Zheng Xiangfu and Shu Wenhao: Marxism in the Course of the African Socialist Movement
Since its birth, Marxism has been endowed with a great historical mission. Adhering to the noble orientation of "the liberation of all humanity," it has spread and developed extensively on a global scale. Looking back at the history of Marxist dissemination, it is not difficult to find that it has left a unique imprint on various countries, forming diverse strands of Marxism—such as the Marxism of the former Soviet Union represented by Leninism; the Sinicization [1] of Marxism proposed by Mao Zedong and the subsequent formation of the theoretical system of socialism with Chinese characteristics; and the Latin Americanization of Marxism represented by Mariátegui in Peru. It is evident that the process of Marxism spreading through different nations and regions is a history of interaction between Marxism and local practice. Despite the influence of dogmatic Marxism in practice, most countries eventually reached a consensus on the localization of Marxism within their visions of developing socialism. On the African continent, the dissemination and development of Marxism are closely intertwined with the African socialist movement; or rather, Marxism plays a vital role in the African socialist movement. Along with the ebbs and flows of African socialist development, Marxism in Africa has passed through three stages: introduction and rise, prosperity and development, and recession and low tide, exhibiting different forms and characteristics in each stage.
I. Marxism and the Rise of the African Socialist Movement
The Russian October Revolution not only brought Marxism to China, but also exerted a profound influence on oppressed nations and peoples worldwide. From the 1920s onward, the specter of Marxism began to haunt the African continent. Before African nations achieved victory in their struggle for independence and liberation, Marxism had already begun to spread in areas with high concentrations of the working class. Marxist-Leninist communist cells, societies, and organizations emerged in certain regions; the earliest Marxist political parties on the continent were even born in South Africa and Egypt. Under the leadership of organizations and parties of a Marxist-Leninist nature, workers' movements began to rise in these areas, targeting colonialism and gradually moving toward liberation struggles for national independence. Therefore, the rise of the African socialist movement is closely linked to the dissemination of Marxism in Africa.
First, the international communist camp, particularly the Comintern, served as the engine for the spread of Marxism in Africa. In July 1921, the earliest Marxist-Leninist party in Africa—the Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA)—was established under the guidance of the Comintern. At that time, South Africa had formed a massive, predominantly white labor organization, the International Socialist League, which provided favorable conditions for South Africa to access the latest trends in the European socialist movement immediately. "The International, published by the International Socialists, began reporting news of the development of the Russian Revolution starting in February 1917." [2] Subsequently, news of the victory of the Russian October Revolution arrived, greatly inspiring the South African working class and strengthening its determination to establish South Africa's own "Soviet" regime. On July 29, 1921, major revolutionary groups represented by the left wing of the South African Labour Party held a meeting in Cape Town and decided to establish the South African Communist Party and join the Comintern. For a period thereafter, the CPSA executed the policies issued by the Comintern dialectically, even refusing to implement certain policies that did not conform to South Africa’s national conditions. For example, "From 1924 to 1929, the Comintern required the CPSA to adopt a non-white nationalist policy and abandon South African nationalism; many party members refused to implement this directive from Moscow as it did not suit South African conditions." [3] South African communists dared to reject the dogmatic Marxism-Leninism of the Soviet Union and still made enormous contributions toward achieving equality and economic and political rights for Black people. As an autonomous section of the Comintern, the Marxist atmosphere in South Africa was relatively intense; the diversity of organizations promoted intellectual debate and pushed the dissemination of Marxism among the populace.
At the same time, socialist movements were gradually rising in other parts of Africa. As early as May 1922, the Comintern published the International Communist Program for the Liberation of Algeria and Tunisia, calling for their liberation. The Comintern noted the dangers caused by violent suppression and urged the French working class to support the struggles of North African workers and French soldiers. Thus, the French working class could assist revolutions in colonial countries while resisting imperialism at home. It was not until 1936 that the Algerian Communist Party (PCA) was established under the influence and support of the French Communist Party (PCF). Subsequently, the PCA occupied much of the political space on the anti-colonial socialist left, engaging in fierce debates with Algerian nationalists over issues of nationhood and land. Although the PCA’s initial dependence on the PCF hindered their theoretical work, the growth of the Algerian communist camp and the rapidly changing conditions during the War of Independence forced Algerian Marxists to adopt unique positions. Additionally, the presence of the Comintern was active in countries such as Ethiopia and Somalia, sending teachers and Marxists to these nations and advancing the spread of Marxist-Leninist thought in these regions. It is thus clear that the international communist camp made important contributions to the spread of Marxism in Africa.
