Shi Xiaohu: New Explorations in the Construction of Domestic United Fronts by Communist Parties in Capitalist Countries
The united front has historically been a "magic weapon" [1] for Communist Parties. Classical authors such as Marx, Engels, and Lenin all advocated for the construction of united fronts and proposed many theories of profound significance. These include both international united front theory and domestic united front theory; the latter is of great importance for Communist Parties in various countries to solidify and strengthen their domestic socio-political foundations. Since the beginning of the 21st century, the challenges and crises of global capitalism have become increasingly prominent. A relatively favorable international situation, combined with complex and shifting domestic socio-political ecosystems [2], has prompted many Communist Parties in capitalist countries to base themselves on current realities and strengthen theoretical and practical innovation. One important aspect of this is advancing the construction of domestic united fronts during non-revolutionary periods to strive for a favorable position in the political struggle.
I. The Complex Situation Facing Domestic United Front Construction by Communist Parties in Capitalist Countries
Since the start of the 21st century, the socio-political ecosystems of capitalist countries have undergone profound evolution, exerting complex and multifaceted influences on their respective Communist Parties. On one hand, capitalist crises have brought a relatively favorable political and public opinion environment for some Communist Parties. On the other hand, changes in the internal socio-political situation have exacerbated the challenges faced by these parties. These complex factors have led to a situation where, despite capitalism facing increasing skepticism, the performance of some Communist Parties has been unsatisfactory, triggering continuous commentary from global socialist forces.
(1) Social discontent spreads as the negative impacts of changes in classes and strata manifest
Since the beginning of the 21st century, and particularly since the 2008 international financial crisis, capitalist countries have suffered successive blows, with social crises breaking out periodically and social discontent remaining high. This has provided a degree of convenience for Communist Parties to mobilize social forces and carry out political struggles. Simultaneously, with the continuous changes in the social classes and strata of capitalist countries—especially the decrease in the number of low-skilled workers—the traditional social base of Communist Parties faces the difficult problem of weakening. Affected by the 2008 international financial crisis, the manufacturing industries in many developing countries faced a degree of crisis, and the working class was impacted to varying degrees. The global COVID-19 pandemic further shocked the capitalist world, resulting in a sharp increase in billionaire wealth, a certain erosion of the middle class, and an increase in unemployment among workers. According to International Labour Organization statistics, "Global workers’ income decreased by 8.3% due to unemployment under the pandemic, approximately $3.7 trillion, equivalent to 4.4% of global GDP." Although the working class and parts of the former "middle class" who lost their status are mostly dissatisfied with this, practical reality shows that the actual gains for Communist Parties in capitalist countries have been relatively limited. Among them, the working class in some countries either abstained in elections or turned toward populist parties; in other countries, they leaned toward centrist parties to seek a new way out. A January 2022 poll by the French magazine Challenges showed that "Macron is expected to defeat all rivals with 24% support in the first round of this year’s presidential election." Meanwhile, although Communist Parties in some developing countries grew during difficult times—and some even achieved certain levels of electoral victory—they pale in comparison to populist, nationalist, and conservative parties. The above undoubtedly brings difficulties to the efforts of Communist Parties in capitalist countries to consolidate and expand their social bases.
(2) The continuous transformation of traditional left- and right-wing mainstream parties in capitalist countries increases the difficulty of policy competition
In the 1990s, traditional left- and right-wing mainstream parties in developed countries generally focused on social structural changes, striving to create "catch-all parties" [3] that balanced left- and right-wing demands. National-democratic parties in many developing countries also began transforming into "catch-all parties," seeking to transcend differences in class, nationality, race, culture, and religion to expand their representativeness. In certain respects, these moves eroded the traditional social bases of Communist Parties. With the continuous development of the capitalist crisis and the adjustment of welfare systems since the 2008 international financial crisis, many "catch-all parties" have encountered significant challenges, particularly becoming increasingly distant from their core voters. In Nordic and Western European countries, the policy proposals of Social Democratic parties face strong competition from Green parties, with more middle-class voters leaning toward the Greens. Mainstream conservatives in developed countries also face a degree of identity crisis due to their relatively moderate policy stances, making it difficult to manage relationships with an angry and polarized electorate. Currently, based on the needs of political struggle, many Social Democratic and Conservative parties in developed countries have engaged heavily in pragmatism, with some returning toward traditional positions; although the overall effect has been relatively lackluster, most are able to barely maintain their positions. Facing the transformation of traditional left- and right-wing mainstream parties, many Communist Parties in capitalist countries have also innovated their thinking to varying degrees, proposing many "Left Alternative" policies that have gained some resonance, but overall, it remains difficult to achieve significant political effects.
