality of the "de-communization" bills

In the struggle to preserve the Party, the CPU has skillfully used legal weapons to expose the true purpose of the "de-communization" bills and has filed counter-lawsuits against the "de-communization" legislation passed by the Ukrainian authorities.

The CPU pointed out that the Verkhovna Rada (the Parliament of Ukraine) passed Bill No. 2558, titled "On the Condemnation of the Communist and National Socialist (Nazi) Totalitarian Regimes in Ukraine and the Prohibition of Propaganda of Their Symbols," with 254 votes. This bill recognized the "merits of nationalists in the struggle for Ukrainian independence," including the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (OUN-UPA)—fascist puppet forces led by the Ukrainian nationalist Stepan Bandera ^[9]. By raising them to a pedestal, the bill refused to acknowledge the fact that they were enemies of the Soviet people, including their assistance to German fascists during the Great Patriotic War. This effectively provided a legal basis for banning the CPU. The CPU believes this is another trick by the regime that came to power through the February 2014 "coup d'état," following the failure of its strategy to outlaw the Communist Party through judicial means.

The CPU launched counter-litigation on the grounds that the "de-communization" bills violate the Constitution of Ukraine. Based on the so-called "de-communization" laws, the Ukrainian Ministry of Justice banned the use of the name "Communist Party" and the propagation (use) of its various symbols. On December 16, 2015, the Kyiv District Administrative Court, acting on Clause 3 of Article 3 of the law "On the Condemnation of the Communist and National Socialist (Nazi) Totalitarian Regimes in Ukraine and the Prohibition of Propaganda of Their Symbols," made the decision to ban CPU activities. During the trial in the Kyiv District Administrative Court, the CPU sought to prove in the court of first instance that the lawsuit brought by the Ministry of Justice was groundless and that the attempt to outlaw the CPU was an illegal and unlawful act by the authorities, citing the Constitution of Ukraine, domestic law, international judicial practice, and factual data. Although the Kyiv District Administrative Court refused to take the CPU's arguments seriously, the CPU consistently maintained that the Ministry of Justice's proposal to "lawfully ban the CPU" did not conform to the nation's fundamental law—the Constitution of Ukraine ^[10]. The CPU further noted that to implement the "de-communization" bills, the Verkhovna Rada had modified fifteen laws, including the Law on Political Parties in Ukraine, which was arbitrarily amended without following the relevant provisions of the Constitution. Article 37 of that law expanded the scope of prohibited parties. This openly violates the following provisions of the Constitution of Ukraine: Ukraine is a democratic state governed by the rule of law (Article 1); social life in Ukraine is based on the principles of political, economic, and ideological diversity, and the state guarantees freedom of political activity not prohibited by the Constitution and laws (Article 15); constitutional rights and freedoms are guaranteed and cannot be abolished by the enactment of new laws or the amendment of existing laws, and (new or amended laws) shall not diminish the content and scope of existing rights and freedoms (Article 22); everyone has the right to freedom of expression and values (Article 35); and citizens of Ukraine have the right to freedom of association in political parties and public organizations (Article 36) ^[11].

The CPU has exposed and criticized the "de-communization" bills for maliciously conflating communism with fascism. Supporters of the Ukrainian authorities claimed the "de-communization" bills were long overdue to liberate Ukraine from its painful past and establish a new national identity based on a re-evaluation of Ukrainian history during the Soviet period. Symonenko believes that equating communism with Nazism is a conspiracy by the Verkhovna Rada. Communist ideology is fundamentally different from Nazi-fascist ideology; the former is an ideology seeking social justice and people's sovereignty, while the latter seeks racial hatred and terror. This move was intended to cover up the crimes they (referring to Ukrainian nationalists) committed against their own people and the people of the Anti-Fascist Allied nations during the Great Patriotic War and the early post-war period while collaborating with German fascists.

