Li Yujie: A New Century's Journey: The South African Communist Party’s New Exploration of Socialism
Since its founding in July 1921, the South African Communist Party (SACP) has traversed a century of tumultuous history. As the first Marxist-Leninist party on the African continent, and currently its most influential and active, the SACP has remained at the forefront of the struggle against imperialism, hegemonism, and racism for a hundred years. Despite experiencing vast historical changes, it has never abandoned its persistent pursuit of socialism, conducting a highly successful exploration of socialism with distinct South African characteristics. In the New Era, facing multiple challenges from both within and outside the Party, the SACP continues to uphold its Marxist-Leninist faith and communist ideals. Integrating the global situation with South African realities, the Party has set out once again to conduct a new exploration of the socialist cause, aiming to drive the development of the socialist movement in Africa.
I. The Centenary Process of the SACP’s Exploration of Socialism
Over the past 100 years, the SACP has traversed an extraordinary path of struggle under extremely difficult conditions. It has never relinquished the objective of securing the ultimate victory of the South African National Democratic Revolution and the socialist revolution, demonstrating the fortitude and resilience of a century-old party.
(1) The Centenary Practice of the SACP’s Exploration of Socialism
The SACP was established against a unique historical backdrop during which domestic class contradictions in South Africa became prominent. Guided by Marxism, the working class began to ascend the historical stage as an independent political force. However, the newly formed SACP primarily represented the interests of the "poor white" proletariat, supporting the working class in its struggle against the bourgeoisie while remaining distant from anti-racist slogans [1]. The Third Congress of the SACP, held in October 1924, served as a crucial turning point. It proposed that the Party must achieve an "Africanized" and "populist" shift, beginning systematically to recruit Black workers, intellectuals, and peasants, and calling upon native Africans and white workers to resolutely oppose racism together. This resolution prompted changes in the party’s composition and the expansion of its scale, triggering a shift in the Party's center of gravity from the previous class struggle toward a struggle centered on opposing racism. In the 1930s, the SACP and trade unions launched a movement among Black people to burn "passes," sparking a climax in the opposition to discriminatory racial legislation [2]. Beyond leading the domestic labor movement and the anti-apartheid struggle, the SACP actively participated in the international anti-fascist struggle, rapidly enhancing its prestige at home and abroad.
In the 1940s, the SACP led Black people in large-scale trade union movements to resist the white authorities' apartheid policies. Among these, the 1946 African Mine Workers' Union strike was the most famous. In this strike, 1,248 miners were injured and 9 were killed, demonstrating the strength and sacrificial fighting spirit of the working class under SACP leadership. The growth of the SACP's power caused panic among the white authorities. In 1950, the white authorities enacted the Suppression of Communism Act, designating the SACP as an illegal organization and engaging in frantic persecution of its members and progressive figures. As the situation grew increasingly severe, the SACP decided to dissolve itself voluntarily before the act was officially implemented, yet it continued the struggle. In 1953, the SACP covertly re-established its underground party organization, simultaneously employing both public and underground methods of struggle while expanding cooperation with nationalist groups. Using legal organizations such as the African National Congress (hereafter, ANC) as cover, the SACP persisted in its struggle to achieve the goal of political liberation. The SACP also participated in drafting the Freedom Charter, the program of struggle for the Congress of the People movement, which is regarded as a programmatic document of great guiding significance in the history of the South African national liberation movement.
The 1960s marked a major watershed in the South African anti-apartheid struggle. In March 1960, Black South Africans launched a massive demonstration against the discriminatory Pass Laws, but they were met with bloody suppression, resulting in the Sharpeville Massacre that shocked the world. Subsequently, the state declared a state of emergency, marking the beginning of a phase of brutal and intensive state suppression, with organizations such as the ANC and SACP becoming the first victims. They began to realize that peaceful methods were futile and that new strategies of struggle had to be reconsidered. Consequently, the SACP publicly announced its existence and formally decided to launch an armed struggle in 1961. Under this policy, the SACP and the ANC jointly organized the military wing "uMkhonto we Sizwe" (Spear of the Nation). The establishment of this organization helped the SACP forge an image among the masses as a militant and unyielding party, closely linking the Party with radical workers and youth. Facing the armed and underground struggles led by the ANC and SACP, the white authorities intensified their efforts to sabotage these efforts and arrest the leadership. In 1963, several members of the SACP Central Leadership were arrested, paralyzing the party organization and forcing the Party headquarters to move to London, England, thus beginning a long period of struggle from overseas. Despite being abroad, the SACP never gave up the fight; on one hand, it held multiple meetings to provide theoretical, programmatic, and strategic guidance for the South African people’s anti-racial struggle; on the other hand, it successively reconstructed domestic organizational structures during this period and actively led students and workers in the anti-apartheid struggle.