(3) The rapid development of populist parties squeezes the development space of Communist Parties to a certain extent
Since the 21st century, capitalist countries have entered a new period of party development, with emerging parties continuously appearing—particularly the sudden rise of populist parties. Support for populist parties in capitalist countries has reached its highest level since the early 1930s. Among these, European populist parties have developed rapidly. Syriza (the Coalition of the Radical Left) in Greece was born in the late 1980s; in the January 2015 parliamentary elections, it defeated the New Democracy party to become the largest party in the Greek parliament and led the formation of a coalition government. The Five Star Movement in Italy was founded in October 2009; in the March 2018 parliamentary elections, it won 32.7% of the vote, becoming Italy's largest party and participating in a coalition government. Alternative for Germany (AfD) was founded in 2013, gaining significant social support in the short term but subsequently seeing its strength decline, though it still maintains around 10% support. After the 2019 European Parliament elections, the newly formed "Identity and Democracy" group occupied 73 seats, an increase of 37 seats over its predecessor, the "Europe of Nations and Freedom" group. Marine Le Pen, leader of France's National Rally, also stated that although the "Identity and Democracy" group accounts for about 10% of the seats in the European Parliament, it is actually part of a broader informal "sovereigntist bloc" consisting of approximately 200 MEPs with populist, conservative, and Euro-skeptic leanings. Although populist parties in developing countries have seen some development, their degree of radicalism and influence is generally limited. In the face of the COVID-19 pandemic's impact, many opposition populist parties in capitalist countries have fiercely criticized ruling parties and governments, demanding more proactive policies such as a minimum wage, unemployment benefits, health insurance, protection for low-income families, and support for small and medium-sized enterprises. These policy proposals are often unrealistic, and their effectiveness remains to be further tested, but they undoubtedly satisfy the protest-voting mentality of some angry voters and exert a certain allure across all social strata, including the working class.
(4) The complex evolution of alliances between bourgeois parties squeezes some progressive forces, including Communist Parties
With the complex evolution of the socio-political ecosystem in capitalist countries—especially the general weakening of traditional mainstream parties and the vigorous development of emerging parties—the competitive posture among parties in some countries has become increasingly volatile. The rise and fall of parties has accelerated, and party fragmentation and realignment have developed. Many small and medium-sized parties in capitalist countries choose to align with large parties or form alliances of small parties for survival and development. Political fragmentation has also made it difficult for many countries, especially developed ones, to see a situation of single-party dominance; various political forces must seek to form coalition governments through compromise and horse-trading. In the capitalist world, coalition governments are increasingly becoming the norm, and minority governments have also increased. From a practical standpoint, while parties of various spectra may cooperate to form coalition governments, Communist Parties in many capitalist countries are frequently openly excluded due to factors such as ideology. To a certain extent, this has weakened the influence and sustainable development space of some Communist Parties in capitalist countries.
II. New Understandings and Characteristics of Domestic United Fronts Among Communist Parties in Capitalist Countries
Faced with a complex and grim domestic socio-political situation, how to grasp opportunities and resolve challenges has become a practical issue for Communist Parties in capitalist countries. In view of this, many such parties are looking at current difficulties and future development, seeking to expand socio-political alliances by adopting an open and inclusive attitude to consolidate and enhance their political strength, thereby accumulating political energy for the development of socialism in their respective countries.
