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Tang Desen and Jiang Li: Rethinking Stalin's Theory of "Building Socialism in One Country"

Marxism Abroad

The collapse of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe at the end of the 1980s and beginning of the 1990s were major events in the history of the world socialist movement. Many in the West took this as a declaration of the bankruptcy of the "socialism in one country" theory pioneered by Lenin and Stalin, proceeding to deny the significance and value of building socialism within a single nation. Furthermore, during this same period, some Western scholars went to great lengths to deny the significance of the debates within the CPSU(B) [1] regarding this theory, claiming that "socialism in one country" was not a Leninist idea but a pure fabrication by Stalin himself. They attributed the errors that occurred during Soviet socialist construction and the problems within the international communist movement to Stalin's "socialism in one country" theory. Since the 1990s, many domestic scholars, when summarizing and reflecting on the lessons of the collapse of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, have also pointed their spears at this theory. Revisiting the history of Stalin’s advancement of Soviet socialist construction, deeply analyzing his theory of "socialism in one country," providing an objective and fair evaluation of its theory and practice, and summarizing the lessons of Soviet socialist construction carries important referential significance for advancing the cause of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics.

I. The Background of the Emergence of Stalin’s Theory of "Socialism in One Country"

1. The Inheritance and Development of Lenin’s Theory of "Victory in One Country" At the turn of the 20th century, based on the law of the uneven economic and political development of the imperialist era, Lenin clearly proposed the theory of "victory in one country." In August 1915, in On the Slogan for a United States of Europe, Lenin pointed out: "Uneven economic and political development is an absolute law of capitalism. Hence, the victory of socialism is possible first in several or even in a single capitalist country alone." In September 1916, in The Military Programme of the Proletarian Revolution, he further noted: "The development of capitalism proceeds extremely unevenly in different countries... From this it follows irrefutably that socialism cannot achieve victory simultaneously in all countries. It will achieve victory first in one or several countries, while the others will for some time remain bourgeois or pre-bourgeois." This was a new understanding and judgment reached by Lenin based on the international and domestic situation facing Soviet Russia at the time, developing the "simultaneous victory" theory discussed by Marx and Engels during the early period of their doctrine’s creation.

After Lenin’s death, a fierce debate erupted within the CPSU(B) over whether socialism could be built in the Soviet Union alone. The opposition dogmatically clung to Marx and Engels’ conclusion of "simultaneous victory," denying the possibility and reality of building socialism in one country. In response, Stalin explicitly proposed the theory that socialism could be built in one country. In December 1924, in The October Revolution and the Tactics of the Russian Communists, Stalin pointed out: "The victory of socialism in one country, even if that country is less developed capitalistically than others, and while capitalism still exists in other countries, is quite possible and probable." This theory was subsequently argued repeatedly by Stalin, continuously enriched and developed into a theory of building a complete socialist society and a communist society in one country.

2. Consolidating the Sole Soviet Power Amidst Capitalist Encirclement Under the influence of the Russian October Revolution, proletarian revolutions broke out in many European countries, and national-democratic revolutions erupted in the colonies and semi-colonies of the East. However, from 1921 onwards, the high tide of the proletarian revolution in Western Europe gradually receded. Starting in 1924, the revolution entered a low ebb. This meant the Soviet Union would be unable to receive the sympathy and assistance of a Western European proletarian revolution. Meanwhile, the advanced capitalist countries had survived the first post-WWI political and economic crisis, and capitalism entered a period of relative stability. Furthermore, the advanced capitalist countries of Western Europe adjusted their mutual relations and turned to collectively confront the Soviet Union. Under this grim international situation, many within the Soviet Union began to doubt the possibility of building socialism, believing it impossible in an economically and culturally backward Russia. Influenced by such ideas, some lost confidence and fell into pessimism. In the absence of any external support, the Soviet people could only rely on their own strength to consolidate the world’s only Soviet power.

3. Overcoming the Dangers of Growing Capitalist Elements Following the New Economic Policy With the implementation of the New Economic Policy (NEP) [2], the Soviet national economy saw significant development by the end of 1925, and the living standards of workers and peasants improved markedly. However, new problems emerged during the NEP's execution, creating factors in the cities and countryside that were inconsistent with socialism. These included urban and rural unemployment, a shortage of capital for industrialization, and the emergence of the kulak [3] stratum. The NEP allowed for private enterprises, which had the right to dismiss redundant staff, leading to unemployment. Under the NEP, because the state-set grain prices were too low, peasants were unwilling to sell grain to the state. The state lacked sufficient grain for export to exchange for the equipment needed for industrialization, leading to a slow industrialization process. The relaxed environment of the NEP allowed some peasants to prosper and become wealthy peasants, while others became increasingly impoverished due to a lack of farming tools or production techniques, resulting in new wealth polarization. Additionally, capitalist components still accounted for a considerable proportion of the national economy at the time. All these were abnormal phenomena incompatible with socialism, inevitably causing concern about the class basis of the socialist regime and doubt regarding the socialist system. Differing understandings of these issues could potentially lead to diametrically opposed political lines. Therefore, the RCP(B) [4] had to make a clear decision to unify the thinking of the whole Party and the people of the whole country.

