Li Shenming et al.: Fundamental Reasons, Lessons, and Inspirations of the Collapse of the Soviet Party and State (Part II)
III. Important Enlightenment from the Collapse of the Party and State in the Soviet Union Preparing for danger in times of peace, using the Soviet Union as a mirror, and summarizing the lessons of the collapse of the CPSU and the Soviet Union more than 30 years ago will inevitably inspire Chinese Communists to think more deeply and scientifically. This process will yield necessary insights, enabling us to better steer the ship of the great cause of national rejuvenation through wind and waves, forging ahead with indomitable will.
(1) We must strengthen the "Four Consciousnesses," resolutely uphold Comrade Xi Jinping’s core position on the Party Central Committee and in the Party as a whole, and resolutely uphold the Central Committee’s authority and centralized, unified leadership; simultaneously, we must successfully carry out the fundamental plan of ensuring there are successors to our cause. Taking the Soviet Union as a mirror helps us understand more profoundly the key role of leaders of proletarian political parties in history. During the era of the Communist League, the First International, and the early Second International, the leadership of figures like Marx and Engels led the international communist cause to great achievements. After Marx and Engels passed away, the Second International and most of its party leaders slid into revisionism, leading to its bankruptcy. With the leadership of Lenin and Stalin, the Russian Bolshevik Party achieved victory in the October Revolution, created the socialist system, and opened a new era in human history. From the Khrushchev period onward, and especially under Gorbachev’s leadership, the CPSU accelerated its degeneration, resulting in the tragedy of the Party’s demise and the state’s collapse. Party leaders are the most core part of the political superstructure. Whether Party leaders are firm and sober-minded Marxists often plays a decisive role in the cause of scientific socialism under certain conditions.
On the other hand, another point merits our deep reflection. The reason Marx, Engels, and Lenin dedicated themselves to the struggle against opportunists in the international communist movement—such as Lassalle, Proudhon, Bakunin, the "Zurich Trio" [1], Bernstein, Kautsky, and Scheidemann—was to ensure that the supreme power of the proletarian party remained in the hands of leaders who adhered to Marxism-Leninism. This is the key to victory for the cause of the Party and the people.
Taking the Soviet Union as a mirror helps us more profoundly understand the critical significance of producing and maintaining Party leaders who adhere to Marxism-Leninism. That Chinese Communists were able to achieve great transitions and turn peril into safety at major historical turning points was fundamentally because the Zunyi Conference [2] established Comrade Mao Zedong’s leadership position in the Party Central Committee and the Red Army, leading from victory to victory thereafter. The smooth operation of China’s reform and opening up over several decades was because Comrade Deng Xiaoping insisted on the Four Cardinal Principles [3], maintained Comrade Mao Zedong’s historical status and the guiding role of Mao Zedong Thought, and guaranteed national stability and unity. Since the 18th Party Congress, the reason our Party has been able to solve many long-standing difficult problems, accomplish many major tasks concerning long-term interests, and open a New Era for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation is precisely because of the strong and correct leadership of the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core.
Our Party’s establishment of Comrade Xi Jinping’s core position on the Party Central Committee and in the Party as a whole, and the establishment of the guiding role of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, reflects the common aspiration of the whole Party and the people of all ethnic groups. It laid a solid ideological, theoretical, political, organizational, and public-opinion foundation for the successful convening of the 20th Party Congress this year. It is of decisive significance for advancing the historical process of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and for persisting in and developing the grand cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics. We must clearly recognize the major practical significance and profound historical significance of the "Two Establishments." It is a matter of great comfort and fortune that our Party has produced such an outstanding leader as Comrade Xi Jinping and formed Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. Therefore, profoundly understanding the "Two Establishments" and resolutely achieving the "Two Upholds" are not only the "greatest concerns of the state" (guozhizhazhe [4]) but, first and foremost, the "greatest concerns of the Party." It is suggested that education on the relationship between Marxist leaders, political parties, classes, and the masses be conducted throughout the Party at appropriate times, especially among middle- and high-ranking cadres. In this education, "Six Clarifications" need to be achieved: clarify that the people, and only the people, are the real driving force in creating world history; clarify that every era needs and will produce its own great figures; clarify the role of individuals in history, especially the important role of proletarian leaders; clarify that the respect and love of the masses for their own leaders is legitimate and fundamentally different from the unprincipled flattery and personality cults practiced by honey-tongued but treacherous [5] conspirators—we must safeguard the necessary authority of leaders produced in the practice of revolutionary struggle and prevent conspirators like Khrushchev and Gorbachev from using slogans like "opposing the personality cult" to undermine the prestige of leaders or exclude leaders from exercising their roles; clarify the relationship between Lenin’s statement that a proletarian party is "usually led by a relatively stable group formed of the most authoritative, influential, and experienced people, who are elected to the most important positions and are called leaders" and the implementation of tenure systems for leading cadres; clarify that the tenure system implemented by the West, led by the United States, is essentially intended to mask and maintain the permanent rule of capital, which is fundamentally different from our implementation of a tenure system combined with the "three-in-one" combination of the old, the middle-aged, and the young [6] for the fundamental interests of the people. Comrade Xi Jinping is a successor to the proletarian revolutionary cause and a "political leader and advanced representative" of the proletariat nurtured by the two eras of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping. The whole Party, and especially high-ranking cadres, must resolutely achieve the "Two Upholds."
The century-long history of struggle of the Communist Party of China, the 70-plus-year development history of New China, and the profound lessons of the Soviet Union’s collapse all remind and warn us: forming a leadership core that adheres to and develops Marxism-Leninism did not come easily. Acquiring such a strong leadership core requires going through hardships and tribulations. Therefore, we must doubly cherish the hard-won situation we have today and take vigorous measures to ensure the Party’s cause is always in the hands of Marxists, ensuring the Party’s cause never changes its color or its nature. This is a necessity both for realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and for realizing the eternal cause of communism.
To ensure the long-term stability and prosperity of the Party’s cause, we must ensure for generations to come that the supreme power of the Party is held firmly in the hands of Marxists. Attention should be paid to researching and summarizing why, for a period of time, "especially among a very small number of high-ranking cadres, political ambitions swelled, they became obsessed with power, practiced feigning compliance while acting in opposition [7], formed self-serving cliques and factions, and engaged in political conspiracies to seize power and position." We must "resolutely prevent careerists and conspirators from stealing the power of the Party and the state." Simultaneously, we must successfully carry out the fundamental plan of ensuring there are successors. We must continuously cultivate and select high-quality young comrades who possess both political integrity and professional competence, who are loyal, clean, and responsible, and who have the ability to uphold the fundamentals and break new ground to serve as a reserve force. This is a plan for a hundred years, for a thousand years—it is an important guarantee for the continued success of the cause of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.
