Massimiliano Ay / Li Wei (Trans.): Inspiration for Swiss Communists from the CPC's Third Historical Resolution
I. Introduction The Sixth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) deliberated on and adopted the Resolution of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on the Major Achievements and Historical Experience of the Party over the Past Century (hereafter referred to as the Resolution). Without a doubt, this is an indispensable prerequisite for establishing new ideas to guide the future and for applying the scientific method of historical materialism to conduct in-depth research into the history of the country, as well as the history of the CPC, which vividly embodies the evolutionary characteristics of a century of national history.
The Resolution is, in fact, the third resolution concerning its own historical issues drafted by the CPC during its century-long history of organization and struggle. The first historical resolution was formed in 1945. In that resolution, Chinese Communists formed general opinions on several important issues in the revolutionary struggle, such as the roles of peasants and workers in the process of the Chinese revolution, the uneven development of world revolution, and the duration of the New Democratic stage. Subsequently, in 1981, at the beginning of the period of reform and opening up, the CPC passed the Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party since the Founding of the People’s Republic of China under the leadership of Comrade Deng Xiaoping. That resolution notably provided a pertinent critical analysis of the Proletarian "Great Cultural Revolution," while clearly pointing out that the merits of Mao Zedong, who made fundamental contributions to the Chinese revolution, far outweighed his errors.
II. Seeking the Correct Line and Looking to the Future The third historical resolution differs significantly from the previous two. It is not limited merely to addressing specific issues, nor is it confined to evaluating key past historical stages or further clarifying errors that should not be repeated. From the title alone, we can see that the content system of the third historical resolution is clearly more grand and possesses a strategic vision. The third resolution provides a more comprehensive summary of history, examines the CPC’s first century, and highlights a series of the Party's distinct characteristics. It is precisely these characteristics that have made it one of the most capable and victorious political revolutionary organizations in the world today.
Over the past century, the CPC has conducted extensive theoretical explorations and carried out many struggles and practices. Consequently, Chinese Communists have been able to accumulate much important experience in the class struggle and the national liberation struggle against imperialism. The CPC is able to draw lessons from its own history to correct errors and has always been able to dialectically advance the great struggle to realize socialism step-by-step from one historical stage to the next. The principles of materialist dialectics [1]—upon which Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought are based—have been powerfully proven in the history of the CPC’s development: "unity—action—new unity" and "theory—practice—new theory." The Resolution itself affirms the Party’s strong and correct practice of materialist dialectics, as it states: "As long as we have the courage to continuously advance theoretical innovation in integration with new practices, and are adept at using new theories to guide new practices, we will surely be able to let Marxism display a more powerful and persuasive power of truth on the land of China."
A powerful party oriented toward the future—the CPC—has not obsessed over purging or condemning those who chose the wrong line (which would be, in a sense, remaining entangled in past contradictions). Instead, at specific stages of its evolution and while displaying appropriate self-confidence, it has known how to clearly conclude one stage to open another, higher stage, thereby focusing on new priorities. This allows the Party to persist in and achieve even greater merits while ensuring continuity and passing them on to the new generation.
In other words, after extensive internal discussion and broad consultation with the masses, debate cannot go on forever; it must reach a conclusion. Regarding the views and theories formed during broad debate, the CPC applies them according to the principle of democratic centralism while enabling them to have a beneficial impact on human progress within actual society. From the process by which the CPC implements its decisions, one can summarize an important experience: how to build, brick by brick, the grand historical edifice represented by the new type of revolutionary party envisioned by Lenin, and how to build the vanguard that renovates the historical development process of the nation.
This imparts confidence to Party members and the masses, guiding them not only to think about issues from a broader historical perspective but also to invest themselves with full enthusiasm—unafraid of risks and challenges—into the great revolutionary epic of building a community with a shared future for humanity. This will enable the Party to always maintain vitality and the capacity for self-revolution under new circumstances. The Resolution demonstrates that the CPC Central Committee, with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core, clearly understands how to achieve this. All of this strengthens the class consciousness of Chinese Communists and reaffirms their consensus on the further development of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the New Era. The Resolution profoundly points out that "the whole Party must remember that one thrives in adversity and perishes in laxity" [2].