4. Facing the Disputes over "Whether Socialism Can Be Built in One Country" Although Lenin had proposed the important thesis that socialism could be built in one country as early as March 1915 and made initial attempts following the victory of the October Revolution, a consensus had not been formed inside or outside the Party. After Lenin's death, a dispute erupted over this issue. Hemmed in by internal and external difficulties, people were forced to consider: What is socialism? Can an economically and culturally backward Russia rely on its own strength to build socialism alone in one country? And how can it be built? From 1924 to 1927, the CPSU(B) headed by Stalin engaged in a fierce polemic with opposition figures such as Trotsky, Zinoviev, and Kamenev. Trotsky adhered to the theory of "permanent revolution," while Zinoviev declared that building socialism in the Soviet Union alone was a manifestation of "national narrow-mindedness." Trotsky and Zinoviev even formed an alliance to strenuously deny the realistic possibility of building socialism in the Soviet Union. To unify thinking and advance Soviet socialist construction, Stalin explicitly proposed and insisted on the "socialism in one country" theory during the polemics. In December 1924, in The October Revolution and the Tactics of the Russian Communists, Stalin first distinguished between the possibility of building socialism in one country and the complete, final victory in one country. In April 1925, in the Report on the Work of the Fourteenth Conference of the RCP(B), Stalin clearly noted that without the victory of proletarian revolutions in several advanced capitalist countries, armed intervention and capitalist restoration could not be precluded, and thus socialism could not achieve complete, final victory in one country; however, even without the support and assistance of subsequent proletarian revolutions, the Soviet proletariat could seize power and build socialism. In November 1926, at the 15th Conference of the CPSU(B), Stalin thoroughly refuted the arguments of the opposition, ending the theoretical debate. Stalin’s theory of "socialism in one country" was finally established as the guiding ideology for the entire Party. Facts proved that this theory powerfully advanced the construction and development of Soviet socialism.

II. The Main Content of Stalin’s Theory of "Socialism in One Country"

1. Clarifying the Difference Between "Building" Socialism and its "Final Victory" Stalin believed: "The question of the building of socialism in the Soviet Union is a matter of overcoming our own 'national' bourgeoisie, while the question of the final victory of socialism is a matter of overcoming the world bourgeoisie."

In Stalin's view, the victory of socialism in one country included both domestic and international aspects. Domestically, socialism could be victorious in one country. He said: "This means the possibility of resolving the contradictions between the proletariat and the peasantry by the internal forces of our country, the possibility of the proletariat seizing power and using that power to build a complete socialist society in our country, with the sympathy and support of the proletarians of other countries, but without the preliminary victory of the proletarian revolution in other countries." Stalin believed that although the peasantry belonged to a class of private owners, they shared with the working class a desire and demand to take the socialist road and had common interests. They could form a solid worker-peasant alliance to defeat the domestic bourgeoisie, laying the political and class foundations for building socialism.

Stalin argued that internationally, the final victory of socialism meant the state would be free from armed intervention and the restoration of the old regime, thereby defeating the world bourgeoisie. This required the victory and support of proletarian revolutions in other countries. Stalin realized that the Soviet Union, surrounded by Western capitalist countries, faced constant danger. Relying on its own strength was not enough. "For the complete victory of socialism, for complete security against the restoration of the old order, the combined efforts of the proletarians of several countries are necessary." (In Concerning Questions of Leninism, he further emphasized: "The complete and final victory of socialism is impossible in one country... without the victory of the revolution in at least several countries, there can be no full guarantee against intervention and, consequently, against the restoration of the bourgeois order.") Here, Stalin linked the final, thorough victory of Soviet socialism to the revolutionary victory in other countries, hoping for their support.

Stalin also analyzed the fundamental consistency and inseparability of these two tasks: the seizure of power and the building of socialism depended on the sympathy and support of the international proletariat. In the Report on the Work of the Fourteenth Conference of the RCP(B), he pointed out: "The support given to our revolution by the workers of all countries, and still more the victory of these workers... is a necessary condition for fully guaranteeing the first victorious country against intervention and restoration." He said: "What would happen if the proletarians of the world did not sympathize with and support the Soviet Republic? The Soviet Republic would be intervened against and destroyed." "If the sympathy and support of the proletarians of all countries for the Soviet Republic strengthens and grows, what will happen? It will fundamentally promote the socialism of the Soviet Union... If the victories of socialist construction in the Soviet Union continue to expand... it will fundamentally strengthen the revolutionary positions of the proletarians of all countries in their struggle against capital." Therefore, the victory of the revolution in one country was not the final goal; it was the starting point and development base for the world revolution, and the driving force for the revolutionary development in all nations.