(1) Majority consensus on expanding the political composition of domestic united fronts to reflect inclusivity
With the deepening development of the era and the evolution of the socio-political ecosystem in capitalist countries, the understanding of domestic united fronts by Communist Parties has grown increasingly profound. In particular, the forms and names of domestic united fronts have evolved, resulting in various configurations such as united fronts, left-wing fronts, left alliances, center-left alliances, popular fronts, and people's democratic alliances. Many Communist Parties in capitalist countries believe that in the new historical period, the political significance of domestic united fronts is more prominent, and that forms and names must serve the content, with the priority being to enhance the Party's influence, appeal, and capacity for action. The form and name of a domestic united front should be determined according to the tasks of the era and the specific situation, rather than adhering to preconceived notions. It is also unlikely that there will be only one domestic united front; the approach and pace of construction need to be determined by strategic tasks and tactical needs. For example, the Communist Refoundation Party (PRC) in Italy, following the national debt crisis, issued a call for an "Alternative Left" to all domestic left-wing political forces, suggesting that center-left forces both inside and outside the party unite to build a broad, anti-neoliberal "Left Alliance" based on respect for each other's developmental experiences. The Workers' Party of Belgium (PTB) noted that "the party is a Marxist party with full confidence in socialism and no intention of adapting to capitalism. It is necessary to explore with all genuine left-wing forces how to respond to capitalism and imperialism, combat racism, and organize the working class." Additionally, some traditional Communist Parties in capitalist countries harbor doubts about expanding the scope of left-wing cooperation; for instance, the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) has bluntly opposed joining a united front organized by Syriza and is unwilling even to discuss the possibility.
(2) Majority consensus on expanding the social representativeness of domestic united fronts to broaden the social base
Most Communist Parties in capitalist countries are also quite sensitive to specific changes in social classes and strata, seeking to adapt to these changes to a certain degree. On one hand, they propose countermeasures for the changes in the working class and other oppressed groups. For example, the Communist Party of Australia (CPA) states that it is a party of the working class and recognizes the leading role of the working class in social change. The working class needs to establish links with other strata of society exploited by big business; this requires the Communist Party to win substantial influence among the laboring masses while actively building alliances with other left-wing and progressive political forces. At the 37th Congress of the French Communist Party (PCF), Pierre Laurent, Chairman of the party's National Council, urged Communists to set aside differences with other left-wing forces and mass organizations, emphasizing that a "popular left-wing front" must be gradually established and alliances built with those willing to cooperate in the process of social change. He told PCF members not to fear differences with potential allies, nor to "abandon" right-leaning workers. The Communist Party of Brazil (PCdoB) called for Brazilian progressive forces to unite at the forefront of the struggle against capitalism and imperialism to jointly defend workers' rights regarding wages, education, health, and housing; it emphasized that the party prioritizes participation in trade unions, popular movements, and activities carried out in workplaces, housing areas, and educational institutions. On the other hand, they are gradually breaking through class and strata boundaries, taking all "working people" [4]—including the middle class—as targets for their work, seeking to further expand work toward the middle class to establish a broader united front. For example, some progressive forces in the United States have publicly stated that "in the post-industrial era, what determines egalitarian politics is the active middle-class policy of the left," and "our task is to persuade the middle class—or a large portion of it." The Workers' Party of Belgium pointed out that "since the 2008 Party Congress, while adhering to basic Marxist principles, the party has also proposed to strive to truly become a party of all working people, and to this end has adopted flexible tactics and strengthened communication and organizational work."
(3) Broad consensus on balancing the principle and flexibility of domestic united front leadership, striving to achieve short-term and long-term goals
Compared with the middle and late stages of the Cold War, the attitudes of several Communist Parties in capitalist countries toward constructing domestic united fronts have undergone significant changes. They now relatively rarely mention formulations such as the "vanguard" or "leading party," and instead place greater emphasis on their national political realities, seeking to enhance their capacity for political struggle by building broad left-wing alliances. In particular, given their domestic political situations and their own levels of influence, some Communist Parties in capitalist countries have trended toward pragmatism; in the short term, they do not unilaterally pursue leadership over the domestic united front, but rather seek to play a unique role. For instance, the Communist Party of Britain (CPB) believes that in the initial stage of the struggle for socialism, it is necessary to push the labor movement to turn continuously to the left and to seize state power. A new left-wing government would need to be based on a majority of the Labour Party, socialist parties, and the Communist Party in Parliament, while being supported by a broad mass movement outside of Parliament.