Xi Jinping has repeatedly emphasized the need to guard against "two-faced people" (liangmianren [8]). Among Party cadres at all levels, especially high-ranking cadres, and particularly during the assessment and inspection of personnel arrangements for the 20th Party Congress, we must be highly vigilant against those who loudly shout the "Two Upholds" in speech but in their hearts intend to pursue capitalism, secession, and conspiracies, preventing them from infiltrating the highest levels of the Party and various vital departments.
(2) We must persist in the Party’s self-revolution, maintain the Party’s vigor and vitality, and transcend the historical cycle of the rise and fall of political parties and regimes. Because the Gorbachev leadership group became thoroughly degenerate politically, incited the trend of historical nihilism, comprehensively vilified the history of the CPSU and the Soviet Union, and smeared Lenin and Stalin, they completely alienated themselves from the masses and were ultimately abandoned by the people. The lesson of the CPSU’s failure warns us: the source of the Party’s vitality and revolutionary nature is the original aspiration and founding mission—that Communists lead the proletariat and the masses to seize state power and use their political rule to build socialism and ultimately realize communism. Forgetting this original aspiration and founding mission is a political betrayal of the people.
China’s process of reform and opening up has not been entirely smooth either. Some people attempted to take advantage of our Party’s correction of the errors of the "Cultural Revolution" to comprehensively smear the history of the Party and New China, disparage the glorious image of the Party’s great leaders, and even deny Comrade Deng Xiaoping’s scientific analysis in Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping, Vol. 2 (Beijing: People's Publishing House, 1994, p. 149), which stated that the starting point for Comrade Mao Zedong launching the "Cultural Revolution" was "primarily based on the requirements of opposing and preventing revisionism." Some people, disregarding the deep feelings and psychological endurance of the masses toward the great leader, attempted to use the trend of historical nihilism to totally negate Mao Zedong, constantly triggering domestic indignation and unrest. Others used memoirs, novels, and video programs to fabricate various false stories to drive a wedge between leaders and the "blood-and-flesh" ties between the Party and the masses, seeking to stir up turmoil, negate the leadership of the CPC, and subvert China’s socialist system. These tendencies were only gradually resolved after the 18th Party Congress through continuous criticism of erroneous trends like historical nihilism. Only by focusing on resolving these recurring contradictions can we maintain stable social development, prevent political disturbances that endanger national security, and enjoy the strategic opportunity of long-term stable development.
Maintaining the "blood-and-flesh" ties between the Party and the masses is a glorious tradition practiced and left to posterity by the Chinese Communists, with Comrade Mao Zedong as their primary representative. General Secretary Xi Jinping has inherited and carried forward this fine tradition, innovatively developing it into the theory of the Party’s self-revolution and the people-centered philosophy. He repeatedly emphasizes that in the New Era, we must still accept the people's inspection with the spirit of "going to Beijing for the examination" [9] and deliver an answer that satisfies the people. From this emerged the Mass Line education that "touches the soul"; from this came the anti-corruption spirit of "scraping the bone to treat the poison" [10] and "the brave man cutting his own wrist" [11]; from this was set the task of self-revolution to "stay true to our original aspiration and keep our mission firmly in mind." This is a continuation of the dialogue between Comrade Mao Zedong and Mr. Huang Yanpei in the Yan’an cave dwelling [12]; it is a continuation of the tradition of "caring for the masses' lives and paying attention to work methods"; it is a reappearance of the stance viewing the people as a "wall of bronze and iron"; it is the development of the bold spirit of "people’s war" that drowns the enemy in a "vast ocean"; and it is the promotion of the spiritual character of Zhang Side and Jiao Yulu [13]. Comrade Mao Zedong spoke many times on the view that "U.S. imperialism is a paper tiger." In January 1964, during a meeting with a French parliamentary delegation, he mentioned it once more: "Now we say there are two big paper tigers, the United States and the Soviet Union. We shall see if my words hit the mark... the so-called paper tiger means that the United States and the Soviet Union have alienated themselves from the masses." The essence of a paper tiger is alienation from the masses—this is a brand-new summary of the nature of a paper tiger. We must prevent a regime from becoming a paper tiger due to alienation from the masses.
In the New Era, our Party has embarked on a "new journey to face the examination." General Secretary Xi Jinping has raised anew the issue of "transcending the historical cycle of the rise and fall of political parties and regimes." His proposal of "developing whole-process people’s democracy" in his speech at the ceremony marking the centenary of the CPC is the new thinking for solving the problem of "transcending the historical cycle." Comrade Mao Zedong mentioned many times that only by truly mobilizing the people to manage state affairs can we prevent "the governance ending when the man dies" (renwang Zhengxi [14]). He emphasized: we must never understand the people’s rights as the state being managed by one group of people while the people merely enjoy the rights to labor, education, and social insurance under their management; we must speak of "the right of laborers to manage the state, the army, various enterprises, and culture and education." In fact, this is the greatest and most fundamental right of laborers under the socialist system. During the "Three-Antis" and "Five-Antis" campaigns [15] in 1952, our Party established worker supervision in capitalist enterprises; power was held entirely in the hands of the workers, and factory management had to "watch the expression" (look for cues) from the Party branch secretary. Later, the Committee for Increasing Production and Practicing Economy was established, with representatives from state personnel, workers/masses, and capitalists participating; in reality, the management of the enterprise was in the hands of the state personnel and the workers.
In the New Era, only by carrying forward this spirit of being the masters of the house can we win the enthusiastic support and broad participation of the people, fully mobilize the enthusiasm, initiative, and creativity of the broadest masses, and hope to create a new form of human civilization that the people of the world will aspire to.
(3) We must effectively focus on the central task of economic construction, consolidate and expand the socialist public-ownership economy, and unswervingly promote common prosperity for the people. The emergence of the outcome of the CPSU’s demise and the expansion of the Soviet Union was actually the result of the politically degenerate upper-level leadership group plundering, dismantling, and destroying the foundation of Soviet public ownership. Later in Russia, Yeltsin and others spared no effort to forcibly legitimize privatization reforms. By the time the people realized they had been deceived, it was already too late.
Public ownership is a fundamental condition and hallmark of socialism replacing and surpassing capitalism. The Communist Manifesto points out: for Communists, "in all these movements, they bring to the front, as the leading question in each, the property question, no matter what its degree of development at the time."
