Yu Weihai: New Trends in the International Coalition of Communist Parties in Recent Years and Our Response
The transformation of the world unseen in a century has entered a period of accelerated evolution. Capitalist crises are emerging in an endless stream and erupting in dense succession; consequently, the "socialist moment" is being proclaimed loudly in many parts of the world. As the communist movement reaches several centennial milestones, Communist Parties in many countries have entered a period of "centennial" reflection on strategy and tactics. Given this transformation unseen in a century, what is the current status and developmental trend of the international communist movement? This represents both the practical environment faced by the Communist Party of China (CPC) at its own centennial moment and a major theoretical issue to be studied within the framework of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics in the New Era.
Broadly speaking, various Communist and Workers' Parties across the globe today are not only numerous but also exhibit a clear trend toward coalition-building. Calls for the unification of world Communist Parties are rising one after another, and various forms of joint action are surfacing in many regions. Many Communist and Workers' Parties have reached a consensus on themes such as the struggle for socialism, the rights and interests of the working class, peace and justice, new changes in capitalism and new manifestations of imperialism, the situation of struggle in various regions, and other major issues of the international communist movement. To this end, they have issued joint statements and unified their voices. They have demonstrated a cohesive force across platform mechanisms, ideology, targets of struggle, and practical actions, collectively creating a new posture for the international communist movement and enriching its new forms and connotations. Compared to the movement in the 19th and 20th centuries, this represents a new trend of "coalitionization" [1] characterized by many "new historical features."
I. Manifestations of the Coalitionization of World Communist Parties in Recent Years
The communist movement is inherently international. In the Manifesto of the Communist Party, the program drafted for the Communist League, Marx and Engels explicitly stated: "United action, of the leading civilized countries at least, is one of the first conditions for the emancipation of the proletariat." In the history of the international communist movement, international organizations such as the Communist League, the First International, the Second International, the Communist International (Comintern), and the Information Bureau of the Communist and Workers' Parties (Cominform) have emerged, playing massive roles in uniting the struggles of communists worldwide. In recent years, the coalitionization of world Communist Parties differs from the historical forms that possessed unified organizations, programs, goals, and actions; instead, it has taken on many new contents and characteristics.
First, the establishment of a series of coalition-based organizational mechanisms. The dissolution of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe [2] plunged the international communist movement into a low ebb. Most Communist Parties fell into the predicament of organizational shrinkage, laxity, fragmentation, reorganization, or even dissolution, while the "end of history" [3] narrative ran rampant. To escape this predicament, world Communist and Workers' Parties strengthened the construction of organizational coalitions and established a series of fixed platforms for international coordination, including international conferences and international or regional social organizations. Examples include the Union of Communist Parties–Communist Party of the Soviet Union (UCP-CPSU) founded in 1993 (currently with 18 member parties and 3 observer parties); the International Conference of Marxist–Leninist Parties and Organizations (ICMLPO) founded in 1994 (currently 24 member parties); the International Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties (IMCWP) founded in 1998 (currently 118 member parties); the International Marxist Tendency (IMT) founded in 2006 (active in nearly 40 countries and regions); the Communist Party of the Soviet Union founded in 2001 (currently 14 member parties); the International Coordination of Revolutionary Parties and Organizations (ICOR) founded in 2010 (currently 62 member parties); the Initiative of Communist and Workers' Parties (ECWP) founded in 2013 (currently 30 member parties); International Socialist Alternative (ISA) founded in 2020 (branches in 34 countries and regions); as well as the Party of the European Left, the Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties of the Balkan Region, Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties and organizations, the International Revolutionary Left, the Fourth International, the Communist Front, and the Arab Left Forum. These platforms and mechanisms have played important roles in conference exchange, organizational networking, and political alliance, becoming organizational mechanisms for the coalitionization of diversas Communist Parties. On these platforms, "we can unite in the most appropriate forms on the path toward reviving the International." "Communists and opportunists cooperate within them... the revolutionary Communist Parties of Solidnet are likely to form a Fourth International along with the European Communist Initiative, making Solidnet the core of a broad international anti-imperialist and anti-fascist front." "Today we can say without exaggeration and with pride: ICOR has become an active and proactive representative of the world revolutionary association. There are no signs of split or disintegration, nor any liquidationalist bickering."