III. The Continuity of Revolutionary History The Resolution continues to affirm the historical merits of Mao Zedong in consolidating the foundations of the People’s Republic of China, especially his leadership of the Chinese people in winning national liberation and establishing the New China. Comrades Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin, and Hu Jintao were all helmsmen dedicated to national reform, economic development, and the defense of socialism. Regarding this point, we need only recall the turmoil that occurred in the Soviet Union and the people’s democratic countries of Eastern Europe after the 1980s to understand the profound significance of the exploration of socialism with Chinese characteristics under the leadership of the CPC.
From an ideological perspective, a century of historical development powerfully demonstrates that the source of the CPC's strength lies in never denying its own past, but rather in periodically conducting historical analysis and enriching or updating its views to draw more universal experiences and lessons. This is no trivial practice: neither the CPSU nor the Soviet Union managed this well, and in the end, the tragic consequences shocked the world. Elucidating one's own history and constructing an identity—making the people realize they have a historical mission—is the subjective decisive factor in the victory of the revolutionary process in which the masses act as the protagonists.
IV. No False Modesty: Victories Must Be Acknowledged and Celebrated! The CPC has achieved many successes in the past 100 years, the most important of which are the victory of the revolution and national liberation, and the promotion of a staggering development of the productive forces. Another point worthy of praise: at the time of the 18th National Congress of the CPC in 2012, Comrade Xi Jinping promised to moderately prosper all respects (the "Xiaokang" society) by the year of the Party’s centenary in 2021. The earth-shaking battle against poverty produced the expected results, and the goal was achieved as scheduled. This is another new milestone in the history of the People's Republic of China after 1949, laying a solid foundation for China to move toward becoming a great modern socialist country.
Therefore, in the Resolution, the importance of the strategic will of Chinese Communists to pursue national rejuvenation is fully revealed. The CPC knows deeply that to continue advancing along the path opened by a successful history, there is a prerequisite that absolutely cannot be abandoned. This condition is not only to maintain the unity and cohesion of the Communist Party as a vanguard but also to maintain its central position in political, economic, social, and cultural processes—that is, to prevent liberal infiltration and even its substantial negative impact on the socialist system. China’s success is based on three pillars: the public’s trust in Marxist ideology and their recognition of the foresight of the Party guided by it; the stability of the political system of the People's Republic of China, wherein the leading role of the state is far superior to market anarchy and selfish individualism; and the pursuit of well-being for the people and the nation, namely the struggle against social inequality and discrimination. The emphasis on the prerequisites for the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation is a reaffirmation of the core role of the CPC, which serves as the bond connecting these three pillars.
The three pillars supporting China's success are of particularly important significance for the international environment we find ourselves in today. Unfortunately, imperialist forces led by the US ruling class are becoming increasingly aggressive, doing everything in their power to incite a new Cold War with the intent to prevent the decline of the Atlantic system and the emergence of a new multipolar geopolitical order. In this new geopolitical order, China plays an increasingly important role on the global stage due to the "Belt and Road" Initiative. This is beneficial for oppressed peoples and poor countries. They have finally seen such a historical opportunity to liberate themselves from the shackles of neocolonialism and become the masters of their own destiny within a broader, fairer human society. This is another victory for the CPC, though this time the victory appears in the field of international relations and in the peaceful and friendly exchanges between the peoples of all countries.
V. Reaffirming the Party's Historical Role and Strengthening the Party's Independence The Resolution also clearly elucidates the principle: "Our Party comes from the people, is rooted in the people, and serves the people; it will lose its vitality once it is detached from the masses." Two elements can be seen in this sentence: first is the importance of an appropriate mass line (such as the movement to strengthen Party building by opposing corruption and privileges led and promoted by Comrade Xi Jinping); second is the fact that a governing Communist Party may often have many differences from a non-governing Communist Party in terms of the role played in national governance, the way of governing, and the challenges faced—but this should not become an excuse to hinder mutual pursuit of internationalist solidarity.
At the same time, defending the core role of the Party does not mean closing the Party off with a bureaucratic or sectarian attitude; rather, theoretical innovation must be advanced. As Engels once pointed out: "Marx’s whole way of thinking is not a doctrine but a method. It provides not ready-made dogmas, but starting points for further investigation and the method for such investigation." The Resolution also correctly reaffirms this point and further states: "Marxist theory is not a dogma but a guide to action; it must develop as practice develops, and only through Sinicization can it take root, and only through localization can it reach people’s hearts." Mao Zedong Thought consistently insisted on seeking truth from facts. Even today, the CPC acknowledges the need to advance with the times, persist in seeking truth from facts, persist in the principles of Marxist-Leninist dialectics, and persist in the idea that practice is the sole criterion for testing truth. In this sense, this passage from Comrade Xi Jinping is of great significance: "The great social changes in contemporary China are not a simple continuation of the master script of our country’s history and culture, nor a simple application of the template envisioned by the classical writers of Marxism, nor a reprint of the socialist practices of other countries, nor a copy of foreign modernization development."