In 1990, as the South African authorities lifted the ban on several national liberation parties and organizations, including the ANC and SACP, the SACP restored its status as a legal political party. It moved its leadership organs back to the country and resumed leading the working class and the masses in legal struggle. In 1994, South Africa held its first multi-racial general election in history. The "Tripartite Alliance" [3] formed by the ANC, SACP, and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) won the election, and the SACP became a party participating in national management for the first time, thereby entering a New Era of striving for democracy and building socialism. Although the world socialist movement suffered severe setbacks in the late 1980s and early 1990s due to the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, the SACP maintained that socialism was the only way out for its internal and external crises. The Party’s ultimate goal remained the realization of communism. As the Report of the 8th National Congress of the SACP in 1991 pointed out: "We remain convinced of socialism and will do our utmost to move toward this great goal; this is a commitment driven by history, world reality, and the shared ideals and beliefs of humanity."
(2) The Construction Experience of the SACP's Exploration of Socialism
Reviewing the SACP's century-long journey, one finds that as the representative of the vanguard of the working class, it has made significant contributions to South Africa’s national liberation, national sovereignty, and democracy. The SACP possesses a strong revolutionary and militant character, having weathered multiple difficulties and challenges, demonstrating an indomitable spirit of struggle and a firm conviction in the pursuit of communism. Growing from weak to strong over a hundred years, the SACP’s historical experience offers enlightenment for communist parties in Africa and across the world.
Throughout its century of development, the SACP has always emphasized integrating theoretical exploration with the realities of its own country and region. For instance, President Cyril Ramaphosa once noted that the SACP enjoys a high reputation as the "thought leader" of the governing alliance. For many years, the SACP has played a key role in the ideological development of the national liberation movement, evidenced by theories such as "Colonialism of a Special Type." This theory first appeared in the early 1950s. In its reports, the SACP pointed out that South Africa was not a colony but an independent sovereign state; however, the people had neither independence nor freedom. Although Britain recognized South African independence in 1910, this was not a victory for anti-imperialist and anti-colonial forces, as power was not transferred to the Black majority but to a white minority. For the Black majority, the evils of colonialism were continued and intensified. A new type of colonialism developed in which the colonizer (the white minority rulers) and the colonized (the Black majority) coexisted within the territory of South Africa. "Non-white South Africa" was precisely the colony of "white South Africa." In 1969, the ANC further elaborated on the idea of "Colonialism of a Special Type" in its Strategy and Tactics of the ANC adopted at the Morogoro Conference. Guided by this theory, South African communists united with the ANC and other progressive forces to struggle for the elimination of internal colonialism and the abolition of the apartheid system, eventually achieving victory in the national liberation movement.