Second, condensing voices and boosting morale through joint statements. Since the turn of the century, the rise of the internet has broadened the channels for communication between Communist Parties. Communist and Workers' Parties utilize international conferences and internet platforms to issue joint statements on major events concerning the immediate interests of the masses. These platforms include Solidnet, In Defense of Communism, In Defense of Marxism, the Initiative of Communist and Workers' Parties, the International Communist Review, Redglobe, Newepoch.media, ICOR, ICMLPO, Maoistroad, etc. Through online and offline interaction, joint statements have become a convention and are increasing in number, serving not only as a window for mutual contact but also demonstrating consistent theoretical viewpoints and directions of struggle to a certain extent. The number of parties signing a joint statement ranges from as few as two to as many as over a hundred. Taking 2020 as an example, world Communist and Workers' Parties issued a series of joint statements regarding the 200th anniversary of Engels' birth, the 150th anniversary of Lenin's birth, the 127th anniversary of Mao Zedong's birth, the 75th anniversary of the victory against fascism, May Day, as well as the pandemic, the Palestinian issue, the situation in Iran, anti-communism, and protest activities around the world. On April 22, 2020, 93 Communist and Workers' Parties signed a joint statement commemorating the 150th anniversary of Lenin's birth, reaching a new high for the number of signatures on joint statements in recent years.
Third, carrying out consistent international struggle. The forms of coalitionization among world Communist Parties are diverse, presenting themselves in an increasingly dense and interlaced manner. Through party media or coalition platform mechanisms, various parties coordinately carry out demonstrations, solidarity actions, and other forms of protest worldwide. In the anti-imperialist struggles in Venezuela, Cuba, Palestine, and Iran; in the anti-communist struggles in Georgia, Ukraine, and the European Parliament; and in the Black civil rights struggle in the United States, communists from various countries simultaneously organized various solidarity activities worldwide. According to the author's year-long field research in the United States in 2019, the Communist Party USA (CPUSA) and the Party for Socialism and Liberation (PSL), responding to international calls during the "Hands Off Venezuela" campaign alone, organized street demonstrations at all levels—from the center to states and clubs—and across all regions. In the 2019 struggle against US military threats toward Iran, multiple parties including the Workers World Party (WWP), the PSL, and the Maoist Communist Party (MCP) held rallies outside Philadelphia City Hall to express solidarity with Iran.
Fourth, the condensation of a common spirit, giving the fragmented communist movement an international character. While the struggles of Communist Parties in different countries lack a common international program of action, they have objectively formed a common spirit. Briefly summarized, the common spirit of contemporary Communist Parties includes: in ideals and beliefs, the pursuit of socialism and communism; in goals of struggle, the overthrow of capitalism and the establishment of a socialist society; in values, the advocacy for freedom and democracy, fairness and justice, internationalism, environmental protection, and gender equality; in ideology, opposition to war and aggression, imperialism, neoliberalism, fascism, and racism; in practical struggle, the protection of the rights and interests of the working class and the people, and opposition to racial and gender discrimination and right-wing governments. It is under this common spirit that communists of various countries converge into a force that checks capitalism. Guided by this common spirit, fragmented actions demonstrate strong commonality and convergence, invisibly condensing into a "socialist community" across the world, collectively kindling the "spark" [4] of the contemporary international communist movement.
II. New Features of the Current Coalitionization of World Communist Parties
In the midst of the world transformation unseen in a century, the organizational forms and activity patterns of Communist Parties in various countries have undergone many changes, as have their international coalition activities. This is primarily manifested in the equality and diversity of the subjects of the coalition, the resonance and networked nature of the spaces of the coalition, and the continuity and density of the frequency of the coalition.