Not to mention communists represented by Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, and Mao Zedong, even the utopian socialists Saint-Simon, Fourier, and Owen clearly acknowledged that the prerequisite for an ideal society is the realization of public ownership. Even in The Book of Great Unity (Datong Shu) [16], written by the Chinese bourgeois thinker Kang Youwei, it was argued that the "Age of Great Peace" (the highest level of an ideal society) must be a society based on public ownership. Without public ownership, there is no socialism. Although these are elementary matters of common sense, many people either remain silent about them or are utterly ignorant of them.
Based on its own national conditions, China has adjusted the established socialist public ownership system during the reform process, forming a basic economic system in which public ownership remains the mainstay while diverse forms of ownership develop together. Despite facing constant impacts from a wave of privatization backed by Western interests, we have never wavered in our firm understanding of the primary status of public ownership. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "We must unswervingly consolidate and develop the public sector, and unswervingly encourage, support, and guide the development of the non-public sector, promoting a situation where all types of ownership can supplement each other's strengths, promote one another, and develop together. At the same time, we must be very clear that our country's basic economic system is an important pillar of the system of socialism with Chinese characteristics and is also the foundation of the socialist market economy system. The mainstay status of public ownership cannot be shaken, and the leading role of the state-owned economy cannot be shaken. This is the institutional guarantee for the people of all ethnic groups in our country to share the fruits of development, and it is also an important guarantee for consolidating the Party's governing position and upholding our country's socialist system." We must take the Soviet Union as a mirror [17], rally closely around the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping as its core, and rightfully consolidate and strengthen the socialist economic base with public ownership as the mainstay, thereby protecting this most important "family property" upon which the people's position as masters of the country depends.
General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "Due to various reasons, there are currently some prominent problems in our country's income distribution, mainly the widening income gap, the low proportion of labor remuneration in the primary distribution, and the low proportion of resident income in the distribution of national income." The widening gap in income distribution is a pressing problem that our country currently cannot avoid. These problems are not merely economic issues; more importantly, they concern the realization of the goal of common prosperity and the original aspiration and founding mission of seeking happiness for the people. They involve the people's faith in socialism with Chinese characteristics and the question of whose side the people are on. Only by solving prominent problems in the field of income distribution can we eliminate hidden dangers to continuous and stable economic and social development, and guarantee that the great ship of socialism with Chinese characteristics braves the wind and waves to move forward victoriously.
Where do these problems come from? Looking back at the decades of the reform process, one can see that during the adjustment of the economic base, certain one-sided and extreme practices existed, which became important reasons for the difficulty of solving these problems later on.
For example, under the prerequisite of correcting the erroneous tendency of "taking class struggle as the key link" [18], for a considerable period, not only was "class" no longer mentioned, but even "struggle" became a taboo word. "Class analysis" was dropped, and even the thesis that "there is a danger of capitalist restoration in socialist countries" was criticized as "Leftist" [19] material. With the drastic changes in Eastern Europe and the collapse of the Soviet Union, capitalist restoration occurred successively in nine socialist countries. Yet, for over 30 years, China's theoretical circles have rarely commented on this, avoiding research into the major political proposition that "there indeed exists a real danger of capitalist restoration in contemporary socialist countries." This situation only began to change after General Secretary Xi Jinping repeatedly emphasized the need for the courage for self-revolution.
Furthermore, when the decision was first made to open up the development of private economic components, there was only talk of being "bold" and "changing one's mindset," with an emphasis on criticizing those who questioned whether a policy was "surnamed 'Socialism' or 'Capitalism'" [20]. There was no simultaneous emphasis on the mainstay status of public ownership, nor was there attention paid to the law of quantitative and qualitative change. The lack of connection and explanation between new policies and previous ones created practical difficulties and caused a degree of confusion in socialist ideology.
Moreover, the Constitution of our country explicitly stipulates: "In the wake of rural collective economic organizations, the double-tier management system—based on household contract management supplemented by collective management—is implemented." However, during its implementation and promotion, there was a one-sided emphasis and propaganda on "household contract management," while ignoring the "collective management" part of the "combination of centralized and decentralized" approach. This marginalized and suppressed many models that persisted in the path of collective prosperity and achieved brilliant results. Large amounts of practical experience have proven that only the latter is the way out for a socialist modernized countryside.
Additionally, while emphasizing peaceful development and the shift toward taking economic work as the center, many high-tech military industrial enterprises, aircraft manufacturing companies, and weapons production enterprises of great strategic significance were simplistically abolished or disbanded. This not only exacerbated the difficulties of large-scale worker layoffs but also delayed many modern national defense construction projects. This practice was only urgently corrected after tensions arose in the Taiwan Strait and the outbreak of the Gulf War.
These are all problems caused by a lack of "seeking truth from facts" dialectics and one-sidedness in thought; there was a failure to notice that "one tendency often covers another," and the side effects should not be ignored. By clarifying the causes of these problems, summarizing the laws in this area, and resolving these issues, we will further strengthen the Party's ties with the masses and truly achieve scientific development.
The reforms and struggles of Communists are always for the fundamental interests of the vast majority of the people; this is the essence of scientific socialism. If the adjustment and transformation of the economic base guide people toward serving themselves or a small minority, then things must be set right [21]. Only by effectively establishing the goal of common prosperity can we correct errors such as individualism and polarization, and remain on the correct track of seeking happiness for the people.
(IV) We must persist in managing the Party's ideological work well, and continuously carry out criticism of various erroneous viewpoints and trends of thought.
Because the Soviet Union failed to properly handle ideological issues such as class and class struggle, it eventually deviated from and betrayed Marxism-Leninism. Marx said that the existence of classes is only linked to particular historical phases in the development of production. This is an objective law. As long as the capitalist system still exists in the world, the struggle between the two different ideologies and the two different social systems of socialism and capitalism will inevitably exist for a long time. After the exploiting classes are abolished in some socialist countries, class struggle will still exist within a certain scope for a long time and may even intensify under certain conditions. Both our Party Constitution and Constitution still state these extremely important viewpoints and conclusions. Those who fail to see or acknowledge this are not historical materialists. At that time, the Soviet Union only noticed the victory of socialism in the fields of the economic base and state power, failing to realize that the struggle in the ideological field was far from over. Before Soviet society had come anywhere near eliminating classes and class struggle, it was in a hurry to announce that "class struggle has disappeared" and "the danger of capitalist restoration in the Soviet Union no longer exists." Eventually, Gorbachev went so far as to propose the supra-class notion that "the interests of all humanity are above everything else," replacing communist ideals and beliefs with so-called "humanistic, democratic socialism." Thus, the tragedy of capitalist restoration was bound to come knocking. The reality of social development has heartlessly mocked the absurd claim that "the danger of capitalist restoration in the Soviet Union no longer exists."