This passage also precisely reveals another important aspect of Marxist parties and socialist construction: maintaining independence and rejecting any fawning on or blind imitation of things foreign. Some Western Marxists often abandon serious historical examination of the left-wing forces in their own countries and instead attempt to replicate the practices of others. In the same month that the CPC held the Sixth Plenary Session of its 19th Central Committee to deliberate on the Party’s third historical resolution, the Swiss Communist Party also held its 24th Congress. After recognizing the aforementioned important truth about independent exploration, the Swiss CP expressed this position clearly in its own way in the title of a chapter of its political document: "Study Our Own History, Become Our Own Exemplar." When interpreting today’s class struggle, Swiss Communists emphasize the prejudices existing within anti-imperialism. However, taking action under the complex national conditions of Switzerland requires creativity and adherence to the principle of realism—only those on the ground understand how to act and how to achieve results. Under the guidance of Marxist-Leninist theory, we must always humbly maintain contact with the masses, while also using the correct methods to study and appropriately learn from the historical experience of Communist Parties in other countries.
VI. This is an Ideological War Involving Everyone Some Western journalists and teachers almost obsessively persist in providing negative views of the CPC's third historical resolution. Besides the basic motives we already know—such as demonizing the strength and achievements of the People's Republic of China and suggesting in a completely instrumentalized way that the CPC's actions are entirely propagandistic and its historical judgments therefore unreliable—I believe there are other reasons.
Those who oppose China have in fact recognized a dangerous phenomenon existing within Western societies. Specifically, within the leftist culture of Europe and the United States, there is a viewpoint of so-called "Maoism" that is entirely self-suggestive. This is a "romantic" and purportedly "rebellious" perspective. Moreover, it has gained ground primarily among young leftists who possess good sentiments, love peace and ecology, and are aware that Western capitalism cannot satisfy their needs. To prevent these young people from organizing seriously in a revolutionary manner, and to prevent them from approaching scientific socialism by not only acknowledging China's achievements but also recognizing the priorities of the current historical moment—namely, defending peace and multipolarity—the bourgeoisie has coordinated to instrumentalize typical leftist values. They emphasize a nostalgic and idealistic subculture in a sense that opposes historical materialism and dialectical materialism, portraying Comrade Mao Zedong in a way that does not correspond to his true image. These bourgeois opposition forces act with such cunning for the sole purpose of misrepresenting today’s Communist Party of China (CPC) as merely an "authoritarian party" interested only in "business," directed first at the masses with progressive tendencies and also at the proletarian masses with weak political consciousness. This is a discourse filled with the absurdity of pipe dreams, yet it is also held by some who style themselves as Western communists, leading them to adopt extremist and dogmatic positions toward China. The result of this is foolishly serving the cunning designs of imperialism and Atlantic liberalism.
Regarding Communist Parties active in Western countries, another point must be made: the CPC itself must realize it should implement a quite sensible policy of "soft power." Such a policy must be consistent not only with internationalism but also compatible with its protection of national interests.
In fact, great attention has already been paid to the ideological sphere within the People's Republic of China. We see that the Resolution [4] not only acknowledges that Chinese Communists must "always be mindful of distant perils and remain vigilant in times of peace" [5], but also clarifies the CPC’s view on contemporary economic dynamics, pointing out that money worship, hedonism, individualism, and historical nihilism [6] are social evils. These are the very contents that Atlantic imperialism and its intellectual and media systems are promoting today and will continue to promote increasingly in the future. They know clearly that if the aforementioned negative values can penetrate the ideological armor of the CPC, they can also seep into the popular culture of Chinese society through channels such as capitalist corporations and academic programs. The construction of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the New Era might be seriously endangered as a result. Therefore, a high degree of vigilance must be maintained in the fields of ideology and patriotism because, in the context of imperialist decline and emerging multipolarity, the connection between scientific socialism and national sovereignty remains incomparably tight.