Second, the personal influence of intellectuals in colonial settings and migrant cities was the primary path for the spread of Marxism in Africa. The history of colonialism can be traced back to the Age of Discovery, but by the 20th century, colonialism took new forms of sovereign violation, land seizure, and wealth plunder against colonies. The colonial expansion of the bourgeoisie caused immeasurable destruction to colonized areas, and for Africa in particular, it was a history of blood and tears. However, as Marx stated, "The bourgeoisie, historically, has played a most revolutionary part." [4] It "draws all, even the most barbarian, nations into civilization." [5] One could say that colonialism, to a certain extent, accelerated the civilizing and enlightenment of backward nations, incorporating "barbaric" civilizations into world history. Thus, the Marxist trend of thought was able to spread in colonized African countries alongside the colonial movement. In Senegal, then a French colony, the French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO) began activities as early as the end of World War I. Numerous socialists and teachers were sent to Senegal to serve as colonial officials or instructors, "starting to vigorously spread the social democratic ideas of early leaders like Jaurès and Blum, as well as Marxist-Leninist doctrines." [6] In Guinea, also a French colony, Ahmed Sékou Touré established close ties with the French Communist Party and began to accept Marxist-Leninist views, forming communist study groups and supporting the struggle for colonial liberation. In Sudan, some British communists held positions in the colonial administration; they actively propagated Marxism among Sudanese intellectuals and students. Influenced by them, some students and people of insight joined the "Sudanese Movement for National Liberation" (the predecessor of the Sudanese Communist Party) and actively participated in the struggle against British colonialism. On the other hand, the influence of Marxism in Africa also spread from coastal areas through ports, cities, and railways, such as Cape Town and the Witwatersrand in South Africa, Brazzaville in the Congo, Guinea-Bissau, and Luanda, the capital of Angola. The spread of Marxism in these central cities was often accompanied by the cultural activities of migrant intellectuals. Its influence as a theory and a political movement was mainly reflected in migrant societies with an urban proletariat, especially in countries like South Africa and Algeria, which were colonized by the British and French empires, respectively. In South Africa, due to its relatively relaxed political environment and immigration policies, various trends of thought entered with migrants from all over the world. Cape Town, the capital at the time, became a veritable ideological melting pot. "During periods of social and political upheaval, exiles from Eastern Europe, British immigrants, and South African intellectuals—both Black and white—met and were linked together." [7] These migrants generally possessed high levels of literacy and the capacity to spread the latest ideas generated by European revolutions, including Marxism-Leninism. In Cape Town, migrant intellectuals and local residents interacted through left-wing clubs, cultural salons, and regularly held Trotskyist discussion groups. These cultural activities had a significant impact on South African society; for instance, the founding of the Workers' Party of South Africa and the later "Non-European Unity Movement" (NEUM) both have deep roots in these interactions.