Local CPU organizations actively participated in the struggle to preserve their Party. All institutions of the CPU, from grassroots organizations to the Central Committee, worked alongside the Central Committee and legal teams to protect the Party from the arbitrary actions of the authorities. For years, the Kyiv Municipal Communist Party organization protested to the Kyiv Administrative Court of Appeal, demanding a fair legal assessment of the first-instance court's decision to ban the Communist Party. On May 31, 2017, following an event in the city of Tarutyne, Odesa Oblast, titled "Say No to the Ban on the Communist Party," 110 Communists jointly sent a telegram to the Kyiv Court of Appeal demanding the cancellation of the ruling made by the Kyiv District Administrative Court on December 16, 2015 ^[12]. Grassroots Party organizations in the city of Shchors, Chernihiv Oblast, and the Ivano-Frankivsk region distributed leaflets to their compatriots, calling on them to support the demand that the authorities stop persecuting the Communist Party and cease creating social strife and sowing hatred; they collected 107 and 280 signatures respectively. On May 31, 2017, during the final trial process of the CPU legal case, 188 telegrams were sent to the Kyiv Administrative Court of Appeal, including those sent by individuals and those sent collectively. Ninety-five collective appeals were sent respectively to the President of Ukraine, the Prime Minister, and the Ministry of Justice. Under the mobilization of CPU organizations at all levels, nearly 30,000 citizen signatures were collected across major Ukrainian cities and settlements, and 94 demonstrations and 19 protest actions were held, demanding the revocation of the Kyiv District Administrative Court's ruling in the case of the Ministry of Justice vs. the CPU, as the ruling violated existing Ukrainian law ^[13].

The CPU expressed confidence in the future, noting that this is not the first time the Party has faced a life-or-death test. During the fascist occupation, the Communist Party was banned, but communists cannot be completely killed off. In August 1991, the CPU was also banned, but the Party eventually survived and restored its strength; therefore, the move to outlaw a Communist Party recognized by the Constitutional Court is illegal and unconstitutional.

III. New Resistance: Utilizing International Platforms to Expose the Right-Wing Authorities

While conducting the struggle to preserve the Party domestically, the CPU actively participated in international conferences and spoke out in foreign news media, expanding the stage of struggle to the international arena. In response to the Ukrainian government's actions to ban the Communist Party of Ukraine, communist parties of various countries also actively supported the CPU and criticized the right-wing Ukrainian authorities.

(1) The CPU exposes the fascistic tendencies of the Ukrainian right-wing

In November 2017, Symonenko spoke at the 19th International Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties, exposing the fascistic tendencies of the right-wing Ukrainian authorities. At the end of 2017, a revised version of the speech was published in the Russian newspaper Pravda under the title "The Revival of Fascism is a Threat to Humanity." The article pointed out that the restored capitalist system is destroying Ukraine. The restoration of capitalism and the formation of the national bourgeoisie not only destroyed the country's socialist economic model but also devastated the high-tech enterprises created by the Soviet regime in Ukraine. Reforms conducted according to models provided by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund have sent the Ukrainian "economy to the bottom," and the wealth created by the labor of generations of Soviet people has been plundered through privatization ^[14]. Currently, social polarization in Ukraine is severe: on the one hand, the labor force has lost its skills, the number of workers has plummeted, and the people have been impoverished on a massive scale; on the other hand, in terms of the number of billionaires (counted in the hundreds of billions of dollars), Ukraine ranks first in the world—nearly double that of Switzerland, the United States, or Brazil, more than double that of India, and triple that of the United Kingdom. The Ukrainian people have become victims not only of "Color Revolutions" but also of social genocide, fascistization, and policies of national extermination ^[15]. Today, the Ukrainian people are paying a heavy price for the country's political crisis. Due to the Kyiv regime's retaliatory actions against dissenters living in the Donbas, a fratricidal civil war has broken out, ruining the lives of tens of thousands and rewriting the fates of millions. Meanwhile, the core geopolitical forces led by the United States are not prepared to stop this war, nor do they intend to help Ukraine restore its territorial integrity. With U.S. support, the Kyiv regime deliberately undermined the "Minsk II" agreement ^[16] and continued to escalate the situation in the Donbas.