Unlike the Soviet Union, China has made objective and sober judgments on the situation of class struggle since the beginning of Reform and Opening-up. Since the 12th Party Congress, the Party Constitution has consistently stated: "Due to domestic factors and international influence, class struggle will continue to exist within a certain scope for a long time and may even intensify under certain conditions, but it is no longer the principal contradiction." Although class struggle is not the principal contradiction of society, "throughout the entire process of socialist modernization, we must adhere to the Four Cardinal Principles and oppose bourgeois liberalization [22]." We must resolutely criticize the trend of bourgeois liberalization.
Marx, Engels, Lenin, Mao Zedong, and Deng Xiaoping all made numerous expositions on the fact that classes and class struggle persist throughout the fairly long historical stage of transition from capitalism to communism. Jiang Zemin once pointed out: "Our correction of the error of 'taking class struggle as the key link' that occurred for a time in the past is completely correct. However, this does not mean that class struggle no longer exists. As long as class struggle exists within a certain scope, we cannot discard the Marxist viewpoint and method of class and class analysis. This viewpoint and method remain the key for us to observe the complex political phenomena of the struggle between socialism and various hostile forces." On February 17, 2014, General Secretary Xi Jinping clearly pointed out: The Marxist political stance is first and foremost a class stance, conducting class analysis. Some people say this is outdated; this view is wrong. When we say class struggle is no longer the principal contradiction of our society, it does not mean that class struggle does not exist within a certain scope, nor does it mean it doesn't exist in the broader international context. Since the Reform and Opening-up, our understanding on this issue has always been clear. In October 2022, our Party held the 20th National Congress. We must not only adhere to the principle of "prioritizing stability and pursuing progress while maintaining stability" in the economy, but also in politics.
What requires vigilance is that for some time, hostile forces at home and abroad have seized the opportunity of our Party correcting the error of "taking class struggle as the key link" to generalize and expand the errors of the "Cultural Revolution," slapping the "Cultural Revolution" label everywhere to create confusion. Some people categorize almost all major events in the history of the New China as part of the "Cultural Revolution," even slandering the entire history of the Party as a history of "Leftist calamity," spreading rumors that the New China "didn't do much good," and including the Yan'an and Jinggangshan periods [23] within the scope of "Ultra-Leftism," digging for "dark sides" therein. They spread low-brow, vulgar rumors and "inside stories" regarding the evaluation of Comrade Mao Zedong, attempting to damage his reputation. These clumsy performances of historical nihilism [24] often provoke the indignation of the broad masses. The successive waves of "Mao Zedong Fever" that spontaneously appear on various social media outlets express the conscience and sense of justice of the masses. In the face of deliberate vilification and attacks against Comrade Mao Zedong, we must strike back and refute them rightfully and timely, so as to create a healthy and favorable public opinion and social environment for better studying and implementing the spirit of the 20th Party Congress.
On August 19, 2013, at the National Propaganda and Ideological Work Conference, General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized the extreme importance of ideological work, criticizing certain leading cadres for being "precious about their feathers" [25] and "pretending to be enlightened" in the face of ideological struggle. He called on Party members and cadres to dare to "draw their swords" and dare to struggle. Since the 18th Party Congress, the long-standing passive situation in the ideological field has been fundamentally reversed; the "main theme" [26] is being promoted, and positive, upward energy has begun to become the mainstream.
The achievements in the ideological struggle have heartened the ideological and theoretical circles, and the arduous tasks ahead have also inspired their fighting spirit. Currently, the struggle in the ideological field remains complex and fierce. Significant problems that cannot be underestimated still exist in the research orientation of the social sciences, the direction of higher education institutions, and the orientation of school textbooks and scientific research. Hostile forces at home and abroad use various media and means to deliberately spread various erroneous thoughts, and they meticulously organize and support attacks against scholars who persist in Marxism. In some universities and research institutions, because Party leadership is weak and officials are "precious about their feathers," they have allowed individuals who persist in non-Marxist views to long-term dominate academic authority departments such as "Academic Committees," "Degree Committees," and various award review institutions. Many researchers are intimidated and fear being suppressed by these so-called "authorities." Even some graduate students in Schools of Marxism do not dare to choose political issues such as the collapse of the Soviet Union as their research direction, leading to a lack of successors in these research fields. Some leading figures advocating the trend of historical nihilism have not even made elementary self-criticisms. The situation pointed out by the Party Central Committee as early as the 1990s—that "some public opinion fronts are no longer in the hands of the Party and the people"—has not been thoroughly resolved. The ineffective response to the ideological infiltration of Western hostile forces also awaits a comprehensive summary. The infiltration of Western hostile forces is pervasive, and the continuity of the Red cultural tradition has long been suppressed or discarded, causing the youth to be saturated and influenced by Western culture, which has already caused dissatisfaction across all sectors of society.
Since the 18th Party Congress, under the guidance of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, our Party has identified the roots of long-standing problems in the ideological field and adopted powerful and effective measures. The Norms of Political Life Within the Party Under New Circumstances, formulated at the Sixth Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee, explicitly pointed out from the perspective of firming up socialist and communist ideals and beliefs that we must "continuously transform the subjective world while transforming the objective world, and properly resolve the 'master switch' [27] issue of worldview, outlook on life, and values." This resolved the problem of avoiding or excluding the task of "transforming the subjective world while transforming the objective world" that had persisted for decades, and restored the correct direction and principles of the Party's ideological work.
The social trends and struggles in the ideological field over recent decades have fully proved that certain claims are detrimental to the Party's ideological building and the active role of intellectuals. These claims suggest that since "intellectuals are part of the working class," mentioning "worldview transformation" is a form of "prejudice and loathing" toward them, or implies "always feeling they are inadequate or not 'one of our own.'" Precisely because intellectuals have become part of the working class—precisely because they are "our own"—they must not abandon the study of the Marxist worldview, nor the task of transforming their own subjective world while transforming the objective world. The Party's policy toward intellectuals is to care for, encourage, and support the vast number of intellectuals in better utilizing their expertise and roles in the cause of building socialist modernization. The Party and government should earnestly help them resolve practical difficulties in their work and lives and encourage them to achieve greater accomplishments by doing more substantive work, rather than seeking to show "enlightenment" or win applause through hollow pleasantries. The one-sided criticism of the Party's policy of "uniting, educating, and transforming" [28] intellectuals, without proposing more realistic slogans, has objectively caused extremely negative consequences. In effect, it amounted to surrendering positions to bourgeois ideology in many respects, producing many problems that have become difficult to rectify.