Third, the Pan-Africanist movement served as the primary platform for Marxism to become popular and influential in Africa. Because of the tragic history Africa endured—often called the "Crying Continent"—Africa yearned to unite and consolidate all Black forces to strive for national independence. Based on these demands and visions, the "Pan-Africanist" trend of thought began to rise. As early as February 1919, the first Pan-African Congress issued an "Appeal to the Nations of the World," pointing out the justice of the Pan-Africanist cause; thus, the Pan-Africanist trend resonated strongly throughout the Black world. In 1944, the Pan-African Federation (a predecessor of the African Union), centered on the International African Service Bureau led by George Padmore, was established. It defined its goals as: promoting the well-being and unity of African peoples worldwide; striving for the national independence and liberation of African countries; maintaining equal rights for African people and abolishing all forms of racial discrimination; and promoting cooperation between African peoples and nations globally that share a common vision. [8] Subsequently, in October 1945, Padmore, along with Kwame Nkrumah and Jomo Kenyatta, promoted the convening of the fifth Pan-African Congress. This meeting was a major victory for Pan-Africanism, making an indelible and enormous contribution to the subsequent African national liberation movements. During this stage, major African leaders such as Ghana’s Nkrumah, Tanzania’s Nyerere, Zambia’s Kaunda, and Guinea’s Sékou Touré were all active supporters and advocates of Pan-Africanism. Nkrumah drafted the "Declaration to the Colonial Peoples" for the fifth Pan-African Congress; the declaration concluded with "Colonial and subject peoples of the world, Unite!" [9] which became the loudest slogan of Pan-Africanism. Furthermore, at public Pan-Africanist meetings, Nkrumah pointed out the view that they "adopted Marxist socialism as [their] philosophy." [10] It can be seen that Marxism and Pan-Africanism worked together to play a guiding role. Additionally, a group of influential Pan-Africanists emerged during this period, such as W.E.B. Du Bois from the United States, George Padmore from Trinidad, Frantz Fanon from France [Martinique], and Amílcar Cabral from Guinea-Bissau. Their works and thoughts had a profound impact on the Black world, striving to incorporate African history into the scope of world history and actively awakening the noble consciousness of Black people to restore "human dignity." In short, during the rising stage of the socialist movement, Pan-Africanism, as a nationalist trend of thought adhering to the noble orientation of "Black unity and unification," had a major impact on Africa’s independence and liberation movements. During this period, the dissemination of Marxism by European communist parties was intermittent and, at certain points, even played a completely negative role. In this regard, the performance of the French Communist Party was particularly notable. During Algeria’s anti-colonial struggle, the PCF had major disagreements with the Algerian Communist Party and opposed the Algerian independence movement. It was not until the eve of independence that the PCF began to support the Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN); consequently, the Algerian Communist Party suffered major setbacks in its confrontations with Algerian nationalists. This well explains why some early African leaders openly declared their rejection of Marxism-Leninism. As George Padmore stated in his book Pan-Africanism or Communism?, this explains "why African communist parties lacked influence on the politics and ideology of the liberation movements of the fifties and sixties." [11] At the same time, due to the immature class conditions on the African continent and the large differences in developmental conditions between regions, the dissemination and development of Marxism in Africa were extremely uneven. Therefore, it can be said that during the rising stage of the African socialist movement, African Marxism functioned merely as one element within Pan-Africanism.
II. Marxism and the Prosperity of the African Socialist Movement
In the 1920s, as the prospects for revolution in Europe dimmed, the Communist International (Comintern) placed greater emphasis on anti-colonial and national liberation struggles, viewing them as a means to weaken imperialism. The Sixth Congress of the Comintern in 1928 maintained that "the struggles of the peasantry would shake imperialism until the contradictions of capitalism led to its collapse." Consequently, the Third International actively supported socialist movements worldwide, establishing Comintern branches in various countries and dispatching representatives to provide theoretical and practical guidance. On the international level, the achievement of independence by semi-colonial and colonial countries such as China, Vietnam, and North Korea greatly encouraged the socialist movement in Africa. Furthermore, Third World countries had long suffered under the colonial rule of capitalist powers; thus, subjectively, they harbored extreme hatred and even animosity toward the capitalist system. Against this backdrop, African nations successively won their liberation struggles, moved toward independence, and embarked on the socialist road. Marxism gradually became the mainstream ideology in Africa, setting off a powerful wave of socialist movements.
First, Marxism, as an intellectual source, influenced the first wave of the African socialist movement. Admittedly, the first climax of the African socialist movement was dominated by "communal socialism" [12] and "democratic socialism." In terms of theoretical guidance, indigenous ancient African communal thought, Western democratic socialist thought, and Pan-Africanist thought all played vital roles. Moreover, leaders of the first wave of socialist countries generally viewed Marxism as an alien ideology. Nevertheless, the presence of Marxism persisted within the socialist movements of these countries, exerting an influence during this wave that cannot be overlooked. Due to Africa's specific historical conditions, African leaders played a decisive role in promoting the socialist movement. Under the influence of colonialism, a group of early African intellectuals was able to study in the colonial metropoles, thereby coming into contact with the cutting-edge currents of thought of that time. A representative figure is Léopold Sédar Senghor of Senegal; after graduating from the University of Paris, he joined the French Socialist Party in 1936. During this period, he dedicated himself to the study of French utopian socialism while also reading extensively the classic works of Marx and Engels. Similarly, Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana went to study in the United States in 1935. During his stay, he read widely the works of Marx, Engels, and Lenin, and maintained close contact with the Communist Party USA and Trotskyist groups, leading him to declare: "Marx and Lenin had a particularly profound influence on me." [13] Furthermore, "most young intellectuals from British African colonies studied in Britain or America, primarily influenced by British Fabian socialism and Marxism, which in turn gave rise to the idea of African socialism." For instance, Julius Nyerere, the Father of the Nation of Tanzania, traveled to the University of Edinburgh in the United Kingdom for advanced studies in 1949. During this time, Nyerere actively studied Marxist-Leninist classics and maintained close ties with the British Labour Party. These intellectuals returned to Africa with the ideal of transforming their societies and ending colonial rule. They generally encountered the most advanced ideological trends during the European revolutions, or accessed concepts of social equality, mutual respect, and shared labor within socialist thought through the works of theorists such as Marx and Lenin. Subsequently becoming leaders of various African nations, they played a massive role in propelling the socialist movements in these countries, thus facilitating the first wave of African socialism.