Both maintaining cooperation and persisting in struggle within a left-wing alliance is another "magic weapon" [4] that has allowed the SACP to break through difficulties and maintain strong vitality over the past century. The "Tripartite Alliance" is the strategic design that best embodies the SACP’s positive relationship with other parties. During the long anti-racist struggle, the SACP cooperated closely and fought side-by-side with the ANC, laying a solid foundation for "coalition governance." Through long-term tempering, a special interactive relationship of coexistence—characterized by cooperation, consultation, and competition—gradually formed between the two. The SACP plays an important role within the Tripartite Alliance, focusing on maintaining its own organizational independence while exerting significant influence on the ANC’s national governance through theoretical guidance, cadre support, and policy formulation. Theoretically, the SACP possesses the advantages of a Marxist party; it integrates the basic tenets of Marxism with the realities of South Africa in different periods, creatively proposing numerous theories regarding the South African revolution and social development, which serve as ideological guidance for the national liberation movement. Organizationally, the SACP allows its members to join the ANC as individuals. Many members hold leadership positions in ANC government departments, providing the ANC with a large number of cadres. SACP members are renowned for their loyalty, discipline, and dedication; their diligent work sets an example for ANC cadres, and many political stars in the ANC government are or were SACP members. At the same time, SACP members actively participate in the decision-making processes of the ANC government. Some serve as members of national decision-making bodies such as the ANC National Executive Committee and the National Working Committee, while others hold positions in various levels of government and parliament. The SACP requires members serving in these institutions to strive to implement the Party's positions and policies, influencing government decisions through their efforts. Particularly in recent years, the SACP has dared to harshly criticize social injustices and high-level corruption arising within the ANC’s privatization process, thereby restraining and influencing the ANC government’s administrative behavior.
Based on the shared ideals of the labor movement, the SACP has also formed a close relationship with COSATU, the third party in the Tripartite Alliance. In response to the structural social crises caused by the ANC’s neoliberal economic policies—including high unemployment, poverty, and inequality—the two have formed an "SACP-COSATU Axis" from a leftist standpoint to safeguard the interests of the working class and the poor, engaging in open and candid struggle against the neoliberal tendencies of the ANC.
Furthermore, since its inception, the SACP has resolutely pursued the principle of proletarian internationalism, striving to develop friendly relations with communist parties of all countries. This has expanded its external space for development and won it a place in South Africa's complex anti-racial discrimination and socialist explorations. The SACP places particular emphasis on exchanges with the Communist Party of China (CPC), also a century-old party. The similarity of their missions and visions has made exchanges between the two parties increasingly frequent, establishing a close and friendly inter-party relationship. The SACP highly evaluates the CPC's century-long journey and the socialism with Chinese characteristics created under its leadership. SACP General Secretary Blade Nzimande expressed appreciation for the achievements of China’s reform and opening up, believing that all parties in South Africa should learn from the CPC's experience and integrate it with South African reality to promote better national development. Solly Mapaila, the SACP First Deputy General Secretary, also pointed out that the CPC adheres to the nature of a Marxist party, integrates the basic tenets of Marxism with the country's realities, and has blazed a trail of socialism with Chinese characteristics, bringing profound changes to China. After successfully eliminating absolute poverty, China is embarking on a new journey of comprehensively building a modern socialist powerhouse. The SACP hopes to further consolidate relations with the CPC and strengthen cooperation between the two countries in fields such as economy, investment, and trade to achieve mutual benefit and win-win results.
II. Challenges to the SACP’s New Socialist Exploration
Over the past 100 years, the South African Communist Party (SACP) has defined itself as the vanguard of the South African working class, playing a critical role in the country’s national liberation movement. Since becoming a partner in the "Tripartite Alliance" [5] in 1994, the SACP has entered a new stage of exploring the construction of democracy and socialism during a period of peace and development. Currently, faced with rapid changes in domestic and international circumstances, the SACP confronts multiple challenges never encountered during the national liberation era. How to incorporate these new challenges into realistic considerations while continuing to explore the socialist road has become a major issue requiring a response.
(1) Dysfunction within the "Tripartite Alliance" In recent years, the Tripartite Alliance led by the African National Congress (ANC) has faced unprecedented difficulties in both national governance and political elections. The Tripartite Alliance can be understood as a product of history; during the struggle against apartheid, the three parties shared a high degree of consensus on the strategic goals of the National Democratic Revolution (NDR) [6]. However, with the changes in social stratification and internal organization in South Africa since 1994, and the numerous crises triggered by neoliberal economic policies, this institutional arrangement has become increasingly difficult to manage. Some observers even suggest that the Tripartite Alliance has effectively come to an end. The dysfunction of the Alliance stems, on the one hand, from the fact that its three constituent forces have not merged into a single political organization. As a strategic alliance, the three entities maintain their respective political and organizational independence, and the differences in their understanding of the NDR’s strategic goals and the tactical paths toward achieving them are widening daily.