Symonenko pointed out that the anti-Russian and militaristic policies implemented by the Ukrainian oligarchic regime rely primarily on radical nationalist and neo-fascist parties—illegal gangs such as "Azov" and "Aidar" ^[17]. The law of the jungle has replaced the rule of law. Freedom of speech applies only to those who serve the system; worldviews inconsistent with the authorities' position are regarded as national threats, and civic values are replaced by ethnic values. Attacks on the rights, traditions, languages, and cultures of ethnic minorities are intensifying. The CPU noted that the Ukrainian oligarchic-nationalist parliament passed, and President Petro Poroshenko signed and promulgated, a new Law on Education, the purpose of which is to "purge" non-ethnic Ukrainians—that is, to achieve national extermination. Political persecution of dissenters, moral and physical terror, and political murders have become the "norms" of the ruling system. Any ideology other than fascist ideology is equated with treason. A dictatorial system has been established in Ukraine, under which it is impossible to practice recognized democratic values ^[18]. Symonenko emphasized that the increasing threat of fascism is one of the most dangerous trends in the world today, especially in European countries such as the three Baltic states and Ukraine. Capital utilizes "fascists" to prevent economic struggle from transforming into political struggle—into a struggle to overthrow the bourgeois regime. National-socialist ideas have become an attribute of daily life in Ukraine, reflecting the political course of the authorities ^[19].

Speaking at the 17th National Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, Petro Symonenko pointed out that because Ukrainian nationalists launched an armed rebellion in February 2014 with Western support, a "tripartite alliance" consisting of comprador oligarchs, descendants of the followers of the radical nationalist wing of the Nazi invaders during World War II, and organized criminal groups seized power. A terrorist regime of bourgeois dictatorship was established in Ukraine, possessing all the characteristics of fascism. Fascization, anti-communism, and Russophobia have been elevated to the level of state policy, and the Ukrainian people live in fear. An economic recession heavily dependent on external credit, a sharp decline in living standards, and the loss of economic sovereignty and political independence—these are the results of Ukraine’s fascization; the country is effectively under external control (19).

(2) Solidarity of International Progressive Forces with the Communist Party of Ukraine

Regarding the Ukrainian authorities' actions to ban the Communist Party of Ukraine (KPU), "European authorities maintained a double standard toward the fate of the KPU; Europe remained silent on what was happening in Ukraine. European authorities merely boasted in words of their concern for maintaining civil rights" (20). Nevertheless, the KPU received solidarity from progressive forces within the international community. Organizations such as the World Federation of Trade Unions, the World Association of Democratic Jurists, and the Human Rights Council have closely monitored the proceedings related to the banning of the KPU, taking a negative stance toward the court's decision to halt the party's activities.

Communist and workers' parties from various countries issued statements in solidarity with the KPU and condemned the right-wing Ukrainian authorities. Simultaneously, these parties launched struggles criticizing capitalism and imperialism. Communist and workers' parties from France, Belgium, Britain, Greece, Denmark, India, Spain, Italy, Cyprus, Lebanon, Mexico, Pakistan, Portugal, the United States, Turkey, the Czech Republic, and various European Left factions sent letters of solidarity to the KPU and the working people of Ukraine, supporting their struggle against the oligarchic-Nazi system and condemning the act of banning the KPU. The KPU’s like-minded comrades abroad emphasized that the KPU is the only party in Ukraine that consistently defends the interests of the laborers and advocates for ending the fratricidal ^[20] civil war, ensuring Ukraine’s territorial integrity on the basis of expanded regional powers and federalism (21).

The Polish Workers' Party, the German Communist Party, the New Communist Party of the Netherlands, and the Communist Party of Luxembourg issued a joint statement particularly noting that those who came to power through the "February Coup" have cruelly suppressed domestic opponents, encouraged thugs to persecute those who resisted the usurpation of power, and deployed tanks, aircraft, and artillery against protest participants. In the struggle against its political rivals, the regime established in Ukraine distorted facts and told blatant lies. The statement pointed out that the oligarchic regime is attempting to legalize fascist organizations (such as the Ukrainian "Svoboda" party and "Right Sector") and has received support from the EU and NATO in this regard. Furthermore, the forces that launched the coup received billions of dollars in financial support from the EU and the United States to finally eliminate their political opponents. Communists are the only party in Ukraine that advocates for peace in Eastern Ukraine without any additional conditions and are thus subject to persecution. Today's Kyiv authorities resemble the Pinochet regime in Chile, combining ultra-liberalism with dictatorial rule. The Polish Workers' Party, the German Communist Party, the New Communist Party of the Netherlands, and the Communist Party of Luxembourg strongly oppose the persecution of Ukrainian Communists and all anti-fascists. These communist parties demand that their own governments take a tougher stance against the fascists who seized power in Ukraine (22).