Second, the dominant ideology in Africa shifted from Pan-Africanism to Marxism. Pan-Africanism played a crucial role in African history; during the period of struggle for national independence, it united Black people worldwide and sought to reshape the history of Black civilization. Under the guidance of Pan-Africanism, nearly half of African countries won their colonial liberation struggles in the 1960s. However, "at its moment of greatest victory, classical Pan-Africanism suffered a fatal defeat." Replacing the previous direct and naked forms of colonial rule, neo-colonialism began to erode the African continent in more concealed and indirect ways. Relying on formidable economic power, it implemented economic harvesting and cultural aggression against colonial nations; consequently, newly emerging socialist regimes suffered fatal blows. After Pan-Africanism completed its historical mission—namely, defeating old colonialism to achieve national independence—African nations encountered conditions that required classical Marxism to counter neo-colonialism. In 1961, a regime crisis broke out in the Congo, and Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba was murdered by rebels following a military coup in Brazzaville. Subsequently, a Marxist-Leninist party—the Congolese Party of Labour—was established, launching the "August Revolution" and declaring scientific socialism as its guiding principle. In 1966, taking advantage of Nkrumah’s visit abroad, a military coup broke out in Ghana, toppling the recently established socialist regime in one stroke and totally repudiating Nkrumah’s reform measures. Thereafter, Nkrumah’s political positions underwent a massive shift: he "resolutely abandoned non-violence and communal socialism, advocating instead for violent revolution and scientific socialism." As Dario Glaser [14] remarked, "Marxism was an element of Pan-Africanism, but its role was to transform thinkers and span across eras." Nkrumah’s 1964 publication Neo-Colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism [15] not only announced that African history had entered a new stage but also demonstrated the infeasibility of classical Pan-Africanism in this new period. Pan-Africanism remains historically significant for maintaining the spiritual unity of the Black world. However, facing the erosion of neo-colonialism, some countries turned their gaze toward classical Marxism. The fundamental reason they suffered setbacks lay in the lack of economic improvement or slow development, which left the grassroots population without a "sense of gain."