On the other hand, fragmentation within the Alliance arises from intensified competition among the partners. The balance of power within the governing alliance is highly uneven. Since 1994, the dominance of the ANC has been conspicuous, while the SACP and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) have been progressively marginalized; the role of left-wing forces within the ANC and the government has remained limited. It was not until the 2008 international financial crisis—which hit the South African economy hard, led to frequent social conflicts, kept unemployment high, and eroded public trust in the government—ing that the ANC’s long-standing dominant-party political structure began to weaken. In this context, tensions between the ANC and the SACP have escalated. Calls within the SACP to contest elections independently have grown louder, and actions to strengthen cooperation with COSATU to compete against the ANC via a "left-wing axis" or "left-wing alliance" have gradually reached a fever pitch.
(2) Internal Stratification of the Working Class The SACP prides itself as the vanguard of the South African working class, committed to defending working-class interests and mobilizing and organizing workers into a powerful political force to achieve hegemony in all economic and social spheres. The realization of this goal depends on the solidarity and unity of the South African working class, predicated on shared class interests and political demands. However, in recent years, significant interest differentiation has emerged internally, affecting the SACP’s goal of "one South Africa, one federation of trade unions."
The most obvious sign of this was the split within COSATU. In 2014, COSATU expelled its most militant, largest, and strongest affiliate—the National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa (NUMSA). NUMSA refused to support the ANC in the 2014 general election, arguing it no longer represented working-class interests. Following the departure of this largest affiliate, COSATU’s membership dropped from 1.9 million to 1.6 million. NUMSA subsequently established a new federation, the South African Federation of Trade Unions (SAFTU), leading more left-wing unions to split from COSATU. Consequently, the once-dominant COSATU progressively lost legitimacy in political struggles. In March 2015, COSATU General Secretary Zwelinzima Vavi was also dismissed. These two closely related events became a watershed in post-apartheid labor politics. The working class perceived the COSATU leadership as increasingly detached from laborers and the unemployed, leading to growing disillusionment with the union.
Beyond the split in COSATU, the South African working class is trending toward differentiation and fragmentation, which inevitably impacts the SACP’s ability to organize and mobilize. First, a clear trend of internal stratification has emerged due to the capitalist division of labor, income inequality, and technological development. Neoliberal economic policies demand greater labor market flexibility, leading to increased outsourcing and labor brokerage. This has caused a decline in formal employment in traditional manufacturing, mining, and public service sectors, while informal employment—such as temporary, contract, and casual labor—has surged. From 2000 to 2017, the proportion of formal employment in South Africa dropped from 73% to 61%, while informal employment grew by 371% over the same period. Currently, approximately one-third of the labor force is informally employed. These worker groups are often undereducated, vulnerable, unorganized, and scattered. Their limited rights and differing interests and values compared to the traditional working class place them outside trade union structures, posing a challenge to the SACP’s organizational efforts.
Second, the working class is increasingly fragmented, with union density steadily declining. For instance, the unionization rate among South African workers reached 40.9% in 1995 but has now fallen to just over 20%, meaning more than 70% of workers choose not to join any union. This phenomenon is closely linked to the intensifying economic and employment crises of the past 20 years. Statistics South Africa data showed an unemployment rate of 32.6% in the first quarter of 2021—a record high—with 7.242 million people unemployed in the first three months alone. These marginalized unemployed groups are also an essential part of the working class. In an era where the economy is trapped in a quagmire of low investment, low productivity, low wages, and low employment, it is far more difficult for the SACP to expand its membership, launch labor movements, build a unified political base, and ensure the political hegemony of the working class than it was during South Africa’s early industrialization.
(3) Intensified Internal Conflicts within the ANC as an Alliance Partner The SACP has always maintained that supporting the ANC-led National Democratic Revolution is the most direct path toward socialism in South Africa. However, in recent years, the ANC has been plagued by factionalism, rampant corruption, and other issues that have weakened the leadership of the revolution, undoubtedly posing a challenge to the SACP’s exploration of socialism. Since the turn of the 21st century, internal factionalism has caused at least two major splits in the ANC. The first occurred in 2008 during the presidential contest between then-ANC Deputy President Jacob Zuma and then-South African President Thabo Mbeki. Zuma emerged victorious, prompting Mbeki’s supporters to break away and form the Congress of the People (COPE), claiming they would challenge the ANC for power. The second occurred in 2013 when Julius Malema, former President of the ANC Youth League, was expelled and formed the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF). The party embraces a left-wing stance and touts "economic liberation," proposing controversial policies such as the nationalization of mines and banks and the expropriation of land for redistribution. It also calls for measures to increase access to quality education and improve health and welfare while condemning corruption and discrimination, thereby winning the support of many young, poor, and unemployed people. The EFF performed very well in the 2019 elections, obtaining nearly 11% of the national vote and becoming South Africa’s third-largest political party.