However, many socialist theorists and scholars maintain that Communist Parties must uphold leadership over the domestic united front, emphasizing that the party of the working class must grasp the leadership of the revolution and the struggle, otherwise no genuine revolutionary struggle is possible. For example, the well-known left-wing theorist Tyler James argues that a distinctive feature of the united front is that revolutionaries must cooperate with reformists to win current objectives, but they should not occupy a passive, second-class status or relinquish all leadership. Revolutionaries can only win specific goals when they act with unity of purpose. Of course, the temporary lack of emphasis on leadership does not indicate that these Communist Parties are content to play a supporting role or have abandoned socialist goals; striving to participate in government remains a realistic demand for many Communist Parties. For instance, on the eve of the 24th House of Councillors election in July 2016, the Japanese Communist Party (JCP) reached a consensus with opposition parties including the Democratic Party, the Social Democratic Party, and the People's Life Party to establish a domestic electoral united front and jointly recommend candidates. The JCP particularly emphasized the importance of "joint struggle among opposition parties" (yato kyoto). The four parties unanimously agreed that after the election, they would coordinate their struggles in the Diet and other fields. This marked the entry of the domestic united front promoted by the JCP into a period of stability and development. In recent years, the JCP has further demanded that its members actively participate in and lead evolving national movements, social movements, and movements of new social strata; it has focused on advancing the construction of the domestic united front, expanding exchange and dialogue with citizens and opposition parties, and striving to promote the establishment of a coalition government of opposition parties to work toward the realization of the Party's goals.
(4) Many parties identify with strengthening the exchange and mutual learning of united front theory and practice to promote common development and progress. Most Communist Parties in capitalist countries participate in electoral competition and parliamentary struggle, and they value exchange and dialogue on major theoretical and practical issues. The domestic united front is undoubtedly an important topic therein. At the regional level, Communist Parties in regions such as Europe, Asia, and Latin America have respectively formed their own regional exchange mechanisms to conduct regular dialogue. At the international level, the International Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties (IMCWP) also provides an important platform for Communist Parties of various countries to exchange views, assess the situation, and strengthen theoretical dialogue, promoting mutual solidarity and international coordination. In this process, some Communist Parties in capitalist countries also attach importance to using various bilateral and multilateral platforms to exchange and cooperate with the Communist Party of China and other ruling parties of socialist countries to explore methods of domestic united front construction. For example, Prachanda, the well-known leader of the Nepalese communist movement, pointed out in 1998 that "the success of the democratic revolution is clearly inseparable from a broad revolutionary united front led by the proletariat, which is anti-feudal and anti-imperialist and includes different classes and strata. The foundation of such a revolutionary united front clearly is and should be the worker-peasant alliance, but the construction and development of the revolutionary united front depends on the specific national conditions of different countries." Since the outbreak of the international financial crisis in 2008, regional and international dialogues revolving around the construction of domestic united fronts by Communist Parties in capitalist countries have become more active, deepening the exchange of struggle experiences and enhancing their respective political struggle capabilities.
III. New Explorations in the Practice of Domestic United Fronts by Communist Parties in Capitalist Countries
Despite differences in political strength, domestic influence, and periodic goals, the intentions of Communist Parties in capitalist countries in constructing domestic united fronts are generally consistent: namely, to unite as many political forces as possible and garner as much social support as possible to expand socialist influence, consolidate the foundation of the socialist cause in their own countries, and make political preparations for future struggles. In practice, most Communist Parties in capitalist countries emphasize reflecting local characteristics, safeguarding the interests of the people, and promoting the development of the Party, forming several similar or analogous features.