Third, "African Scientific Socialism" emerged under the guidance of Marxism-Leninism. In the late 1960s, a group of countries professing orthodox Marxism—namely "scientific socialism"—appeared on the African continent. They unanimously maintained that "Marxism-Leninism is the only 'true' socialism," and that the greatness of Marxism lies in its applicability to all situations, the African continent being no exception. In Somalia and Ethiopia, local intellectuals introduced Marxism-Leninism to their respective countries and pushed those in power to adopt it as an official ideology. In countries like the Congo, Benin, and Madagascar, the personal convictions of leaders or military government officials facilitated the transition toward Marxism-Leninism. In practice, these leaders attempted to integrate the universal principles of Marxism with their national realities, thereby driving the second wave of the African socialist movement. The first to propose this theoretical program was the Congolese leader Marien Ngouabi; in 1969, the Congo proclaimed itself a "People's Republic" and asserted Marxism-Leninism as its guide. Shortly thereafter, several other instances of armed seizures of power occurred, leaving a deep Marxist-Leninist footprint in Africa. This spanned from Siad Barre’s regime in Somalia in 1969 to Mathieu Kérékou’s regime in Benin in 1974, to the brief "People’s Democratic Revolution" in Burkina Faso in 1983, as well as the representative cases of Ethiopia, the MPLA in Angola, and FRELIMO in Mozambique. These regimes all regarded Marxism-Leninism as their guiding ideology and socialized different modes of organization based upon it. Consequently, these countries all exhibited certain traces of orthodox Marxism in their state-building: First, the establishment of revolutionary vanguard parties. The Marxist-Leninist parties born of this movement included the Congolese Party of Labour, the People’s Revolutionary Party of Benin, the Workers' Party of Ethiopia, the Zimbabwe African National Union, and the Somali Revolutionary Socialist Party, among others. Second, the universal recognition of class struggle. Ngouabi pointed out that classes had existed before the Congo became a colony; on one hand, colonial rule reduced the populace to a proletariat, while on the other, groups that grew wealthy through political activity became a bourgeoisie or a privileged class with comprador [16] characteristics. The bourgeoisie exploited the proletariat, and the two were in opposition. Samora Machel, the founder of FRELIMO, noted: "Marxism-Leninism is a fundamental tool for social analysis and the greatest tool for understanding class struggle." As long as classes exist, class struggle will not quickly disappear. Similarly, former Angolan President Agostinho Neto once said: "We intend to realize the brilliant doctrine of Marxism-Leninism according to the specific conditions of class struggle in our country." Third, the universal advocacy for planned economies and the development of state-owned enterprises. In countries like Mozambique, Ethiopia, and the Congo, measures for agricultural collectivization and industrial nationalization were widely implemented, based on the belief that the implementation of public and collective ownership was simultaneously a process of eliminating exploitation and private property. However, these regimes were simultaneously fraught with controversy; to some extent, they all deviated from the orthodox Marxist path to power and were markedly eclectic in their policies. In Madagascar, Benin, the Republic of the Congo, and Zimbabwe, leaders of independent regimes merely claimed to be Marxist-Leninists but often failed to formulate a strictly Marxist ideological system or consistent socialist policies. Nevertheless, it is evident that the period from the late 1960s to the mid-1980s can be regarded as the era of Marxist ideological dominance on the African continent.
III. The Ebb and Reflection of Marxism and the African Socialist Movement
In the early 1990s, with the change of course and flags [17] of Soviet socialism, the world socialist movement encountered unprecedented crises and hardships. On the African continent, socialist states became synonymous with poverty and backwardness. Coupled with changes in the global situation, countries practicing socialism successively announced the abandonment of the socialist road, generally choosing representative democracy politically and trending toward neoliberalism economically. It is observable that the African socialist movement fell into a low period following the decline of the world socialist movement. Only five socialist countries remained globally: China, Cuba, North Korea, Vietnam, and Laos. Except for China, which stands in a class of its own, the other four countries generally encountered the difficult problem of slow modernization. It can be said that the fact that world socialist development has long been in a "low-tide" stage is indisputable. Furthermore, there is not a single true socialist state remaining on the African continent. The reasons for this are primarily twofold:
First, the low tide of the world socialist movement and the setbacks of African Marxism. When the curtain fell on the U.S.-Soviet Cold War, the international communist camp headed by the Soviet Union suffered a devastating blow, and Marxism encountered its most painful defeat. On the African continent, whether "African-style socialist countries" or socialist countries adhering to Marxist-Leninist thought, one after another abandoned the socialist banner and leaned toward the capitalist camp. Why was the decline of the African socialist movement, in addition to internal factors, so heavily influenced by the world socialist movement? It is necessary to trace the imprints of the international socialist camp within the African Marxist movement.