These two splits reflect the severity of the ANC’s internal contradictions, highlighting an urgent need to strengthen intra-party democracy, the rule of law, and political culture. Factionalism has also bled into the government, hindering policy implementation and inter-departmental cooperation. A divided executive cannot form an efficient government, creating a latent danger of governance paralysis. Political fragmentation caused by factional struggles, combined with senior cadres and leadership being mired in corruption scandals, has brought the ANC’s image and governing status to their most severe test since the end of apartheid. In the 2019 general election, the ANC won 57.1% of the vote—a record low in national elections during its 25 years in power—losing support among the Black middle class and the youth due to its failure to resolve promised economic issues, unemployment, land reform, and corruption.
(4) Internal Challenges within the SACP In addition to external challenges, the SACP faces internal ones. The first is the questioning of its independence. The mechanisms of the Tripartite Alliance allow SACP members to simultaneously join the ANC and hold key positions in state departments. However, this form of participating in national governance, which relies on a strategic alliance with the ANC, makes the independence of Communist Party members susceptible to doubt. For example, when the SACP and ANC have serious disagreements over the national development path, policy formulation, or candidate nominations, SACP members are likely to submit to the ANC line, deviating from their own party’s command. This is a consequence of the SACP’s mode of political participation; even if ANC resolutions differ significantly from SACP resolutions, the Alliance protocol requires SACP members to execute ANC decisions. Furthermore, the SACP relies on the ANC for funding and financial subsidies, which is undoubtedly dangerous for the independent development of a party. Under these circumstances, the SACP’s independence is challenged, with some leftists even accusing it of practicing "tailism" [7]. Therefore, how SACP members should participate in politics—whether by contesting elections independently to seize state power or continuing to rely on the Tripartite Alliance mechanism—has become a major strategic question the party must address.
Second, there are signs of a blurring of class attributes. David Masondo, the current Deputy Minister of Finance, once pointed out a prevailing misconception: the view that the SACP participates in parliament and government because the government under a capitalist system is a completely neutral social organization whose operation depends on who holds power. This leads to blaming South Africa's problems primarily on the governing party and bureaucracy. Following this logic, as long as the SACP "grasps" certain key departments of state power and makes them operate effectively under capitalism, communists will fulfill a positive role. Consequently, the SACP seems to have chosen a path of moving away from mass mobilization in favor of trying to influence the ANC from within. However, this view ignores the inherent structures and deep-seated contradictions of capitalism, causing the SACP often to consider issues from the ANC’s perspective, weakening its class attribute as the vanguard of the working class and neglecting the class struggle that leading cadres must face within the government. This tendency of being "too close to the ANC and too far from the workers" has led to a blurring of the SACP’s class identity and a weakening of its ability to lead and mobilize working-class struggles. In some provinces, the SACP is often marginalized. Thus, a significant practical challenge for the SACP is how to maintain its position as the vanguard of the working class amidst structural changes within that class, clearly recognize the "bourgeois nature" of the state and its inherent contradictions, and continue to wage class struggle while strengthening the party’s capacity to mobilize and unite the working class and all forces supporting socialist construction to transition the country toward socialism.
III. The Practice of the SACP’s New Socialist Exploration Faced with multiple challenges from home and abroad, the SACP has conducted in-depth reflection and analysis of the current global situation, the multiple crises of capitalism, the developmental trends of socialism, and the party’s own building. It has formed a series of new understandings and judgments. Based on the precious experience of forging ahead over the past century, the party is actively taking measures to meet these challenges, further strengthening its confidence in the socialist future.