First, equality and diversity in the subjects of the coalition. Differing from the coalitions in the history of the international communist movement, the current coalition of world Communist Parties is built on the independence and mutual equality of each party. This is a voluntary union based on equality, where parties "huddle together for warmth" under the coalition platforms of international communist organizational mechanisms. On the other hand, "it is not feasible today for all Communist and Workers' Parties to adopt a single strategic behavior; there are subtle or significant differences among us in terms of theory, strategy, and tactics." Consequently, the coalition organizations in which various parties participate are both global and regional; they involve both interactions among Communist Parties and within the "broad left," and even include progressive groups and social organizations; they include Marxist, Marxist-Leninist, and Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties, as well as Trotskyist, Hoxhaist, or social-democratized Communist Parties. Despite significant theoretical differences among these diverse subjects, they are able to unify their voices on many important issues of the international communist movement. For instance, during the COVID-19 outbreak in 2020, platforms such as Solidnet (for the IMCWP), the ECWP, the ICMLPO, ICOR, and Maoistroad all issued joint statements on the pandemic, though their contents and perspectives varied.
Second, resonance and networking in space. The contemporary international communist movement has moved away from the model of a single center and unified leadership. It now presents a pattern of separate actions within multiple organizational mechanisms that collectively generate a unified voice, shifting toward a networked coalition. Communist Parties are scattered across the globe, yet like a "butterfly effect," they take coordinated action on the same issues, exhibiting a characteristic of resonance. At the same time, in terms of spatial distribution, the exploration and action of coalitionization unfold at multiple levels—national, regional, and global. When participating in joint solidarity actions, various Communist Parties often engage in overlapping and intersecting ways across multiple organizational mechanisms, thereby forming a networked tendency. Regarding organizational platforms, many Communist Parties are formal members of multiple platforms; for example, the Labor Party of Turkey (EMEP) is a member of the Hoxhaist ICMLPO, a member of the IMCWP, and was also a member of the International Communist Seminar (which ceased activity in 2014).
Third, continuity and density in frequency. Catalyzed by harsh survival environments and the international character of the communist movement, many world Communist Parties have repeatedly issued joint calls and demands. Through the joint efforts of multiple parties, world Communist Parties have carried out more intensive joint actions, creating a rising tide of coalition-building. In fact, since the outbreak of the 2008 financial crisis, the organizational mechanisms of world communist coalition-building have been continuously refined, practical struggles have been continuous, joint statements have become more frequent, and a common spirit has become increasingly prominent. They have continuously and densely voiced their positions through annual meetings, regularized statements, and coordinated solidarity actions and demonstrations. Taking just the first half of 2020 as an example—covering the pandemic, the 150th anniversary of Lenin's birth, May Day, and protest activities worldwide—world Communist Parties issued more than 30 joint statements, while unilateral expressions of solidarity and statements were even more numerous. Such continuous activity helps maintain the presence and influence of the socialist movement globally, enhances its vitality, and allows more people to see its great strength and potential.
