Zhang Min: Theoretical Evolution and Practical Exploration of the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party
The Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (hereafter the PSOE) was the first party in Spain created by the working class and the earliest to propagate Marxist thought and international communist ideals on the Iberian Peninsula, occupying a unique position in Spanish party history. Throughout the 142 years since its founding, the PSOE has creatively applied Marxist theory to the practice of Spanish social development, resolutely integrated into Europe and the world, taken a clear stand against American-style neoliberalism, and advocated for the values of fairness, justice, and equality. Following changes in the international situation and Spain's domestic conditions, the PSOE has focused on theoretical self-innovation and summarizing experience from practice. During Spain's democratic transition in the 1970s and 1980s, the PSOE rapidly moved from the periphery of the political spectrum to the center, becoming the largest center-left party. Since winning the Spanish general election in 1982, the PSOE has passed through the González era (1982–1996), the Zapatero era (2004–2011), and the Sánchez era (2018–present). In each period, the party has shouldered different historical missions and social responsibilities, and its governing philosophy has continuously evolved alongside changes in the domestic and foreign situations, constantly exploring new practices for Spain's socio-economic development as it integrates into Europe and the world.
The González Era: Exploring a New Path for Social Democratic Development
In the mid-to-late 1970s, Spain's domestic political forces and party landscape underwent major adjustments and transformations. In 1977, Spain held its first democratic elections in nearly 40 years; in 1978, Spain promulgated a new constitution. This new political situation granted the PSOE the opportunity for a "nirvana-like rebirth." To change its long-term marginalized status in Spanish political life, both before and during Felipe González’s administration, the PSOE engaged in significant theoretical and practical reforms and bold explorations. At the 28th Party Congress held in May 1979, González advocated for the abolition of outdated and obsolete guiding principles in the party program that hindered the development of the productive forces. At an extraordinary congress held in October of the same year, González was re-elected as Secretary-General of the PSOE and defined the party as a "class-based, mass, democratic, and federal party," noting that "the PSOE treats Marxism as a theoretical, critical, and non-dogmatic means of analyzing and changing social reality..." Through multiple adjustments, the PSOE gradually shifted from radicalism toward moderation, no longer adhering to rigid dogma regarding Marxism and instead adopting flexible strategies that advance with the times. By this point, an unprecedented state of unity had formed within the PSOE; González’s leadership was consolidated, the base of public support was continuously strengthened, and the party displayed a new image as a "catch-all party." In 1982, the PSOE won the general election with an absolute majority and took office, ending more than 40 years of continuous right-wing rule in Spain, a milestone of epochal significance. Subsequently, the PSOE achieved a brilliant record of 14 consecutive years in power.
Upon taking office, the González government formed a specific governing philosophy through theoretical exploration and practical trial-and-error—Gonzálezism (gonzalismo). Politically, it advocated for actively promoting the Europeanization of Spain and achieving the modernization of the country’s society and economy; under a moderated ideology, it explored a social democratic development path suited to Spain and endorsed European federalist theory; to consolidate the democratic system, it sought to "closet" the "historical memory" [1] of the dictatorship to prevent the dregs of Francoism from rising again. Economically, guided by the theory of European integration, its primary goal was to join the European Community (EC) and accelerate economic integration with European countries. Diplomatically, guided by the goal of shaping and elevating Spain's new international image, it first established a foothold in Europe to consolidate and expand its influence, building a multi-pillar global diplomatic structure. Gonzálezism possessed distinct pragmatic and realist theoretical characteristics, which helped realize Spain's Europeanization and national modernization.
First, joining the EC fundamentally changed the long-standing economic policy of "closing the country to the outside world" [2] and laid the economic foundation for the PSOE’s repeated electoral victories. Early in González’s term, the PSOE believed that active integration into Europe was a key measure for consolidating democracy and achieving socio-economic modernization. In June 1985, the Spanish Congress of Deputies unanimously approved the motion for Spain to join the EC, a first in the history of European integration. After joining the EC, Spain benefited immensely in various fields. In the late 1980s, the PSOE introduced market competition mechanisms to stimulate economic growth; adopted austerity policies to curb inflation; and launched industrial restructuring plans to reorganize traditional steel, shipbuilding, and textile industries to improve productivity and economic competitiveness and attract foreign investment. By the end of the 1980s, Spain's economy was developing at high speed, rapidly narrowing the gap with other Western European countries.