(1) Critiquing Capitalism and Taking Pragmatic Measures to Address Realistic Crises
Through an analysis of the current global situation and the strength of the working class, the South African Communist Party (SACP) has formed profound judgments regarding capitalism and its crises. In its 2012 political program document, The South African Road to Socialism, the SACP pointed out that global capitalism is approaching its absolute physical, biological, human, and economic limits. The over-accumulation of capital has triggered systemic crises in various fields, including the economy, environment, and society; the only hope for building a sustainable world is to achieve a radical transition to socialism. In its December 2020 Central Committee Political Report, the SACP reaffirmed the correctness of its past judgments on the capitalist system, noting that both domestic and global spheres currently face a "four-fold crisis" of capitalism—the health crisis triggered by the COVID-19 pandemic, the economic crisis, the crisis of social reproduction, and the climate change crisis. It emphasized that unless the current crisis is resolved at its root—production and reproduction—it is impossible to overcome the fundamental contradiction between the private capitalist appropriation of the means of production and the socialization of production. Regarding the current global COVID-19 pandemic, the SACP has paid close attention, noting that this global epidemic has exacerbated the contradictions of capitalism, leading to the unprecedented destruction of the livelihoods of millions in the working class and further deepening capitalist crises such as South Africa's high inequality, unemployment, and poverty. Blade Nzimande [8] stated that the end of apartheid did not mean the end of imperialism; on the contrary, imperialism has become more arrogant. With the COVID-19 pandemic, imperialism-backed pharmaceutical companies are competing for massive profits by monopolizing the vaccine and treatment markets. In a joint statement by the SACP and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) [9], some Western countries were accused of using their dominant positions to pursue "vaccine imperialism" and "vaccine nationalism," hoarding vaccines and making them inaccessible and unaffordable for developing countries. Consequently, they called for a global waiver of COVID-19 vaccine patent protections to allow Southern countries to develop production capacities for life-saving vaccines. The SACP also condemned attempts to politicize the tracing of COVID-19 origins, stating that origin-tracing is a scientific task that should be viewed with a scientific, objective, and impartial attitude and conducted with rigor, which is conducive to advancing global anti-epidemic cooperation.
Faced with the multiple crises triggered by capitalism, the SACP proposes to revitalize the slogan "Put People Before Profit" and mobilize the working class to launch large-scale mass movements to address these crises. In response to the fact that neoliberalism and state corruption over the past 20 years have dampened the people's confidence in the National Democratic Revolution (NDR) [10], the SACP believes it has a responsibility to reignite the people's faith in the NDR. Only through their own actions can the masses grasp their own destiny. In dealing with health crises such as the COVID-19 pandemic, the SACP proposed strengthening public health education for the masses; focusing on the impact of the pandemic on the working class and the poor and taking measures to mitigate negative effects; placing human life before profit rather than rashly pursuing economic growth; and actively participating in vaccine procurement and immunization programs to ensure the most vulnerable groups are protected and that working-class people are not marginalized by the wealthy in accessing vaccines. Regarding the economic crisis, the SACP stands firmly against austerity, neoliberal policies, corruption, and parasitic networks. It calls on the African National Congress (ANC) government to restart "nationalization" policies and promote the "socialization of the economy," breaking the monopoly of capitalists in production, operations, and management, and enhancing the influence and participation of workers so that the distribution of social resources can tilt toward the broad poor and working class. Since the Party’s 12th National Congress in 2007, the SACP has also implemented five "policy priority" measures—including the development of jobs, education, and health; fighting crime and corruption; and land reform—to resolve the crises caused by neoliberal economic policies and establish the hegemony of the working class in state and social life. Regarding the environmental crisis, the SACP adheres to the Marxist view of ecology, proposing to promote the transition from fossil fuels to new energy, and joining with relevant left-wing organizations to launch a national campaign to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, advocating for a clean energy revolution and environmental justice to create a sustainable future for South Africa.