Fourthly, there is diversity in methods and a trend toward issue-based mobilization. Distinct from the highly organized forms of association seen in the past, the current association of world Communist Parties possesses new forms. Party alliances, international conferences, joint statements, and solidarity protests are its common primary forms; its defining characteristic is being issue-oriented rather than organization-oriented. Many Communist Parties not only participate in common international conferences and build fixed platform mechanisms, but also form electoral alliances, governing coalitions, and united front alliances during various functional elections, achieving an issue-based convergence under a shared spiritual guidance. For example, in recent years, according to incomplete statistics, in terms of electoral alliances, 14 Communist Parties—including the Workers Party of Bangladesh, the Communist Party of Chile, the Communist Party of India, the Communist Party of India (Marxist), the Revolutionary Socialist Party (India), the Iraqi Communist Party, the Communist Party of Israel, the Portuguese Communist Party, the South African Communist Party, the Communist Party of Syria, the Communist Party of Sri Lanka, the Communist Party of Spain, the Communist Party of Uruguay, and the Communist Party of Venezuela—have participated in or formed electoral alliances. In terms of governing coalitions, over 10 Communist Parties—including the Communist Party of Argentina, the Workers Party of Bangladesh, the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia, the Communist Party of Nepal, the South African Communist Party, the Communist Party of Spain, the Syrian Communist Party, the Syrian Communist Party (Unified), and the Communist Party of Sri Lanka—have also formed national or local governing coalitions through cooperation with left-wing parties. Furthermore, various Communist Parties actively unite with domestic progressive forces and left-wing organizations to construct united front alliances or fronts, collectively raising their voices and gathering strength around issues such as anti-capitalism, anti-imperialism, anti-war sentiment, the realization of fairness, justice, and environmental protection, and the defense of the rights of the working class and the people. For instance, in India, five parties—the Communist Party of India (Marxist), the Communist Party of India, the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Liberation, the All India Forward Bloc, and the Revolutionary Socialist Party—formed a left-wing party alliance with very strong interactivity; in recent years, they have frequently issued joint statements and coordinated various activities.
III. Evaluation of the Current Trend of Association Among World Communist Parties
The developmental trend of association among world Communist Parties further highlights the class-based, international, interconnected, and organizational trends of the socialist movement. It not only helps to condense communist forces around the globe, ensuring that the "torch is passed down" [5] within the international communist movement, but also enriches its content and form.
(1) Strengthening the forces countering capitalism and expanding the prestige of world socialism
Most non-ruling Communist Parties abroad are relatively scattered and weak. Although world Communist Parties differ in their theoretical propositions, organizational status, ideological lines, and their understanding of existing socialist countries and the world socialist movement, they nonetheless manifest certain commonalities. Communist Parties associate because of these commonalities. On one hand, by sounding the clarion call for attacks against capitalism from different angles, they undoubtedly strengthen the forces countering capitalism. On the other hand, during the process of association, these parties have built multiple joint platforms, enabling them to "twist into a single rope," concentrate their voices and power, and carry out coordinated actions. This undoubtedly helps to elevate the overall strength and prestige of world socialism; for individual parties, it also provides better development opportunities. Through association, they strengthen communication, learn from one another, and offer mutual support and solidarity, thereby enhancing their own social influence.
(2) Enriching and developing the connotations and forms of the international communist movement
The so-called international communist movement "is an international proletarian revolutionary movement led by proletarian parties guided by Marxism, whose purpose is to overthrow bourgeois rule and all systems of exploitation, establish and develop the socialist system, and ultimately achieve the complete liberation of humanity and the establishment of a communist society." The association of world Communist Parties is the best footnote to the continued existence of the contemporary international communist movement. Today’s international communist movement is no longer characterized by "one center, one line, and one model" [6]; rather, it has updated its forms and connotations under the trend of party association.
First, the international communist movement has not faded from the stage of history. Many commentators directly deny the existence of a world socialist movement, arguing for the "ideological and theoretical abandonment of the traditional concept of the so-called ‘international communist movement’" because "today’s world socialism" is merely a "grand collection of various socialist forces, schools, or models that are independent, act on their own, and lack a unified connection." Admittedly, the theme of the international communist movement is no longer Bolshevik-style world revolution, and violent revolution is no longer the choice for the vast majority of communists today. Under the premise of acknowledging the objective fact that a large number of Communist Parties still exist, examining the international proletarian revolutionary movement is key to examining the international communist movement. Various association mechanisms together weave an active network of the international communist movement, carrying frequent international conferences, statements, solidarity, and unions, giving the movement an international connotation. The international association of world Communist Parties—across subjects, space, time, and methods—interprets the contemporary movement’s capacity to "prosper endlessly" and "pass the torch."