(1) Using the leverage of structural party alliances to advance the Party's own development. The structural party alliances in which Communist Parties in capitalist countries participate are fundamentally left-wing party alliances, which possess important political status and influence in the relevant countries, even to the point of being able to sway the direction of the political situation. As important members of these alliances, Communist Parties often provide vital ideological and value-based support and supply important human resources. In the new historical period, the perceptions and use of structural party alliances by some Communist Parties in capitalist countries have seen new changes. For example, in 1989, the South African Communist Party (SACP) formed a political alliance with the African National Congress (ANC) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), known as the Tripartite Alliance. In 1994, the Tripartite Alliance participated in and won the first non-racial general election under the name of the ANC. The SACP believes that although it is not the leader within the Tripartite Alliance, it can act as a vanguard force, providing ideological support and participating in national governance. In recent years, the SACP has emphasized the need to promote the establishment of a broader patriotic front, and especially to build and consolidate a left-wing mass front, in accordance with changes in the situation. During the process of establishing the left-wing mass front, it highlights that this front possesses a certain degree of independence rather than being a natural appendage of the Tripartite Alliance. In 2017, the SACP released a document titled "The SACP Needs to Assume Leadership Responsibility for the National Democratic Revolution More Than Ever," emphasizing that although the ANC made important contributions to the national liberation movement, the ANC does not occupy the leadership of the revolution once and for all. Meanwhile, based on problems emerging within the Tripartite Alliance, the SACP and COSATU issued a joint statement in March 2021, pointing out that "the SACP and COSATU reaffirm their commitment to restructuring the Tripartite Alliance, believing that if it cannot be well-restructured, it will not be able to effectively respond to the upcoming local elections." After the Broad Front (Frente Amplio) lost its ruling status in recent years, the Communist Party of Uruguay has used the strength and influence of the alliance to continue growing and strengthening itself; in the "Uruguayan local elections held in September 2020, Carolina Cosse, a member of the Broad Front and a Communist, was elected Mayor of the capital city, Montevideo."
(2) Seizing opportunities to continuously develop relatively loose political alliances. Given the rapid evolution of the shifting strengths of political parties and the increasingly complex and sharp party struggles in some capitalist countries, many Communist Parties flexibly promote the construction of domestic united fronts according to the needs of the situation. Such political alliances often take the form of short-term loose party alliances or electoral alliances. For instance, since the 21st century, major communist forces in India have explored strengthening the construction of electoral alliances after suffering setbacks. In the Bihar Legislative Assembly election in late 2020, the electoral alliance composed of the CPI, CPI(M), the Revolutionary Socialist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist), and the Rashtriya Janata Dal won 16 out of the 29 seats contested by the left, among which the RSP(ML) won 12 seats. In 2008, the French Communist Party (PCF) chose to form an electoral alliance—the Left Front (Front de Gauche)—with small left-wing parties such as the Left Party to support Mélenchon's presidential bid. Simultaneously, to contain the offensive of the French right and far-right, the PCF also began to seek limited cooperation with the Socialist Party and others. For example, in the March 2020 municipal elections in Marseille, France's second-largest city, the Communist Party, La France Insoumise, and the Socialist Party joined forces under the slogan "Marseille Spring" and jointly recommended a single candidate, seeking to achieve left-wing governance in Marseille. To address the 2021 Constitutional Convention and presidential elections, the Communist Party of Chile (PCCh) formed a left-wing electoral alliance called "Approve Dignity" (Apruebo Dignity) with several anti-neoliberal parties. This alliance won both the Constitutional Convention and presidential elections, and the alliance's presidential candidate, Boric, was elected as the new president of Chile. Regarding alliance partners, Communist Parties in some countries also maintain their stance, believing that what needs to be criticized must be criticized and what needs to be struggled against must be struggled against, rather than making unprincipled compromises. For instance, although the Communist Party of Venezuela (PCV) joined the Great Patriotic Pole led by the ruling United Socialist Party, it also took the lead in August 2020—based on situational needs—to establish the "Popular Revolutionary Alternative" (APR) centered on its own party, seeking to provide a new left-wing alternative for the Venezuelan masses and continuously exposing the capitalist crisis in Venezuela and the pro-bourgeois nature of government policies. Recently, the Venezuelan government's attacks on the "Popular Revolutionary Alternative" have escalated; in particular, "President Maduro and National Assembly President Jorge Rodríguez have issued harsh or even severe criticisms, even claiming that the latter [the PCV/APR] is colluding with U.S. imperialism to undermine the country's peaceful development and stability."