The vigorous development of the Marxist movement on the African continent coincided with the beginning of the Cold War, a period of ideological and strategic competition between the two opposing camps led by the United States and the Soviet Union as they vied for African client states. Consequently, the superpowers exerted a significant influence on the Marxist-Leninist tendencies within African socialist movements. Kwame Nkrumah, who later converted to Marxism-Leninism, noted: "The world is mainly divided into socialist and capitalist countries, into imperialist and anti-imperialist countries." Therefore, socialist countries should naturally become the "natural allies" of African nations. Although African states committed themselves to the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), for Marxist-Leninists, non-alignment meant opposition to capitalism, imperialism, and both old and neo-colonialism. More importantly, Marxist-Leninist regimes viewed the African Marxist movement as part of the world socialist movement. According to the official phrasing of the People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), "a world-historical revolutionary process is underway; this is the transitional stage from global capitalism to socialism that began with the Great October Socialist Revolution." Simultaneously, Mozambique regarded the Eastern socialist states as "our natural allies," while Ethiopia’s Mengistu viewed his country’s socialist movement as "an integral part of the socialist community." Based on a perspective of "proletarian internationalism," African Marxist-Leninist regimes called for world socialist forces to unite and enhance cooperation. In practice, the Soviet Union, Cuba, and Eastern European countries provided necessary material aid and military support to these regimes. Thus, the inclination of African Marxist-Leninist regimes toward the Soviet socialist camp was, in a greater sense, a search for Soviet protection and assistance to counter the potential harms posed by Western capitalist countries. Correspondingly, the assistance provided by the international communist camp led by the Soviet Union was based on the lofty goal of promoting the world socialist movement and the practical need to unite the socialist camp against the capitalist camp. When the day came that the socialist banner of the Soviet Union fell, African Marxist-Leninist regimes were subsequently submerged by the torrents of history. From this, it is evident that excessive dependence on the Soviet Union and the mere imitation of the Soviet socialist model—without undertaking reforms tailored to their own national conditions—was a primary root cause of the failure of African socialism.
Second is the paradox between the universality and particularity of Marxism in Africa. Following the low ebb of African socialist movements and African Marxism, some scholars began to reflect on the paradox between the universal principles of Marxism and the specific national conditions of the African continent. In the eyes of early African leaders, the path they chose was a "third way" between capitalism and scientific socialism. While emphasizing independent development and self-reliance, they highlighted the indigenous African connotations of their modernization paths. In the late 1960s, a group of countries claiming to believe in scientific socialism entered the historical stage and publicly declared their intent to combine Marxism with their own national practices. It can be seen that whether for states styling themselves as orthodox Marxist-Leninist regimes or "African socialist states," the question of how to resolve the contradiction between the universality of Marxist principles and the particularity of the African continent has always been a contemporary task for the development of the socialist path.
However, Marxist-Leninist regimes fell into a predicament during the process of the Sinicization [18] (or "Africanization") of Marxism. The vision of combining Marxism with African practice stalled in reality due to tendencies toward dogmatism and mechanical application. Leaders of Marxist-Leninist parties repeatedly emphasized the integration of scientific socialism with their national conditions, using this as a propaganda slogan to mobilize the masses. However, "integration" cannot remain a mere slogan; it must be implemented through specific policy practices. Understanding what true socialism is and then forming a clear understanding of one's own national conditions are both tortuous and lengthy processes that require continuous testing, reform, and improvement in practice. These Marxist-Leninist leaders neither fully recognized that the conditions for advancing a socialist movement in their countries were not yet mature, nor did they fully grasp the essence of dialectical materialism. In practice, the vision of localizing Marxism could only manifest as "bookishness" (benben zhuyi) and dogmatism. Looking back today, the socialist explorations of African Marxist-Leninist regimes were undoubtedly failures. If they possess any value, it lies only in providing historical lessons for the future development of socialist paths in underdeveloped countries: namely, that developing a socialist path requires not only a profound understanding of the universal principles of Marxism as a methodological guide but, more importantly, adapting to local and temporal conditions [19] in practice, systematically and closely integrating the universality of Marxist theory with the particularity of African national conditions.
Reflecting on the historical process of the dissemination and development of socialism and Marxism in Africa, we believe the question of how African countries should develop following the collapse of the Soviet Union is the most critical issue for all ethnic groups across the African region.
First, the failure of neoliberal practices in Africa over the past 30 years is a major reason for the resurgence of Marxism in Africa. Since 1990, countries on the African continent that followed neoliberalism have, for the most part, failed to escape the crisis of underdevelopment; poverty remains, and social contradictions frequently emerge. Therefore, the choice of development path remains an urgent practical issue for African nations. The most effective means of understanding the current situation in Africa lies in understanding the logic of capital's penetration into the continent. Marx's theory of historical materialism explains why capital is inherently expansionist; why the plunder of Africa was a process of primitive accumulation for Western capitalist countries; and why European industrialization required the exploitation of African human resources and the seizure of African natural resources. Looking back at the colonization and expansion of capitalist countries on the African continent, it is easy to find that the root cause of large-scale poverty among the African people is colonialism. Through naked resource plunder and cultural invasion, the metropoles continuously devastated the productive forces of the colonized regions. In a neoliberal context, colonialism has returned in a new form. While Africa is integrated into the global market, it inevitably faces exploitation and "harvesting" by developed capitalist countries. "Due to unfair trade schemes, terms of trade, and protectionist tendencies, most sub-Saharan African countries face poor terms of trade with developed capitalist countries and are forced to accept neoliberalism." The economic lifelines of African countries are throttled by Western nations, and they have yet to form their own national economic systems; "the African economic operation model remains the export of energy and the import of commodities," resulting in the perpetual poverty and weakness of the continent.