More than 100 politicians, social activists, university professors, and trade union members in Italy signed a joint statement in solidarity with the KPU. The statement notably remarked: "In recent months, there have been multiple incidents of beatings and threats against Ukrainian Communists and Petro Symonenko, the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the KPU. We were shocked to learn that the Kyiv government, with the support of neo-Nazi forces such as 'Svoboda' and 'Right Sector,' arbitrarily declared the KPU to be outside the law. This decision by the Ukrainian government flagrantly undermines the principles of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen proclaimed during the French Revolution of 1789, which were reaffirmed in 2000 in the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union adopted by the EU. The EU's support for the Ukrainian government—that is, support for a government that allows neo-Nazis to serve as ministers and intends to ban the Communist Party—is equivalent to the EU itself violating the principles confirmed by the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen and the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union" (23). This statement was copied to the Constitutional Court of Ukraine, the Court of Justice of the European Union, the European Parliament, the European Council, and the Council of Europe. They called for an end to support for this illegal act, asserting that the principles of freedom of speech and assembly are inviolable, as is the principle of cultural pluralism that constitutes the foundation of civil society.

The KPU called upon the international community not to forget Marx's warning. In 1864, Marx pointed out in the "Inaugural Address of the International Working Men's Association": "Disregard of that bond of brotherhood which ought to exist between the workmen of different countries, and incite them to stand by each other in all their struggles for emancipation, will be chastised by the common discomfiture of their incoherent efforts" (24). The KPU stated that as the current threat of fascism and a third world war grows, it is necessary to decisively strengthen international links between brother parties and workers of all countries, launch a large-scale anti-fascist resistance movement, and not allow the tragedy that occurred in Europe in the 1930s to be repeated.

In terms of strategic choice, the Communist Party of Ukraine (KPU) insists on the organic unity of "upholding the fundamentals and break new ground" ^[21]. It adheres to the fundamental principles of Marxism-Leninism while continuously advancing ideological and theoretical innovation based on the changing domestic and international situation. Faced with the "de-communization" ^[22] laws and the dual pressure of political persecution and legal bans, the KPU has not retreated into dogmatism. Instead, it has actively adjusted its organizational forms and struggle tactics. By shifting from open parliamentary struggle to a combination of underground work and legal defense, and by transitioning from independent action to establishing a broad anti-fascist united front, the KPU has demonstrated strong political resilience.

Specifically, the KPU continues to deepen its theoretical research on the nature of the Ukrainian crisis, pointing out that the current predicament is a concentrated manifestation of the inherent contradictions of peripheral capitalism under the conditions of globalization. In its practice of struggle, the KPU places the protection of the interests of the laboring masses at the core, resisting the encroachment of neoliberal policies on social welfare through "mass line" methods adapted to local conditions. At the same time, the KPU emphasizes that "self-revolution" is the internal driving force for the party's survival and development; by purifying the party ranks and strengthening ideological party building, it aims to maintain the purity and combat effectiveness of the vanguard of the proletariat.

As Engels pointed out in the third volume of the Selected Works of Marx and Engels: "The movement of the proletariat is the independent movement of the immense majority, in the interest of the immense majority" ^[23]. For the Communist Party of Ukraine, although the current path is fraught with difficulties and the political ecosystem is severe, as long as it remains true to its original aspiration and founding mission, stands firmly with the people, and persists over the long term, it will eventually find a way out of the historical low tide and contribute "Ukrainian wisdom" to the cause of world socialism in the New Era.

20. Simonenko, P.N. "The Struggle to Preserve the Party." Pravda, 2017, No. 66.
21. "The French Communist Party Condemns the Persecution of the KPU." Pravda, 2016, No. 1.
22. "Solidarity with the KPU." Pravda, 2014, No. 82.
23. "No to the Ban on the KPU!" Pravda, 2014, No. 89.
24. Selected Works of Marx and Engels, Vol. 3. Beijing: People's Publishing House, 2012, p. 10.

(The author is an Associate Research Fellow at the Institute of Marxism Studies, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences)

Web Editor: Xinran Source: World Socialism Studies, 2021, Issue 3