Second, the construction of a multi-pillar social service and security system. The PSOE focused on the balance between economic growth and social equity, advocating for the universal distribution of the dividends of economic growth to prevent the widening of the wealth gap. While promoting economic modernization, it built a modern social welfare system. González summarized: "In the 1980s, we basically provided three universal service guarantees: healthcare, education, and pensions." In healthcare, Spain established a universal free healthcare system starting in 1986. In education, Spain successively promulgated the Law on the Reform of Universities (1983), the Law on the Right to Education (1985), and the Law on the General Regulation of the Educational System (1990), comprehensively reforming the educational management system and curriculum to adapt to European integration and the rapid development of global education and science. In pensions, Spain worked to build a relatively sound social security system including old-age pensions, unemployment benefits, disability benefits, and survivors' benefits.
Third, discarding traditional bilateral diplomacy to establish a new globalized diplomatic pattern. The PSOE advocated for Europeanism, making Spain a staunch participant and defender of European integration, playing an active role in the construction of the European Single Market, the single currency, and the Economic and Monetary Union. Meanwhile, the PSOE valued the security and stability of the Maghreb region, promoting the establishment of good-neighborly cooperation between the EU and Mediterranean countries. Furthermore, the PSOE focused on developing a new type of "special relationship" with Latin American countries, reshaping Spain's influence in the region from multiple perspectives and serving as an important bridge in relations between the EU and Latin America.
Gonzálezism drove transformations in Spain's economy, society, and diplomacy, ending Spain's long-term isolation and reshaping its international image. However, from the late 1980s to the early 1990s, high-ranking PSOE officials were involved in a series of political and financial corruption scandals, which seriously hindered Spain's democratization and modernization and weakened government credibility. Coupled with the European economic recession and the domestic unemployment exacerbated by the restructuring of traditional industries, the PSOE won only 159 seats in the June 1993 election, losing its parliamentary majority and forced to rely on the parliamentary support of the Convergence and Union (CiU) of Catalonia and the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) to govern. Plagued by economic recession and internal party corruption, the PSOE’s support rate in the March 1996 election was only 37.27%, earning 141 seats and losing the right to govern.
The Zapatero Era: Promoting Republicanism and Citizen Socialism
After José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero was elected Secretary-General of the PSOE in 2000, he carefully analyzed the reasons for the general election defeat and explored a new path for theory to guide practice. Deeply inspired by the thoughts of American scholars such as John Rawls, Benjamin Barber, and Philip Pettit, Zapatero decided to adjust the PSOE’s ideology from social democracy to republicanism, advocating for "citizen socialism" (socialismo ciudadano).
The idea of citizen socialism became the important theoretical foundation for the PSOE to promote social modernization. The PSOE holds that the social modernization of the state includes the optimization of party organizational structures and the broad representation of party members. The party's highest authority is the Party Congress, and the highest executive bodies are the Federal Committee and the Federal Executive Commission, with an organizational structure spanning the national, autonomous community, and local levels. Members of the PSOE Party Congress have broad representation, covering social groups from all walks of life, youth organizations, women's associations, environmental groups, as well as marginalized or grassroots individuals, including immigrants and LGBTQ+ persons. To implement republican principles and expand "freedom as non-domination," the PSOE adjusted the core content of its political program to: granting social members full civil rights, limiting the government's own power, strengthening the rule of law and promoting decentralization, and fostering economic growth.
The adjustments in ideology and guiding thought garnered the PSOE more voter support, with significant results in the short term. In 2004, the PSOE won the general election and returned to power, and was re-elected in 2008. During Zapatero's administration from 2004 to 2011, the focus of government work was on eliminating discrimination, achieving fairness, and building a civil society of freedom, equality, and solidarity, which was reflected in several areas.
First, vigorously safeguarding civil rights. On one hand, emphasis was placed on gender equality. In 2004, the Spanish Parliament passed the Organic Law on Integrated Protection Measures against Gender Violence and later the Law for Effective Equality of Women and Men. The latter stipulated that the proportion of women in the cabinet must not be less than 50%. Subsequently, the Law on Same-Sex Marriage, the "Express" Divorce Law, and the Social Dependency Law were promulgated. The Law for Effective Equality was fully reflected in Zapatero's cabinet. In April 2004, María Teresa Fernández de la Vega became the First Vice President of the Government, the first woman to hold this position since the establishment of Spanish democracy. The second Zapatero cabinet formed in 2008 included nine women and created a new Ministry of Equality dedicated to eliminating gender discrimination and achieving equality between men and women. On the other hand, the protection of civil rights also extended to the large number of undocumented immigrants in Spain. To provide labor for construction, commerce, tourism, catering, and domestic services, the PSOE government relaxed immigration policies; between February and May 2005 alone, 700,000 undocumented immigrants were legalized through registration. A 2006 report from the Prime Minister’s office showed that the number of immigrants in Spain had quadrupled between 2000 and 2006, and half of the GDP growth between 2002 and 2006 was contributed by immigrants.