(3) Forming dynamic temporary political alliances with ruling parties or ruling coalitions by providing extra-parliamentary support. To reflect their independence and unique identity, Communist Parties in some capitalist countries maintain a certain distance from bourgeois political parties, but they do not rule out providing support to left-wing or somewhat left-leaning ruling parties or coalitions from outside parliament. The main method is to appropriately strengthen communication and coordination with the ruling party and government during parliamentary votes, helping government budget plans and other important bills pass smoothly. In countries where the ruling party or coalition has not obtained more than half of the parliamentary seats, an opposition Communist Party holding a certain number of key seats can undoubtedly play an important political balancing role. For example, at the 19th Congress of the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) in 2012, the PCP emphasized using the values and spirit of the April Revolution to shape Portugal and proposed a "patriotic left alternative" to win the support of workers, peasants, and small and medium-sized enterprises. Meanwhile, although the PCP has a profound understanding of the harms of social democracy, out of the need to resist neoliberalism and strive for the interests of workers and peasants, it has—along with the Left Bloc—chosen to selectively support the Socialist Party government from outside parliament. Naturally, once the Socialist Party's policies jeopardize the interests of the grassroots masses, the Communist Party may withdraw its political support. In recent years, the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (KSČM), by supporting the minority government led by the "ANO 2011" party from outside parliament, has twice assisted the government in surviving parliamentary no-confidence votes pushed by opposition parties, thereby gaining concessions from the government on issues such as the reform of state-owned enterprises.
(4) Supporting the government in constructing temporary patriotic united fronts during resistance against foreign aggression and interference. This situation is relatively common in developing countries that experience significant Western interference. The opposition Communist Parties in these countries often have much to criticize regarding their government's economic and social policies; however, in terms of opposing foreign interference, most choose to give the government a certain amount of moral support and solidarity to demonstrate the Communist Party's patriotism, national sentiment, and its defense of national sovereignty, security, and development interests. For example, the Iraqi Communist Party strongly condemned its government's suppression of protests launched by the masses over livelihood issues, but it also coordinated with the government to oppose external forces attacking the country's territory or creating military conflicts. The Communist Party of Armenia resolutely opposed Azerbaijan's 2020 invasion of the country, "calling on all progressive people, patriotic forces, and individuals in the country to resist all forms of aggression and fully support the state and its armed forces; calling on all peace-loving people of the world and global left-wing and progressive forces to jointly maintain peace and condemn Azerbaijan's military aggression; and also calling on communists worldwide to join in demanding an end to the war and seeking a resolution to all pending disputes between Azerbaijan and Armenia based on the UN Charter and other frameworks."
IV. Assessment and Outlook for the Domestic United Fronts of Communist Parties in Capitalist Countries under the New Situation
For most Communist Parties in capitalist countries, the domestic united front is both a strategy and a tactic, both a current necessity and a long-term requirement. Against the complex international background of "changes unseen in a century" compounded by the global pandemic, the strengthening of domestic united front construction by Communist Parties in capitalist countries is of great significance.
(1) Demonstrating the conceptual innovation and ideological strength of some Communist Parties in capitalist countries.
As social structures and the political ecosystem [10] change, the struggle over developmental concepts in capitalist countries has become increasingly manifest, with various socio-political ideologies clashing fiercely. Judging by ideological concepts and policy demands, the Left-wing alternative proposals of some Communist Parties in capitalist countries often reflect a high degree of contemporaneity, demonstrating a profound sense of justice and fairness—qualities precisely lacking in the propositions of other political forces. However, the forward-looking and radical nature of these ideological policies requires extensive dissemination and promotion to secure greater ideological identification and political support. To this end, some Communist Parties in capitalist countries are actively carrying out public opinion propaganda, ideological education, and theoretical communication, integrating these efforts into the construction of domestic united fronts to form greater ideological reach and influence. The targets of this ideological work include the general public, like-minded Left-wing parties, social movements, and civil society groups, as well as other potential political forces with whom a basis for consensus might exist. From the perspective of practical effects, continuous ideological innovation and its promotional influence have, to a certain extent, laid a more favorable ideological foundation for strengthening the unity of Left-wing forces and forming broader domestic united fronts.