Abolishing the slogan of worldview transformation for Party members, cadres, and intellectuals was a serious distortion of the Party's guidelines and policies. On March 12, 1957, in his "Speech at the Chinese Communist Party's National Conference on Propaganda Work," Comrade Mao Zedong pointed out: "Intellectuals likewise need transformation; not only those whose basic stand has not changed need it, but everyone should study and transform themselves. I say 'everyone,' and that includes those of us here." Why does everyone need to transform their worldview? Mao Zedong’s answer was: "The change in worldview is a fundamental one; at present, it cannot yet be said that the majority of intellectuals have completed this change." "For the majority, they are still a long way from completely replacing the bourgeois worldview with the proletarian worldview." The social realities and ideological struggles of recent decades have fully proven that Mao Zedong's judgment was visionary [29] and entirely correct. The key is to clarify these existing ambiguities through activities involving the study of Marxism.
The profound lessons of the collapse of the Soviet Party and state tell us that socialist countries must remain constantly vigilant against and resist the strategy of ideological infiltration by the Western bourgeoisie. We must build a solid line of defense against the infiltration of decadent Western ideological culture and win this "war without smoke."
(5) We must always uphold the fundamental purpose of wholeheartedly serving the people and the Party’s fine style of work, ensuring the fundamental requirement that the people are masters of the country is realized.
In December 2012, while inspecting poverty alleviation work in Fuping County, Hebei Province, General Secretary Xi Jinping explicitly stated: "We speak of our purpose and have said much, but in the end, it comes down to the phrase 'serving the people.' Our Party exists to serve the people." Among the classical Marxist writers, there were formulations such as "seeking interests for the great majority" and "serving the masses," but making "serving the people" the fundamental purpose of the proletarian party was a major contribution of Mao Zedong. The purpose of wholeheartedly serving the people is built on the basic principles of historical materialism; it believes that the masses are the creators of history and believes in their strength, wisdom, and future. Only in this way can one truly integrate one's personal value with the realization of the interests of the masses; only in this way can one correctly handle the relationship between the individual and the masses, rely closely on the masses, and bring into play their historical initiative. Ensuring the revolutionary nature, advanced nature, and purity of the Party's nature, purpose, guiding ideology, and supreme program, and ensuring that the Party and the state power never change their character, is the fundamental "magic weapon" [30] for our Party’s long-term governance. The Communist Party of China is a party that seeks interests for the nation and the people; it is itself a part of the people and has no private interests whatsoever beyond those of the people. Fundamentally speaking, our Party does not and cannot rely solely on "technique" to govern; it relies fundamentally on its true character of being for the people, believing in the people, and relying on the people. This necessitates adhering to the people-centered development philosophy, which is General Secretary Xi Jinping’s adherence to and development of Mao Zedong’s thought on wholeheartedly serving the people in the New Era. This is where the soul, life, and strength of Chinese Communists reside. This not only occupies the high ground of values and morality but is also the source of the Party’s strength and life, representing the inevitable destination of human society. By doing so, we can be invincible and overcome every difficulty and stronghold.
To always uphold the purpose of wholeheartedly serving the people and the people-centered development philosophy, we must always keep in mind Mao Zedong’s earnest teaching: "The comrades must be helped to remain modest, prudent, and free from arrogance and rashness in their style of work; the comrades must be helped to preserve the style of plain living and hard struggle." The "two musts" [31] are the clear hallmarks and identifiers of the organic unity between the internal and external character of true Communists and the Communist Party. In a sense, the common people judge whether you are a true Communist or part of a true Communist Party by whether you can maintain the style of the "two musts" at all times and under all circumstances. If you can unswervingly and unremittingly maintain the "two musts," the people will ultimately recognize you as the real deal; they will go through fire and water to follow you and hack through brambles and thorns to struggle alongside you. Otherwise, the people may work half-heartedly or even engage in passive sabotage. In the long run and fundamentally, the masses will ultimately and mercilessly abandon such a party. This is the lesson taught by the eventual demise of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), a great party with a 93-year history and 74 years in power. Precisely for this reason, the anti-corruption struggle carried out by our Party after the 18th Party Congress is of immense significance and has received the firm endorsement and enthusiastic support of the broadest masses of the people.
(6) We must firmly grasp the Party's absolute leadership over the military and resolutely criticize erroneous trends of thought such as the "nationalization of the military" and the "de-partyization of the military."
Under the influence of the Western hostile forces' strategy of Peaceful Evolution [32], the Soviet military was long affected by trends such as historical nihilism, the "nationalization of the military," and the "de-partyization of the military." During the Soviet Union's moment of crisis, the Soviet military broke away from the command of the CPSU and became a tool of the subverters. This lesson is extremely profound.
For some time, voices in our country have continuously advocated for the "de-partyization" and "nationalization" of the military. In particular, some have introduced programmatic propositions such as "China Needs New Changes" and "lingbaxianzhang" [33]. As time has passed, people have gradually come to understand the essence of these slogans. Under the guise of "nationalization of the military," they intend for our Party to give up absolute leadership over the people's army, emulating the CPSU of that time by completely withdrawing Party organizations from the military.
Without a people's army, the people have nothing. The people's army of a socialist state is the strong pillar for defending national security and ensuring social stability. Since the 18th Party Congress, our Party has resolutely resisted erroneous political views such as "de-partyization and de-politicization of the military" and "nationalization of the military," emphasizing the Party’s absolute leadership over the armed forces. The All-Military Political Work Conference of the New Era, held at the site of the Gutian Conference [34], synthesized the Party's thought on strengthening the military for the New Era, ensuring the people's army remains firmly in the hands of the Party and the people. Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era explicitly stipulates that the goal of strengthening the military is to build a people's army that follows the Party's command, can win battles, and has a fine style of work, transforming it into a world-class military.
(7) We must resolutely oppose all forms of hegemonism, power politics, unilateralism, and protectionism, adhere to an independent foreign policy of peace for a major country, and promote the building of a community with a shared future for humanity.
The Soviet Union was the world's first socialist state. During the leadership of Lenin and Stalin, it basically upheld the principles of proletarian internationalism in foreign relations, supporting revolutions and national liberation movements in many countries, including China. These historical achievements still evoke admiration and nostalgia among the people of various countries, including the Chinese people.