2. Elucidating the Conditions for "Building Socialism in One Country" Stalin believed that building socialism in one country required both domestic and international conditions. The domestic condition was the organization of a national economic system encompassing both industry and agriculture. In Stalin's view, the Soviet Union had already established the Soviet power of the dictatorship of the proletariat, providing the political foundation. Handling the relationship between industry and agriculture—the relationship between the proletariat and the peasantry—was the fundamental economic problem. This was not only a question of the class basis but also the economic basis for building socialism. To this end, it was necessary to adopt financial, tax, and price policies that met the interests of the worker and peasant masses, rapidly develop industrial and agricultural production, realize national industrialization and agricultural collectivization, and bring the small-peasant economy into the socialist track through peasant cooperatives.

The external condition for building socialism in a single country is whether that country can secure a "breathing space" free from war. Stalin believed that while world capitalism tended toward stabilization after the First World War, contradictions remained complex and multifaceted. These were manifested in the contradictions within the imperialist camp; those between imperialism and the colonies or subordinate states; and those between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie within imperialist countries. This complexity made it highly probable that an international environment could be formed in which the Soviet socialist regime could coexist peacefully with world capitalism, winning for the Soviet Union a relatively peaceful "breathing space" to advance socialist construction.

3. Proposing the Criteria for "Building Socialism in One Country" Stalin believed that the completion of socialist construction in the Soviet Union meant the Soviet proletariat overcoming its domestic bourgeoisie by relying on its own strength. He pointed out that this victory comprised two levels: first, defeating the bourgeoisie politically by eliminating the exploiting classes and the system of exploitation to establish the dictatorship of the proletariat; and second, defeating the bourgeoisie economically by abolishing capitalist relations of production to establish a socialist economic base. Stalin believed the former had already been achieved and placed particular emphasis on the need to realize the latter as quickly as possible. He noted: "We have won the dictatorship of the proletariat and have thus created the political basis for the advance toward socialism. Can we create the socialist economic basis, the new economic basis required for the building of socialism, by our own efforts? ... To create the economic basis of socialism means integrating agriculture and socialist industry into one combined economy, subordinating agriculture to the leadership of socialist industry, regulating the relations between town and country on the basis of an exchange of agricultural and industrial produce, closing and eliminating all the channels which facilitate the birth of classes and, above all, of capital, and finally creating such conditions of production and distribution as lead directly to the abolition of classes." In other words, the economic base of socialism consists in the realization of the integration of agriculture and industry. He further identified the specific path for establishing this economic base, arguing: "In order to integrate agriculture with socialized industry, it is first of all necessary to have an extensive network of distribution organs, an extensive network of cooperative organs—that is, a network of consumer cooperatives and agricultural production cooperatives." Only in this way could socialism be built in the Soviet Union and Soviet political power be consolidated.

III. The Contributions of Stalin’s Theory of "Building Socialism in One Country" Stalin’s theory of "building socialism in one country" represents the inheritance and development of the theories of Marx and Engels regarding proletarian revolution and socialist construction. It is consistent with the spiritual essence of Lenin’s "victory in one country" thesis [5], while further providing creative expansion and rational application. Although certain deficiencies exist in this theory, its historical role cannot be ignored or erased. It served as the political program for advancing Soviet socialist construction.

1. Providing a Theoretical Basis for the Existence of Soviet Socialist Power To deny the possibility of building socialism in one country is, in essence, to deny the legitimacy of the existence of the socialist regime in the Soviet Union. For the Soviet regime, existing in isolation and surrounded by Western capitalism, the most urgent task was to find a theoretical basis to justify its existence. From the mid-1920s, the proletarian revolution in Western Europe entered a low ebb. At that time, the Soviet Union had basically completed the task of restoring the national economy and entered a new period of socialist economic construction. Since the Soviet Union had already embarked on the socialist path, it had to build socialism. This was the only correct choice. Stalin pointed out: "If this were not so, if the Party had no grounds for asserting that the proletariat of the USSR can build a socialist society... the Party would have no grounds for remaining in power; it would have to relinquish power and assume the position of an opposition party." In Stalin’s view, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was the leader of the cause of proletarian revolution and construction; if the Party had no basis for asserting that socialism could be achieved, then it had no reason to continue holding power. Stalin’s theory of "building socialism in one country" was a forceful response to this problem. As Stalin said: "One cannot build properly without knowing what one is building for. One cannot move a single step forward without knowing the direction in which one is moving." Stalin’s theory provided the Soviet people with a clear goal and direction for their struggle—namely, the advocacy for building a socialism in the Soviet Union that was superior to capitalism.