(2) Highlighting the culture of political cooperation among some Communist Parties in capitalist countries
In the past, some Communist Parties in capitalist countries were considered relatively "conservative," maintaining a critical and antagonistic stance toward other political forces and engaging in varying degrees of political struggle. This provided "talking points" for certain bourgeois parties to criticize and marginalize Communist Parties and sparked doubts among some voters. This situation has driven a process of reflection within Communist Parties, prompting them to grasp the current situation and strive to display a more communicative and dialogic posture while maintaining a degree of criticality. This is done to encourage more socio-political forces to join the struggle against neoliberalism and bourgeois governments. On one hand, some Communist Parties have strengthened communication and dialogue with opposition parties, social movements, and civil society groups, jointly launching parliamentary or "street" struggles to counter the policies of right-wing or extremist governments, and even to promote regime change. On the other hand, some Communist Parties have utilized relatively favorable political situations to engage in dialogue with Left-wing governments that are about to take office or are currently in power, providing conditional support and thereby projecting an image of a responsible political party. This indicates that many Communist Parties in capitalist countries are moving toward a greater degree of openness and inclusiveness, intending to further break down political boundaries or barriers and promote political communication and collaboration, thus further embodying the new political culture of Communist Parties. The formation and strengthening of this political culture assist these parties in gaining more political support and accumulating more political energy in their pursuit of realizing socialism within their countries.
(3) Helping some Communist Parties in capitalist countries achieve specialized electoral victories
The core of capitalist political systems lies in elections; only by winning as many elections as possible can a party obtain more political resources and possess a corresponding competitive advantage. The realistic goal of the innovations in domestic united front theory and practice by some Communist Parties is to win various elections, thereby gaining political discourse power—especially the qualification to participate in or lead the government—and seeking a more favorable political environment for their own development. The construction of a domestic united front helps these parties gain more support in nominating candidates, joint campaigning, winning voter support, and countering political attacks, thus realizing greater political gains. Globally, parties such as the Communist Party of Spain and the Communist Party of Chile have successfully participated in coalition governments or sent party cadres to serve as high-ranking officials in central governments; others, like the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the Workers' Party of Belgium, the Communist Party of Brazil, and the Communist Party of Uruguay, have performed excellently in local parliamentary elections and hold governing power in some important cities or provinces. These emerging highlights not only encourage Left-wing forces and progressive masses in these countries but also promote the new development of world socialism.
(4) Driving the successful transformation of Communist Party policy propositions into national laws or government policies
Communist Parties in capitalist countries do not lack ideological innovation or the courage for political struggle, but due to their status as opposition parties, they often face the problem of having much policy criticism but little policy practice. Only by transforming party policies into laws and policies that affect the daily lives of the people can they attract more attention, importance, and support from voters. Consequently, most Communist Parties that participate in coalition governments or provide extra-parliamentary support pay close attention to the formulation or refinement of government policies. For instance, Alberto Garzón, a leader of the Communist Party of Spain, stated that after the COVID-19 outbreak, the government's response focused on a "social shield" aimed at introducing a package of measures to protect the working class and the social majority from the pandemic's impact. He noted, "This response focused explicitly on social protection, which stands in sharp contrast to the 2010 crisis response, and this was made possible by our presence in the government."