Since the beginning of the new century, especially following the severe financial crisis that erupted in the capitalist world in 2008, neoliberalism has faced continuous criticism and questioning. Marxism has regained international attention, with frequent Marx-related seminars and commemorative activities. On the anniversary of Marx's birth, "within the month from April 20, 2018, to May 20, 2018, 2,431 foreign newspapers and 11 major news agencies... published a total of 929 reports on the 200th anniversary of Marx's birth." This shows that Marxism's global influence remains resilient. On the African continent, the political demands of nations in the "post-apartheid era" remain focused on striving for social justice in areas such as healthcare, education, and public welfare. In the economic sphere, the continent is working toward meaningful development, and after continuous economic restructuring, African economic trends are showing improvement. In the East, the theoretical system of socialism with Chinese characteristics, formed during the process of the Sinicization of Marxism, is guiding the Chinese nation toward a Great Rejuvenation. In this process, the "Chinese wisdom" and "Chinese solution" encapsulated in the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics provide experience and reference for the modernization processes of underdeveloped countries. For example, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) advocated by China has had a significant impact on the African continent, driving the orderly development of local African economies. Relying on its "unique advantages in natural, human, and cultural resources, Africa's future development is full of hope; if it can grasp opportunities and respond to challenges, the 21st century may become the 'African Century'." In summary, reality proves that neoliberal practices on the African continent have also failed, while the practice of the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics serves as living proof of the possibility for underdeveloped countries to move toward modernization in a Marxist sense. Therefore, Marxism remains a potential alternative solution for African countries to achieve meaningful development.
Second, correctly understanding the relationship between the universality and particularity of Marxism, studying the theoretical system of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and integrating Marxism with the specific national conditions of African countries to "walk one's own path" is the decisive link for African development. Prostrating oneself at the feet of the capitalist powers will inevitably result in becoming a vassal and colony of capitalist countries. Much like Africa's hidden and brief history of socialism, Marxism in Africa has similarly been perceived as mysterious and transitory. Due to the widespread poverty facing Africa, the proportion of intellectuals is low, and the understanding and acceptance of Marxism remain at a relatively low level. Marxism has not developed sufficiently on the African continent and has not formed a systematic theoretical framework, while the socialist movements under the leadership of Marxist-Leninist parties in Africa have generally encountered the predicament of failure. To this day, various African countries have not yet shed the labels of poverty and backwardness, and sharp issues such as colonialism, religious factors, and racism continue to plague the continent.
On the other hand, socialism represented by China has demonstrated strong vitality and unprecedented global influence; the unity of Third World countries, marked by peaceful development and win-win cooperation, is unstoppable. Comrade Xi Jinping's proposal of a community with a shared future for humanity has stimulated participation from the Third World, especially African countries, and pointed the way for Africa’s future development. In the context of a community with a shared future for humanity, the practice and influence of a China-Africa community with a shared future will have a major impact on Africa's future development. On the one hand, the idea of a community with a shared future for humanity is the latest achievement of scientific socialism's practice in mainland China and a model for the localization of Marxism, providing a beneficial reference for the development of African countries. On the other hand, China upholds the stance of South-South cooperation and Third World unity, increasing investment and aid to Africa; the Belt and Road policy benefits African countries along the route and drives their economic development. Meanwhile, China has long deployed peacekeeping forces to maintain peace in the African region; additionally, during the COVID-19 pandemic, China's medical aid and sharing of anti-epidemic experience made a huge contribution to the African continent. Recently, South Africa's second-largest website published an article titled "Can China Point the Way for South Africa to Escape Poverty?", which noted: "South Africa and other African countries can learn from China's experience to promote economic development and help people escape poverty through active government intervention, the formulation of sound policies and regulations, and strengthened guidance for enterprises." Therefore, when the African people draw on the experience of the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics and gradually recognize the laws of the localization of socialism and the nationalization of Marxism, it will surely guide the African people toward new development.