Second, the new association within the international communist movement coexists with internal sectarian struggles. Fragmentation, internal friction, and disputes have long been inherent labels attached to the international communist movement. On the stage of the international communist movement today, a large number of communist party organizations are active. According to incomplete statistics from Wikipedia, there are approximately 400 large and small Communist Parties currently existing in the world. Many countries have several, or even a dozen or twenty, communist parties. Taking the United States as an example, there are many communist parties and factions, including Marxist-Leninist, Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, Democratic Socialist, Trotskyist, Hoxhaist, and Anarchist types. It can be said that almost all factions from the history of the international communist movement and contemporary world socialism are represented, such as the Communist Party USA, the Party of Communists USA, the Workers World Party, the Revolutionary Communist Party, the Party for Socialism and Liberation, the Socialist Workers Party, the Freedom Road Socialist Organization, the Progressive Labor Party, and the Maoist Communist Party. This vast number of parties is the awkward result of the fragmentation and continuous fission of communist parties, as well as a manifestation of internal friction, differences, and splits among them.
The parties of various factions have their own international association platforms, and the boundaries between them are often very clear and markedly exclusive. For example, the International Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties (IMCWP), though possessing a certain degree of openness, still rejects the participation of many Communist Parties. This phenomenon exists widely across the global Left, invisibly weakening the international significance of association and reducing cohesion. The internal friction and sectarianism of today’s international communist movement have exerted a massive counterforce against efforts at association, leaving the exploration of association trapped in a predicament of low efficiency.
Third, the international communist movement has transformed from a "center-periphery" movement into a more loosely networked movement. Based on independence, equality, and voluntarism, Communist Parties in various countries can independently choose different organizational mechanisms to achieve association at different levels and for different purposes. For example, the Communist Party of Greece is frequently active on platforms such as the IMCWP, the European Communist Initiative, the International Communist Seminar, and the Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties of the Balkan Region. The same is true for other Communist Parties.
Finally, the international communist movement is characterized by greater fragmentation and diversity. Since the birth of Marxism, people have interpreted it from various perspectives. Although the ideological sources of Communist Parties in all countries derive from revolutionary mentors such as Marx, Engels, and Lenin, they have developed different understandings and connotations across different historical processes and geographical spaces. Communist Parties have evolved into different types. This diversity is reflected not only in the differences between various types of Communist Parties (e.g., ruling vs. non-ruling, Marxist-Leninist vs. Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, Trotskyist, Hoxhaist, etc.) and the differences between association mechanisms, but also in the diversification of the issues being addressed. The association of Communist Parties under different issues is guided by the spirit of internationalism, but it also reflects their respective efforts to explore their own paths to socialism within their nation-states. While diverse association increases the aggregate force of the international communist movement, it also provides fertile soil for sectarianism and dogmatism. The increased "issue-based" characteristic of association makes the tension between the immediate and long-term goals of the movement more prominent.
IV. Our Response to the "New Historical Features" of the Trend of World Communist Party Association
The report of the 18th CPC National Congress pointed out: "Developing socialism with Chinese characteristics is a long-term and arduous historical task, and we must be prepared to conduct a great struggle with many new historical features." The new trend of association among world Communist Parties and the new connotations and forms of the international communist movement are precisely among the "new historical features" that must be seriously studied and grasped in the process of advancing the great cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the New Era. How then can we better study and grasp this "new historical feature" to serve the "great struggle"?
First, we must strengthen the study of the international communist movement. The trend of association among world Communist Parties has added new vitality and injected new content into the movement. Therefore, we must strengthen research on the international communist movement in the New Era, examine its connotative characteristics, organizational mechanisms, associative forces, and shared spirit, and explore its laws of development—especially by conducting in-depth research on the relationship between socialism with Chinese characteristics in the New Era and the international communist movement.