Second, re-examining the history of the Franco era. The Law of Historical Memory passed by the PSOE government in October 2007 was a new practice of republican theory. During the democratic transition, to ensure political stability, Spain chose to avoid discussing historical issues; according to the "Pact of Forgetting" (Pacto del Olvido) [3] reached by various parties at the time, legacy issues concerning Franco were shelved for a long period. Before Zapatero became Prime Minister, the Spanish Parliament had never formally condemned the Franco regime, nor had it apologized to the victims of the Franco era. The PSOE believed that promulgating the Law of Historical Memory was not about opening historical scars, but about allowing people to face and objectively understand history to build a more democratic society. The Law of Historical Memory paid tribute and offered condolences to the families of all victims and proposed the removal of Francoist symbols from public places. The government provided special funds to help families continue exhuming remains and to provide pensions and various subsidies to the relatives of victims.
Third, relaxing discussions on the revision of Statutes of Autonomy for Spain’s autonomous communities. On the issues of statutory revision and Basque independence, unlike the hostile attitude of the People's Party (PP) government, the PSOE advocated for friendly dialogue, which led some autonomous communities to demand greater autonomy. In December 2004, the Basque Parliament approved a proposal to revise its Statute of Autonomy (the Ibarretxe Plan), which included a claim for Basque national independence. In June 2006, Catalonia revised its Statute of Autonomy, demanding more fiscal and tax rights from the central government, including 50% of personal income tax, 50% of VAT, and 58% of excise taxes. Because the Zapatero government did not take a hardline stance, regional nationalist sentiment and even independence demands continued to grow.
During Zapatero's tenure, the PSOE government focused on civil and social rights, but economically it continued the neoliberal policies of the previous PP government, leading to a continuous contraction of the real economy and rapid growth of the fictitious economy. The 2008 international financial crisis and the subsequent European sovereign debt crisis dealt a severe blow to the Spanish economy. The recession caused high unemployment and widespread poverty. The republican ideas advocated by the PSOE increasingly diverged from reality, making it difficult to protect the basic interests of the broad masses. This triggered great dissatisfaction among voters, leading to the PSOE’s crushing defeat in the 2011 general election.
The Sánchez Era: Advocating Social Patriotism to Revitalize the PSOE
After the PSOE fell from power in 2011, serious divisions emerged within the party regarding how to regain governance, leading to a period where it lost its sense of direction. When Pedro Sánchez was first elected as Secretary-General of the PSOE on July 27, 2014, the party was in a dire predicament, beset by difficulties both internal and external. Internally, organizational discipline had dissipated and party cohesion was in decline. Externally, the domestic political situation in Spain was exceptionally complex; the trends of fragmentation and radicalization in party politics were intensifying, posing a severe challenge to the two-party system [4], and voter support for the traditional major parties was falling precipitously. Subjected to the interlocking impacts of political trends such as populism, separatism, and neoliberalism, the PSOE faced multiple layers of testing. Between 2015 and 2019, "hung parliaments" [5], cabinet formation deadlocks, and repeated general elections became the new political ecosystem of Spain; in the four national elections held in succession, no single party managed to win a majority of seats. In 2015, the PSOE suffered a crushing defeat in the general election; although it maintained its status as the second-largest party, its share of the vote and number of seats reached their lowest points since Spain implemented democratic politics. In the 2016 election, the PSOE suffered another crushing defeat. On June 1, 2018, a motion of no confidence initiated by Sánchez successfully ousted the former Prime Minister of the People's Party, Mariano Rajoy, and the PSOE immediately took office, though its governing foundation remained weak.
In the face of new challenges and difficulties, Sánchez proposed the slogan of revitalizing the PSOE and was determined to innovate in theory. He opposed American-style neoliberalism and sought to drive the development of the European socialist movement. Ideologically, he pursued "social patriotism" (also known as "Sanchismo"): "We are a community, not just a group of people. Realizing the common good is the core value of patriotism. Social patriotic thought should be reflected in fields such as education, pensions, medical health, transportation, and social security."
Thereafter, the PSOE adjusted its guiding ideology in a timely manner, continuously strengthened its organizational capacity building, and publicly advocated for the principles of fairness and justice. From June 16 to 18, 2017, the PSOE held its 39th Federal Congress. At the meeting, Sánchez explicitly stated that the PSOE is a political organization of a confederal nature that represents the interests of the working class, opposes all forms of exploitation, and is committed to building a society of freedom, equality, solidarity, and dialogue, continuously seeking the well-being of the people and promoting social development. On May 2, 2019, during the commemorative activities for the 140th anniversary of the founding of the PSOE, Beatriz Corredor, President of the Pablo Iglesias Foundation, emphasized that "for nearly a century and a half, the PSOE has struggled for social freedom, equality, and justice."