After World War II, more than a dozen socialist states emerged. Starting from this period, the Soviet Union gradually exhibited erroneous tendencies such as "Big Party-ism," "Big Country-ism" [35], and even hegemonism. In response to the Great Power Chauvinism of Khrushchev and others, Chinese Communists, represented primarily by Comrade Mao Zedong, held high the banner of opposing hegemonism and Great Power Chauvinism. They frustrated the Soviet Union's strategic attempts to impose "Big Party-ism" and to dominate the world through Soviet-U.S. cooperation while isolating China. This promoted and maintained the status of all countries in independent and equal exchange, as well as the democratization of international relations. After the start of Reform and Opening-up, Comrade Deng Xiaoping advocated for norms governing normal relations between socialist states and among various Communist parties—namely, the four principles of inter-party relations: independence, complete equality, mutual respect, and non-interference in each other's internal affairs. He also formulated the policy of "transcending ideological differences to seek broader cooperation."
In the New Era, the CPC Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has advocated for major-country diplomacy with Chinese characteristics, promoting the construction of a new type of international relations and a community with a shared future for humanity. This has displayed the international image of a responsible major power and won the respect and widespread praise of the international community.
In view of the harm brought to the world by the U.S.-Soviet struggle for hegemony, Comrade Mao Zedong repeatedly emphasized that the CPC and the Chinese people would never seek hegemony—even if China becomes a rich and powerful modernized major country. In the New Era, General Secretary Xi Jinping has carried forward this legacy, leading the Chinese people with even greater confidence to create a new form of human civilization and promote the building of a community with a shared future for humanity, allowing the people of the world to share the opportunities of China's development.
(8) We must adhere to the Party's organizational line and educational policy, making every effort to cultivate and forge builders of and successors to the socialist cause capable of shouldering the great responsibility of national rejuvenation.
Because the Khrushchev leadership group established a political direction of "de-Stalinization," negating the history of the CPSU and the great achievements of Stalin, they also negated the Party's correct organizational line and educational policy. Khrushchev downplayed politics, abolished ideological and political theory courses in schools, and followed a "de-Stalinized" line of historical nihilism in cultivating the younger generation. In such an educational environment, figures like Gorbachev and Yeltsin emerged from the generation known as the "Children of the 20th Congress" [36]. In contrast, targeting the imperialist strategy of Peaceful Evolution, Mao Zedong proposed that China must cultivate successors for the cause of proletarian revolution, stipulating five requirements and clarifying the direction. Since then, the Party's educational policy of cultivating builders of and successors to socialism has never wavered.
The Party's educational policy serves the national strategy for talent and is inseparably linked to the Party's organizational line. The cultivation of socialist builders and successors must begin with the youth; only then can a firm foundation be established. Currently, our country's education in ideals and beliefs starts in primary and secondary schools and continues through universities and all types of adult education. It is entirely correct and necessary for the vast number of students—primary, secondary, undergraduate, and graduate—to receive ideological and political education.
During Brezhnev's tenure, negative phenomena such as "two-faced people" and "night people" [37] appeared within the CPSU and society. This phenomenon was actually a passive resistance of dissatisfaction and helplessness against the high-level leadership groups' practices of cronyism, cliquism, nepotism, and seeking patrons. When the theory and practice of the upper levels are "two skins" (disconnected), it is impossible for the masses below to achieve unity of theory and practice. Therefore, whether the promotion and appointment of cadres follow the "all corners of the land" [38] principle, whether small circles and "mountain-topism" [39] are avoided, and whether justice and transparency are embodied, can be seen from the spiritual state of the grassroots masses. The performance of the masses is a mirror of the state of the high-level leadership collective.
From the lessons of the CPSU, to ensure that the socialist state never changes its political color, the selection of Party cadres—especially high-level leading cadres—must emphasize five political standards: (1) The standard of political loyalty: being loyal to Marxism, loyal to the Party, and loyal to the people, while constantly strengthening the "Four Consciousnesses" [40] and conscientiously achieving the "Two Upholds." (2) The standard of political resolve: maintaining firm and correct ideals and convictions along with the "Four Confidences," possessing good political discernment and decisiveness, and standing the test of severe trials at critical moments and major turning points. (3) The standard of political character: daring to take responsibility and daring to struggle; standing one's ground and adhering to principles; and upholding unity, openness, and integrity. (4) The standard of political competence: possessing a deep foundation in Marxist theory, being adept at observing issues from a political perspective, and possessing high levels of political execution. (5) The standard of political self-discipline: strictly abiding by the Party's political discipline and political rules, conducting oneself with integrity, and handling matters cleanly.
The promotion of new cadres at certain levels, especially high-level cadres, must involve a public notification period oriented toward the grassroots masses in relevant departments and systems. Simultaneously, the individuals must report to and explain to the Party's organizational departments any issues regarding their political performance raised by the masses. To ensure the scientific and impartial nature of high-level cadre selection, the research and investigation procedures of the Central Inspection Groups [41] should be integrated into the work process to extensively solicit opinions from relevant grassroots masses regarding the political performance of the candidates. At the same time, those who deliberately make false accusations or frame and persecute candidates for promotion should be criticized or punished according to the severity of the circumstances.
(IX) We must persist in and develop Marxism, conduct in-depth and lasting theoretical study and education activities for the Party, and continuously open up new frontiers in the Sinicization of Marxism.
When reading the Soviet Textbook of Political Economy between 1959 and early 1960, Mao Zedong said: "The books of the ancestors like Marx must be read, and their basic principles must be followed—this is the first point." On September 29, 2017, during a collective study session of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "Times are changing and society is developing, but the basic principles of Marxism remain scientific truths." He added: "If we deviate from or abandon Marxism, our Party will lose its soul and lose its direction. On this fundamental issue of upholding Marxism as our guide, we must be unswerving and never waver at any time or under any circumstances."
Theory is the ultimate abstraction and condensation of politics and economics; it is the point of origin that can radiate in any direction across 360 degrees. If the origin of theory is wrong, all other lines, principles, policies, strategies, and tactics are merely rays emanating from it—eventually, they will all run into major problems. Without revolutionary theory, there can be no revolutionary movement; with erroneous theory, there will inevitably be erroneous actions. Therefore, all our work must always persist in taking Marxism as our guide, especially in the ideological sphere.
While unswervingly upholding Marxism, we must attach great importance to the development and innovation of Marxism. As early as May 1958, at the Second Session of the Eighth National Congress of the CPC, Mao Zedong said: "Marx and Lenin are guides, not dogmas. Dogmatism is the most shiftless and ugly thing." He emphasized: "We must produce our own theory." Again, while reading the Soviet Textbook of Political Economy from 1959 to early 1960, Mao Zedong said: "The Communist Party of any country and the intellectual circles of any country must create new theories, write new works, and produce their own theorists to serve current politics; relying solely on the ancestors will not do." On May 17, 2016, at the Seminar on Philosophy and Social Sciences, General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized: "Marxism possesses the theoretical quality of advancing with the times." He noted: "Marxism is an open theoretical system that develops continuously along with the development of the times, practice, and science. It has not ended truth, but rather opened up the path toward truth." He concluded: "Unifying the persistence in Marxism with the development of Marxism, and continuously making new theoretical creations in combination with new practices—this is the secret to Marxism's eternal vitality."
Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, and Xi Jinping have all emphasized combining the universal truths of Marxism with China’s specific realities and the characteristics of the era. This process of combination is a process of both upholding and developing Marxism, and it is also a process through which the whole Party—especially middle- and high-level cadres—transforms their worldview. Only by truly mastering Marxism and combining it with specific practice, fine traditional Chinese culture, and the characteristics of the era can we truly understand and transform the objective world, and, under the premise of respecting objective laws, fully exert subjective initiative to continuously push society forward.
The several generations of Soviet Party and state leadership groups after World War II, regardless of whether they received a systematic formal education, generally possessed low levels of Marxist theoretical literacy. This was manifested not only in their inability to accurately and systematically understand the essence and core meanings of Marxism, but even more so in their inability to flexibly apply Marxism to creatively solve practical problems and continuously push the socialist cause forward. Those who wish to systematically master Marxism cannot achieve it in a lifetime without putting in genuine effort. To produce several hundred theorists nationwide who possess a high level and systematic mastery of Marxism requires a mass foundation of Marxist theoretical study across the entire Party and country. This is a necessary condition for continuously improving the theoretical level of the whole Party and the highest theoretical level of the Party.
There must be clear regulations on how cadres should study Marxism. The main content of Marxist theoretical study for cadres should be determined according to their educational level, practical work needs, and the goals and tasks of the New Era. In his speech at the Commemoration of the 200th Anniversary of the Birth of Karl Marx, General Secretary Xi Jinping clarified nine key areas for our study and practice of Marxism: (1) Marxist thought on the laws of development of human society; (2) Marxist thought on upholding the people's position; (3) Marxist thought on the productive forces and relations of production; (4) Marxist thought on people's democracy; (5) Marxist thought on cultural development; (6) Marxist thought on social development; (7) Marxist thought on the relationship between man and nature; (8) Marxist thought on world history; and (9) Marxist thought on the building of Marxist political parties.
The study of Marxist theory needs to be institutionalized. Once a system is established, it must be persisted in over the long term. The system for Marxist theoretical study is organized uniformly by the Organization Department and the Publicity Department of the CPC Central Committee. Cadres' study must be arranged in concentrated periods, with specific requirements set, study ranges delineated, and key issues to be resolved at each stage proposed, while providing relevant study reference books and materials. We must combine the reading of original works with guided study of those works, combine staged thematic study with the holistic and systematic study of theory, combine the study of Marxism with the study of the "Four Histories" [42], and combine the study of Marxism with other necessary professional development activities.
Marxist theory and the status of its study should be included in civil service examinations, cadre assessments, and job promotions. In practical work, we must establish the guiding and authoritative status of Marxism-Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory, the Theory of Three Represents, the Scientific Outlook on Development, and Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. We must strictly enforce study formats, oppose formalism, and prevent "going through the motions" [43]. Without certain forms as a guarantee, it is impossible to ensure the quality of study.
To promote cadre study and a historical and systematic understanding of the three great leaps in the Sinicization of Marxism, it is suggested that at an appropriate time, the publication of the various volumes of the Selected Works of Mao Zedong be resumed. Following the already published four-volume Selected Works of Mao Zedong, which reflects the great practical leap of the New Democratic Revolution stage, subsequent volumes should be published to reflect the great practical leap of the socialist revolution and construction stage. These should reflect the systematic and complete system of Mao Zedong Thought, including the hardships and zigzags encountered during exploration, so as to continue clearing the influence of historical nihilism [44] in this field. At the same time, it is suggested that, based on the editing and publication of Volumes 1 to 4 of Xi Jinping: The Governance of China, a complete collection of the writings and speeches of General Secretary Xi Jinping be provided to meet the urgent need for Party members and cadres nationwide to conduct in-depth and systematic study and research on the innovative achievements of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. Publishing selected works of leaders with new content in the New Era will help form a new high tide in the study of Marxism-Leninism by the whole Party and the people of the whole country, reflecting a new high tide in the systematic study of the innovative achievements of the Party's Sinicization of Marxism and fostering a positive atmosphere of seeking truth from facts in study and research.
(X) We must firmly establish a correct outlook on the era and its themes, stay alert to potential dangers even in times of peace, strengthen our confidence, and constantly carry out the great struggle with many new historical features, contributing to the creation and development of a new form of human civilization.
On September 29, 2017, General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized during a collective study session of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee: "We are still in the historical era specified by Marxism. This is the scientific basis for our maintaining firm confidence in Marxism and our conviction in the inevitable victory of socialism." This major judgment is extremely important and completely correct. Furthermore, while affirming that we are still in the historical era specified by Marxism, Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao, and General Secretary Xi Jinping have all directly or indirectly affirmed that we are still in the era of imperialism. Our Party also treats the changes in the themes of the era within the same macro-era with prudence. Deng Xiaoping saw the shift of the era’s theme from "war and revolution" to "peace and development," and promptly made the major choice of reform and opening up, through which the Chinese people, under the leadership of the CPC, achieved world-renowned success. However, imperialism still exists; the essence of imperialism has not changed, it is only that its forms and modes of expression have undergone significant changes. In March 1969, at a briefing session, Mao Zedong clearly pointed out: "Leninism is the Marxism of the era of imperialism. It is still the era of imperialism now." Chen Yun, another important member of the second generation of the Party's collective leadership with Comrade Deng Xiaoping as the core, pointed out very clearly in 1989: "Are Lenin's five characteristics of imperialism and his thesis on the essence of invading other countries and contending for hegemony out of date? In my view, they are not... The view that Lenin's theory of imperialism is out of date is completely wrong and very harmful. It is high time that we shout this from the rooftops."