Of course, some Communist Parties also have a relatively sober understanding of the importance and role of the domestic united front. That is, while the current domestic united front is not enough to fundamentally change the overall situation of Communist Parties in capitalist countries, it is nonetheless indispensable. Therefore, most Communist Parties value the domestic united front but do not excessively fetishize or depend on it; instead, they focus on strengthening their own building to create a more powerful Party. For example, the CPUSA recently noted that the need for a people's front in the United States did not cease during the Trump administration, but its form is changing. During the transition, new alliances are constantly emerging, which surprises no one. Around specific issues and goals, new alliances often emerge and die out, rising and falling unpredictably. In fact, the broader the front and the basis for unity, the more fragile the alliance; once the main goal is achieved, the various parts of the alliance may fall apart.
Looking to the future, as the international environment of "strong capital and weak socialism" is difficult to change in the short term and capitalism still possesses a certain resilience, Communist Parties in capitalist countries are generally in a relatively unfavorable political position, and their exploration of their respective paths to socialism remains a long and arduous task. Especially regarding the theoretical and practical exploration of domestic united front construction, any new progress or achievement made by these parties is undoubtedly extremely precious. This is both an experience for world socialism and an inherent requirement for the sustainable development of Communist Parties in capitalist countries. Considering that the flaws of capitalist political systems are increasingly exposed—especially with the growing fragmentation of political parties, prominent political polarization, and increasing skepticism toward electoral democracy—as long as Communist Parties in capitalist countries profoundly grasp the world situation, national conditions, and party conditions [11], properly utilize domestic socio-political contradictions, and continuously explore political alliances and cooperation while maintaining their own independence, they may realize new developments in domestic united front construction. This gradual quantitative development may lay a solid political foundation for a few Communist Parties to achieve qualitative breakthroughs. Of course, influenced by factors such as the uncertainty of developments in the capitalist world and interference from international anti-communist forces, the domestic united front explorations of some parties may face new internal and external disturbances, leading to difficult situations. This requires the relevant parties to scientifically assess the situation and produce effective response strategies.
5. Conclusion
Given the current reality of persistent multiple crises of capitalism and the continuous infighting between political parties in capitalist countries, socialism as an ideology and value system is receiving more and more attention and esteem. In particular, the increased recognition of socialism among youth in some Western countries has become a highlight of world socialism. According to a 2019 poll, "61% of American youth (ages 18 to 24) expressed a positive view of socialism." This indicates to a certain extent that the influence of socialism has increased globally, that socialism remains a viable institutional choice, and that the future of socialism remains bright. However, it must also be seen that the pursuit of social justice, fairness, and other socialist-colored concepts by the grassroots in capitalist countries does not equate to natural support for socialism, nor does it guarantee the inevitable triumphal progress of socialism. The exploration of socialism by Communist Parties in capitalist countries is still on the road; they need to grasp the world situation, national conditions, and party conditions to further increase their efforts in exploring their own paths. They must not only continue to participate courageously in clashes within the ideological sphere and increase their criticism of the cruelty and coldness of capitalism but also grasp their national realities to propose Left-wing alternative solutions that are more in line with public opinion and more competitive, striving to elevate these into political practice through various means to enhance the attraction of the Communist Party's values and policy propositions.
Communist Parties in capitalist countries have different views on the path to realizing socialism, and their strategies and tactics of struggle also differ. However, there is no doubt that they need to advance with the times and innovate in promoting domestic united front construction based on actual conditions. This is a requirement for both struggle and cooperation, reflecting the Communist Party's capacity for innovation and change. In the process of constructing and developing the domestic united front, Communist Parties in capitalist countries need to appropriately emancipate their minds [12], fully recognizing both the necessity of cooperation and its complexity and sensitivity. They must both adhere to the principled nature of their positions and highlight tactical flexibility, focusing on serving current goals while also taking long-term development into account, striving to achieve results. Simultaneously, in response to the continuous evolution of domestic social structures, they must deeply grasp the changes in the mentality of the masses and strive to win the understanding, identification, and support of the lower and middle social strata, continuously expanding the social basis of the domestic united front. Of course, we must also recognize that Communist Parties in capitalist countries and their domestic united front construction are influenced by complex domestic and international factors and are unlikely to enjoy smooth sailing; theoretical innovation and practical development are sometimes difficult to synchronize, and their future direction and effectiveness require further observation.