Second, we must conduct in-depth research on Xi Jinping’s theoretical propositions regarding "a new type of party-to-party relations." Epistemologically, these propositions represent a major innovation in the CPC’s party diplomacy; methodologically, they offer an effective way to resolve the frequent splits, disputes, and differences among foreign Communist Parties; and in terms of logic and prospects, they provide the key for socialism with Chinese characteristics to lead the development of world socialism. Taking Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era as the logical starting point, we should systematically study these theoretical propositions from five dimensions: background and formation, connotation and system, characteristics and principles, significance and value, and mechanisms and paths. We should research the systemic nature, innovativeness, and forward-looking character of this theoretical system. Centering on the essence and philosophy of party diplomacy, we should carry out research on the application and transformation of Xi Jinping’s theory of a new type of party-to-party relations, thereby constructing specific policies for CPC party diplomacy in the New Era, with key focus points including subjects, main lines, philosophies, connotations, levels, fields, orientations, platforms, and mechanisms.
Third, within the networked association trend of world Communist Parties, we must establish strategic thinking and maintain strategic resolve. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, the situation of the international communist movement became more complex. Communist Parties of various types and factions competed for the stage, and many parties had significant theoretical differences; in particular, there were many disagreements regarding the perception of and attitude toward socialism with Chinese characteristics, with voices frequently criticizing, denying, or attacking us. These jarring voices occasionally appear in joint statements, and the collective effect of their synergy warrants vigilance. It is precisely these parties that are most enthusiastic about calling for the establishment of a new international organization similar to the "Comintern" and most keen on promoting a Bolshevik-style world revolution. Meanwhile, there are many voices domestically suggesting that the CPC, as the world’s largest Communist Party, should take the baton from the Soviet Union and courageously shoulder the banner of uniting world socialist forces. Clearly, engaging in "great unity" and "great association" based on wishful thinking neither conforms to our country’s current development strategy nor is it realistic. Facing this trend of association, we must establish strategic thinking and maintain strategic resolve: do not lead, do not carry the banner, do not participate, and do not oppose. Developing the great cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics well is the greatest contribution to the international communist movement.
Finally, we must rationally utilize the power of world socialism. The associative actions of world Communist Parties are a fresh force for countering capitalism, and they can also be utilized rationally to serve as external auxiliary forces and friendly troops for the great cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics. In fact, most Communist Parties have given us public support during their associative actions, becoming a force that can be utilized. In March 2020, in a joint statement signed by 82 Communist Parties titled "Immediate Measures to Protect the Health and Rights of the People," China’s internationalist anti-epidemic actions were praised. In April, the CPC issued a joint appeal with over 230 political parties from more than 100 countries to strengthen international cooperation against COVID-19, which received signatures, public articles, and messages of thanks from numerous Communist Parties worldwide.
To better utilize this combined force of world socialism, we must first strategically prioritize and excel in united front work [7] with foreign communist parties, actively and proactively planning and building a joint force that is favorable to our cause. Second, we must treat the International Department of the CPC Central Committee (IDCPC) as the main body for implementing and fulfilling Xi Jinping’s theory on a new type of party-to-party relations, strengthening exchanges with foreign communist parties and establishing multi-level exchange mechanisms centered on high-level thematic dialogues between political parties. Third, we must leverage the research capabilities of civil society and universities to establish national-level research think tanks, create mechanisms for people-to-people and cultural exchanges, and strengthen theoretical discussions. Only by employing multiple measures simultaneously can we better tell the China story [8] and effectively provide political leadership to world socialism.
Xi Jinping pointed out: “Even though world socialism may encounter twists and turns in its development, the general trend of the development of human society has not changed, and will not change.” [26] The new developmental trends of the world's communist parties further corroborate the correctness of this profound judgment. As the Communist Party of China welcomes its centenary, clearly recognizing the current status and characteristics of the international communist movement, grasping its new developmental trends, further strengthening the “Four Consciousnesses,” [9] bolstering the “Four Confidences,” [10] and achieving the “Two Upholds,” while successfully developing the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics—this is the most beautiful birthday gift to offer for the centenary of the Communist Party of China.
(The author is a Professor and Doctoral Supervisor at the School of Politics and International Relations, Central China Normal University, and Director of the Research Center for Foreign Marxist Parties at Central China Normal University)
Web Editor: Tongxin Source: Scientific Socialism [11], Issue 2, 2021