To depart from Lenin's judgment of the era is to forfeit the ability to correctly assess the historical orientation of our Party and country today; it is to forfeit the ability to correctly perceive and respond to the various despicable actions of imperialism led by that superpower. Since capitalism developed from free competition to monopolistic finance imperialism, human history has endured two world wars. The global financial crisis of 2008, the global COVID-19 pandemic of 2020, and the Russia-Ukraine conflict that erupted in 2022 can, in essence, be seen as highly likely forms of an ongoing Third World War in a different guise. Today, as economic globalization and the international financial crisis develop in depth, any person of conscience who seriously reads Lenin’s Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism (hereafter Imperialism) will conclude that this concise work, like Marx and Engels's Communist Manifesto, possesses a high degree of internal unity across theoretical, historical, and formal logic. Amidst the dense fog of the history of human civilization, it stands as a landmark theoretical lighthouse whose brilliant light of truth shines ever brighter, illuminating the way for people to press forward with tenacity. Unfortunately, for some years, the number of people reading Lenin’s Imperialism has diminished. There are also those busy pursuing so-called "financial innovation" without a clear understanding of the nature of finance controlled by monopoly capital, even treating financial innovation as a tool for personal gain. General Secretary Xi Jinping has explicitly pointed out: "We are still in the historical era specified by Marxism." This means that we are currently in the macro-historical era of transition from capitalism to socialism as defined by Marxism; simultaneously, we are in the sub-historical period of imperialism as described by Lenin; and further, we are in the even more specific stage where imperialism is transitioning from monopolistic, parasitic, and decaying capitalism toward moribund capitalism. This stage may require decades or even a century. In September 1953, Mao Zedong said: "U.S. imperialists are very arrogant; whenever they can afford to be unreasonable, they will certainly be so. If they do show a bit of reason, it is because they have been forced to do so by necessity." On one hand, we must recognize that international finance monopoly capitalism is more hypocritical and deceptive than commercial or industrial capitalism. However, as it enters the downward channel from the monopolistic and parasitic/decaying stage toward the moribund stage, the paint of hypocrisy and deception begins to peel away, and its frenzied, cruel side becomes more apparent. Thus, we must fully anticipate the various difficulties we may encounter on the road ahead—that is, the road is tortuous. On the other hand, we must also see the other side of finance imperialism: blustering but hollow, fierce in appearance but weak within [45]. We must strengthen our confidence in victory—that is, the future is bright. We consistently and unremittingly strive, alongside the people of all countries including those of the United States and Russia, to scrupulously abide by the UN Charter and to promote peace, development, cooperation, and mutual benefit on the basis of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence [46]. But regarding enemies who seek to destroy us at every moment, the first thing we must do is not fear ghosts, refuse to believe in heterodoxies [47], and be prepared to sacrifice our lives for righteousness [48]. We must have the courage and daring to struggle, rather than seeking mercy or even alms through a submissive attitude of compromise and retreat. "The powerful cannot bend us" [49] and "Harmony is precious" [50] are equally essential components of the Chinese nation's excellent cultural traditions. In dealing with imperialism—namely hegemonism, unilateralism, and power politics—we must, of course, be adept at struggle, but the courage to struggle comes first. The glorious practice of our Party over the past century has fully proven that if one dares to struggle and dares to win, imperialism and all reactionaries are paper tigers. If one compromises and retreats, behaving as timid as a mouse, imperialism and all reactionaries are real tigers. Only by daring to struggle and truly making imperialism feel the pain will it possibly listen to the common sense and public truth recognized by the vast majority of the world. Otherwise, it will wantonly disregard these principles. Their "reason" and our reason are, in most cases, diametrically opposed; there is no intersection of interests or shared ground. Because in the long run, imperialism serves the interests of a tiny minority, which is entirely contrary to the purpose of socialism—serving the fundamental interests of the vast majority—it is therefore inevitably a paper tiger. Only by standing at the height of the era specified by Marxism and clearly recognizing the characteristics of the times, the world trend, and the laws of history, can we fight for the ideals of building socialism and realizing communism with a hundredfold confidence. As economic globalization develops in depth, as the international financial crisis deepens, as the COVID-19 pandemic spreads globally, and as the polarization between rich and poor intensifies worldwide, the chronic maladies of the capitalist world led by the United States will be more fully exposed. Leftist trends of thought and Marxist parties across the globe, as well as world socialist theory, movements, and systems, will surely enter a period of great activity in the next twenty to thirty years. This is the fundamental basis and the source of hope for the "changes unseen in a century" in the world. We are unswerving in our conviction regarding the bright future of world socialism. Any trends of thought or rhetoric arising from the collapse of the Soviet Union and the CPSU that doubt Marxism, negate Leninism and the path of the October Revolution, or deny the laws of human historical development are erroneous, harmful, and short-sighted.
However, we must not be blindly optimistic about the situation of the struggle. Because imperialism has long implemented a strategy of "peaceful evolution" [51] against socialist countries, it will still cause some wavering elements—including figures in the leadership of socialist countries—to degenerate or defect. The "fifth column" bought and fostered by imperialism is still waiting for opportunities to sabotage and cause trouble. The influence of decaying capitalist ideology in the ideological sphere of socialist countries cannot be underestimated. The traps and conspiracies set by imperialism in political, economic, and cultural exchanges still exist. The threat of imperialist war remains. Imperialism's use of its advantages in high-tech fields—such as "biological genetic weapons"—and its activities to create large-scale social chaos or even crises in finance and other sectors will not cease. We can by no means rule out that they will use the filthiest means to achieve the most despicable ends.
Facing today’s changes unseen in a century, we must be prepared for danger in times of peace (jū ānsī wéi). We must be sufficiently prepared for the long-term, complex, and sharp nature of the struggle; we need to consider the worst-case scenarios and be ready. At the same time, we focus on managing our own affairs well while conducting struggles that are "on just grounds, to our advantage, and with restraint" [52], striving for the best possible outcome. Imperialism may select the manner in which some socialist countries collapse through sabotage and "evolution," but it cannot choose the manner of its own collapse; its eventual collapse and demise are historical necessities.
In the early 1970s, the famous British historian Arnold Toynbee, who once believed Western civilization could become a unified global civilization, underwent a major shift in thought. He overturned the conclusions of his earlier work, A Study of History, concluding that the Western civilization represented by the United States—which relies on military conquest as its primary means—cannot be universally accepted by the people of the world. He creatively proposed that the main axis of world civilization is the exercise of a vanguard exemplary role, and only China possesses this capacity, skill, and unparalleled record of achievements. Only Chinese civilization, characterized by peaceful exchange, can become a civilization welcomed by the people of all nations. He predicted that the Chinese civilization welcomed by the world in the future would be "Communism's Sinicization."
For the peace-loving people of the world, New China has always been welcomed, and this is even more true today. As General Secretary Xi Jinping said on March 27, 2014, at the commemoration of the 50th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and France: "The realization of the Chinese Dream brings opportunities, not threats, to the world; it brings peace, not turmoil; it brings progress, not regression. Napoleon once said that China is a sleeping lion, and when she wakes, the world will tremble. The Chinese lion has awakened, but it is a peaceful, amiable, and civilized lion." The people of the world highly identify with this image of China as a major power depicted by General Secretary Xi Jinping. The construction of a community with a shared future for humanity and the development of a new form of human civilization have an incomparably bright and glorious future!