Third, vigorously developing the productive forces and raising the economic level of African nations are necessary material conditions for the return of Marxism to the African continent. Admittedly, the first practice of socialism in Africa was a failure; one need only look at the history of poverty and hunger on the African continent in the second half of the last century to understand this. In reality, that was based on a dogmatic understanding of Marxism; in practice, African socialism trended toward an egalitarianism characterized by low productivity. Clearly, this violated the original intent of Marx’s scientific socialism. When we turn our attention to the first instance of the localization of Marxism—namely, the process of localizing Marxism in the former Soviet Union guided by Leninism—it seems to provide a way of thinking that offers great developmental lessons. Lenin pointed out: "State-monopoly capitalism is a complete material preparation for socialism, is its threshold." [20] Here, Lenin regarded state-monopoly capitalism as a "transitional stage" toward socialism, in which the most important objective is to develop the productive forces and create the necessary material foundation for socialism. Therefore, African countries must raise the level of their productive forces to make the return of Marxism to Africa possible. Today, the vast majority of African countries remain shackled within the neoliberal framework. Although neoliberalism has not changed the general backwardness of African nations and has even brought the negative effect of a widening gap between rich and poor, one still cannot deny its important role in promoting socio-economic development. African countries must realize that the primary purpose of borrowing the neoliberal model lies in developing the productive forces and raising the level of the national economy. Neoliberalism advocates for laissez-faire economics and opposes excessive government regulation, aiming to solve the problems of inefficient resource allocation and widespread corruption. African countries must absorb the positive aspects of neoliberalism and allow the market to give full play to its role in resource allocation; only then can the tension of capital be maximized and the development of the productive forces be further promoted. Of course, in this process, efforts should be made to avoid or resolve the negative impacts brought by neoliberalism.
At the international level, African countries must dialectically accept humanitarian aid. The African continent has a long history of receiving humanitarian aid. In the past, aid provided to African countries—whether by Western capitalist countries or the international communist camp—played a positive role at certain historical junctures, promoting the staged economic development of the recipient countries. However, during the process of humanitarian aid, the economies of African countries gradually developed a dependency on the donor countries; in some extreme cases, the economic lifeblood of certain nations fell under the control of these donor states. Today, African countries face intensifying economic crises, particularly a continuously growing debt burden, which provides opportunities for Western capitalist countries and international financial institutions to promote Western ideology to African nations under the guise of humanitarian aid. Furthermore, accompanying humanitarian aid and loans from international financial institutions are a series of unequal clauses. The result is that the African continent can only become a supplier of raw materials and a dumping ground for the products of Western countries. Therefore, while accepting foreign aid, African countries must consider their own long-term interests, dialectically accept humanitarian aid, and avoid falling into the economic traps of Western countries.
Finally, we must recognize that the return of Marxism to the African continent is a tortuous and long-term process. At the present stage, neoliberalism remains the mainstream trend of thought embraced by most African countries. Despite Africa encountering political instability and a crisis of continuous economic underdevelopment, various undercurrents of thought are surging. However, "it is still far from the time when we can announce the end of neoliberalism; what is important is for us to recognize that neoliberalism is merely a template imposed on African countries, making Africa a space with a series of generic 'problems' and 'solutions'." [21] Only when neoliberalism is powerless to solve the crises and problems generally faced by the African continent will the moment arrive for neoliberalism to exit the stage of African history. Today, Marxism remains an effective theoretical tool for understanding African social change and social injustice. At the same time, within the context of the community with a shared future for humanity, China's role regarding Africa has become increasingly important. Therefore, based on the internal demands of the African continent and the guidance of the path of Sinicized Marxist modernization, we must say that the return of Marxism to Africa is possible, though this process will be tortuous and long. Marx pointed out: "A new revolution is possible only in consequence of a new crisis. It is, however, just as certain as this latter." [22] Currently, the entire world is experiencing the severe challenges brought by the COVID-19 pandemic. Whether Marxism can return to the African continent in the post-pandemic era and whether a socialist movement might break out anew remains worthy of our continued attention.