2. Treating Independent Electoral Participation with Caution and Promoting Alliance Configuration
Faced with the dysfunction of the "Tripartite Alliance" [11], the SACP is able to rationally view the current problems within the ANC, its own independence and position within the Alliance, and the question of whether to contest elections independently. It insists on maintaining the strategic framework of the "Tripartite Alliance" while promoting the reconfiguration of the Alliance on this basis. First, it strives to maintain the Party's independence. The SACP emphasizes enhancing its independent status within the Alliance and safeguarding its right to speak, aiming to truly become a party that participates in governance and possesses decision-making power. At the same time, the SACP is careful to adopt compromise measures to avoid tension with the ANC or even a rupture of the Alliance relationship. In view of this, the SACP frequently conducts "self-criticism and constructive criticism" within the Alliance and requires SACP members in Parliament to actively promote the Party's policies, resolutely playing the dual role of a participating party in government and a constructive opposition party, while the entire Party must exert full effort to support the ANC during national general elections. Second, it treats the question of whether to contest elections independently with caution. In recent years, calls within the SACP to participate in elections as an independent party have grown increasingly loud, but the SACP has always maintained that the "Tripartite Alliance" is a strategic alliance that will exist for a long time, and the leader of the NDR can only be the ANC. Nzimande once pointed out that even if the ANC disappeared, we would still need an organization similar to the ANC because we are a class party and can never replace the ANC. The SACP is not, and will not become, a narrow electoralist party; its goal is not party politics, but rather to increase Communist or left-wing power within legislative bodies to establish the leadership of the working class nationwide. Third, it promotes the reconfiguration of the Alliance. Although the SACP still upholds the ANC’s leadership within the "Tripartite Alliance," a consensus has gradually emerged within the SACP that the operating model of the Alliance since 1994 has been exhausted. The Alliance can no longer simply participate in elections together while ceding all key decision-making power to the ANC; this form of operation must end. Therefore, under the current situation, the SACP recognizes that it must assume greater leadership responsibilities, leading a new socialist front, left-wing fronts, left-wing organizations, and all progressive organizations to reconfigure the Alliance, injecting more socialist and anti-capitalist strength into the NDR. The SACP believes that reconfiguring the Alliance should not be a narrow struggle for power or simply understood as who controls whom; reconfiguration is for the purpose of unifying, organizing, and mobilizing all parties to better exercise leadership efficacy in responding to the crises of capitalism.
3. Relying on Existing Mechanisms and Striving to Influence Government Work
Relying on the "Tripartite Alliance" mechanism, the SACP participates in the formulation and implementation of policies by the ANC government, exerting a significant influence on government decision-making and thereby increasing socialist elements within government decisions—this is also a unique aspect of the SACP’s exploration of building socialism. SACP members have held important positions in the ANC government for nearly 30 years. For example, in Cyril Ramaphosa’s first cabinet, Communists were appointed to many ministerial positions, including the Department of Trade and Industry and the Department of Higher Education and Training. By deploying senior leaders to participate in government work, the SACP has exerted real influence on government decisions, such as advancing public employment programs and re-industrialization, formulating better foreign trade policies, strengthening market regulation and protection of industries, promoting the reform of state-owned enterprises, developing education and increasing financial aid for students, limiting government corruption, and strengthening the provision of public services. Beyond these areas, the SACP also believes that South Africa needs to formulate more coordinated macroeconomic policies to place South Africa on a path of ecologically sustainable development; this concept also reflects the ecological wisdom of the SACP in transcending the environmental crisis of capitalism. Although the SACP strives to exert influence by participating in key government departments and pushing decision-making in a socialist direction, the effectiveness of these efforts is often limited by the different ideologies and core interests of the ANC. It remains difficult to fundamentally change the government's neoliberal economic policies, political corruption, and bureaucratic inefficiencies.