The two general elections in Spain in 2019 highlighted the trends of radicalization and fragmentation in its domestic party politics. In order to win the right to govern, the PSOE strove to adjust its campaign strategy during its time as a caretaker government, ultimately reaching a coalition agreement with the Podemos (Unidas Podemos) party. This enabled Sánchez to win by a narrow margin in the parliamentary investiture vote. On January 8, 2020, the PSOE and Podemos formed the first left-wing coalition government since Spain implemented a democratic system.
Since entering the "Sánchez Era," the PSOE has proposed new goals in areas such as fairness, equality, and civil rights. The coalition agreement reached between the PSOE and Podemos covers eleven chapters, the core content of which is to guarantee the labor rights of the working class, reduce capital exploitation, establish a fairer system for the distribution of social wealth, and attend to low-income and vulnerable social groups. It also aims to achieve pay equality and equal opportunity between men and women through legislation. These programs fully demonstrate that the PSOE is putting practical action toward realizing the goals of world socialism. After Sánchez took power, he faced the severe impact brought to Spanish socio-economics by the continuous spread of the COVID-19 pandemic. Revitalizing the economy, restoring confidence, stabilizing the political situation, and improving the government's public credibility became the important missions of the left-wing coalition government under his leadership. At present, while battling the pandemic under difficult circumstances, the PSOE is continuously exploring in theory and practice and innovating its model of national governance.
First, balancing pandemic prevention and control with economic recovery, while focusing on vulnerable groups. To alleviate the impact of the pandemic on Spanish society and the economy, the coalition government proposed a series of rescue plans, successively promulgating eight major decrees and proposing more than 50 response measures. For example, in Royal Decree-Law 8/2020 promulgated on March 17, 2020, the largest relief plan since democratization in the 1970s was launched, with aid amounting to 200 billion euros, accounting for 20% of GDP. The coalition government's series of relief measures effectively assisted vulnerable groups and reduced factors of social instability.
Second, proposing the goal of constructing "Four Spains" and accelerating the transition to a green, low-carbon society. In December 2019, the European Union promulgated the "European Green Deal," accelerating the pace of green and low-carbon transformation. To keep pace with the EU, Sánchez pledged to promote the completion of four pillar tasks during his term: building a "Digital Spain," a "Green Spain," a "Fair Spain," and an "Inclusive Spain." He established a Deputy Prime Minister responsible for green growth within his cabinet and set up various departments to promote green ecological transformation and address climate change.
Third, establishing a government performance accountability system. The PSOE is well aware that the coalition government's rise to power was hard-won; therefore, to consolidate its governing position and increase public credibility, it proposed a series of new concepts for Party and state governance and created a government performance accountability system. At the first cabinet meeting held on January 14, 2020, Sánchez clearly stated: "One of this government's new governing concepts is that within the next 1,400 days in office, a specialized independent body will periodically review every commitment made by the government in all fields one by one, comprehensively evaluate the progress of the implementation of various measures and policies, and effectively supervise the governing party's performance of its various commitments." On December 29, 2020, Spain published the "Government Accountability Report" (Informe de Rendición de Cuentas del Gobierno) for the first time, marking a first since the establishment of the Spanish democratic system. Sánchez emphasized: "The times are changing, and we must advance with the times. The government, society, and the state should be in sync with the era, and the democratic system should also improve its quality and efficiency." The periodic publication of the accountability report and the public acceptance of regular supervision by voters and expert review panels reflect the courage and resolve of the PSOE, representing a major innovative practice by the party in optimizing the national governance system.
The theoretical evolution of the PSOE across different historical periods has provided a practical basis for Spain to build a modern state and construct a new global-oriented diplomatic landscape. From the Gonzalez era to the Sánchez era, the PSOE has remained committed to establishing a fair and just socio-economic system and exploring a development path suited to its own national conditions while advancing with the times. Currently, severely impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic and the Russia-Ukraine conflict, the domestic situation in Spain is grim and complex; the PSOE will face multi-faceted challenges in responding to new difficulties and consolidating its power to govern.
(The author is the Director of the Center for Spanish Studies at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and a Researcher at the Institute of European Studies.)
Online Editor: Tong Xin Source: Contemporary World, Issue 4, 2022