4. Clarifying the Party's Nature and Strengthening Party Building
Facing challenges from within, the SACP emphasizes self-reflection, contemplating how to maintain its nature as the vanguard party of the working class in the New Era, and strengthening Party building through various measures to enhance the Party's organizational and mobilization capabilities. The SACP realizes that a party based on the working class must be rooted in workplaces and communities to be effective, and must always adhere to the Party's leadership and close ties with its members. Under the guidance of the idea of building a "mass-based vanguard party," the SACP has worked hard to expand its ranks; the current membership exceeds 311,000 and continues to grow, moving toward the establishment of a large and advanced party. The SACP’s 2021 Programme of Action (also its Centenary Programme of Action) pointed out that in 2021, focus must be placed on the Party's organizational building. All work implemented in 2021 must link the Party's history with current major organizational problems and major political tasks. To achieve this goal, the SACP first proposed enhancing the Party's influence in all workplaces, including informal employment sites and various fields of social reproduction, to improve the Party's organizational capacity and quality of work in these areas. Second, addressing the highly concerning issue of corruption, the SACP has implemented internal Party accountability mechanisms, requiring members to uphold the highest moral and ethical standards and requiring members serving in the public sector to sign a pledge to reject corruption and pursue good governance. Third, it continues to launch the "Red October Campaign." The "Red October Campaign" was inspired by the October Revolution. Since 1999, the SACP has launched this campaign every October, with each year focusing on a specific theme such as financial reform, land reform, agriculture, or employment. Through national mass movements, it promotes a deeper social understanding of these issues and pushes the government to resolve them. The SACP emphasizes that the "Red October Campaign" must "walk on two legs": one leg being specific campaigns and interventions, and the other leg being the deepening of the Party's policy views among the masses regarding food security, housing, health, and clean water. Fourth, it strengthens work targeted at specific groups such as youth and women, deepening relations with the COSATU Young Workers Forum, trade union youth organizations, and the ANC Women’s League. Specifically, this includes establishing Party branches in universities composed of scholars, administrators, workers, and students, and strengthening ideological work among student organizations so they can receive better guidance; the women’s movement is also a priority for 2021, focusing on the most pressing issues for the female working class, carrying out the struggle against gender-based violence, and enhancing the ability of women to prevent and respond to violence in workplaces and communities. Finally, the SACP also pays attention to the Party's financial sustainability. By launching crowdfunding, donations, and various funds, it aims to provide financial security for the Party's various activities and ensure that the Party's independence is not eroded.
Having weathered a century of storms, the South African Communist Party (SACP) clearly recognizes that the key to building a socialist future lies in the Party's capacity. It has conducted a thorough analysis, founded on the principle of seeking truth from facts, regarding the current limitations of its capacity and the domestic and international situations it confronts. In light of this, the SACP proposed the centenary theme: "Commemorate the past, active participation in the present, building the future—socialism is the struggle of today." The Party maintains the firm conviction that the National Democratic Revolution (NDR) [12] is the path that most directly corresponds to South African reality while leading toward socialism. The realization of this theme depends on being rooted in workplaces and communities; it depends on Party work based on its cadres and members; and it depends on strengthening the organizational capacity of the working class at all levels and in all forms. Socialism has existed in South Africa for over 100 years and remains flourishing today; this is largely due to the fact that the SACP has consistently proceeded from its own national conditions to interpret and apply Marxism-Leninism as it explores the road to building socialism in South Africa. The SACP is the party of the South African working class, representing the most advanced forces of all strata; it is a Marxist-Leninist party, yet it is even more so an African Marxist-Leninist party, and most importantly, it is a South African Marxist-Leninist party. This is precisely the vital coordinate for understanding the SACP's century-long history of revolution and construction. However, the road before South African communists is neither broad nor flat. Their path of socialist exploration faces multiple challenges from both within and outside the Party, including the internal fragmentation of the working class, the weakening of the Tripartite Alliance's [13] governing capacity due to factional struggles and corruption within the ANC (African National Congress), and the deepening of South Africa's economic and social crises. All of these factors require the SACP to advance with the times. Under the guidance of new theories, it must continuously strengthen and consolidate the governing status and influence of left-wing forces within the Tripartite Alliance, unite the broader South African masses and the working class, and enhance the Party's capacity building. Amidst the encirclement of capitalism, it must strive to truly build a mass-based vanguard party and march toward the long-term goal of establishing a socialist state.
[Project: This article is a staged result of the CASS Project for Marxist Theory Discipline Construction and Theoretical Research, "Theory and Practice: New Explorations of African Socialism" (2018mgchq022)] (The author is an Assistant Researcher at the Institute of West-Asian and African Studies, CASS, and the China-Africa Institute) Online Editor: Tongxin Source: World Socialism Studies, No. 12, 2021