2. Inspiring the Confidence and Enthusiasm of the Soviet People for Socialist Construction After the victory of the October Revolution, the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) led the people in arduous efforts to consolidate power. By the end of 1925, the task of restoring the national economy was basically complete, and the country entered a critical period of transition to socialism. The Opposition [6] insisted that socialism could not be built in a single country alone. Given that it was difficult to expect a high tide of world revolution at that time, the Opposition's view made people feel that the future was bleak, dampening the masses' enthusiasm for building socialism. To this end, Stalin explicitly proposed that the Soviet Union could build socialism in one country. This was both a requirement for the development of the Soviet revolutionary and constructive cause and the earnest expectation of the broad masses. Adhering to the theory that socialism could be built in one country strengthened the people's resolve and helped stimulate their confidence and enthusiasm, mobilizing the entire population to actively participate in socialist construction. It was precisely under the guidance of this theory and in exceptionally difficult conditions that the Soviet people realized national industrialization and agricultural collectivization, transforming from an economically and culturally backward agricultural country into a powerful socialist industrial state, achieving a great victory in the Great Patriotic War, and making immense contributions to world peace and progress.

3. Unifying the Party’s Guiding Ideology and Organization In the mid-1920s, serious divergences arose among several key Party leaders regarding the future development of socialism in the Soviet Union. Successive groups emerged, including the Trotskyites, the Zinovievites, the Kamenevites, the Bukharinites, and the Trotsky-Zinoviev Anti-Party Bloc. The Bolshevik Party once faced the grave danger of ideological confusion and organizational fracturing. Consequently, there was an urgent need for a banner to ensure a high degree of ideological and organizational unity within the Party. Stalin’s theory of "building socialism in one country" critiqued and overcame Trotsky’s "permanent revolution" [7], the defeatism of the "New Opposition," and various other erroneous views concerning the future and fate of socialism. It armed the entire Party with the idea that socialism could be built in one country and established this as the Party’s guiding ideology. Simultaneously, the Bolshevik Party organizationally purged those opposition elements who remained unrepentant, formed cliques, and frantically engaged in activities against the Central Committee and for the purpose of causing division, thereby purifying the Party's ranks and organization. Under the banner of the idea that socialism can be built in one country, a high degree of ideological and organizational unity was achieved. From then on, the Bolshevik Party concentrated its energy on leading the Soviet people in socialist construction and achieved great victories.

4. Enriching the Theoretical Treasury of Marxism-Leninism Marx and Engels believed that the victory of the socialist revolution would have to occur simultaneously in at least several developed capitalist countries. In their later years, while researching the Russian question, they also pointed out that if a Russian revolution occurred at the same time as a West European proletarian revolution, the two would complement each other. In that case, an economically and culturally backward Russia might be able to leap over the capitalist stage of development and move toward socialism, but this would require the prior victory of the proletariat in developed capitalist countries. Although Lenin proposed the important concept of building socialism in one country in his later years and made preliminary attempts, he did not have the time to expand upon it specifically. Stalin’s theory of "building socialism in one country" elaborated on the questions of what kind of socialism to build and how to build it. This was the product of Stalin’s profound analysis of the international and domestic situations and the current state of the Party, combining the general principles of Marxism-Leninism with the actual conditions of the Soviet Union at that time. Stalin’s theory represents the correct development and rational application of Marxism-Leninism, enriching its theoretical treasury. This theory not only drove the vigorous development of Soviet socialist construction but also forcefully promoted the development of the world proletarian revolutionary movement.

IV. Inspirations of Stalin’s Theory of "Building Socialism in One Country" for China’s Socialist Construction In a certain sense, our construction of socialism with Chinese characteristics is a refinement and development of Stalin’s theory of "building socialism in one country." Although Stalin’s theory had many deficiencies, it undoubtedly holds important inspirational significance for China, which likewise embarked on the socialist path under conditions of economic and cultural backwardness.

1. Highlighting the Banner of Socialism and Strengthening Socialist Conviction In the late 1980s and early 1990s, with the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, the world socialist movement entered a low ebb, and we faced numerous difficulties and challenges. Therefore, holding high the great banner of socialism, strengthening socialist conviction, and unswervingly following the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics is not only extremely necessary but also of great significance. Deng Xiaoping once pointed out: "Serious setbacks have occurred in some countries, and socialism seems to have been weakened, but the people have been tempered and have drawn lessons from this, which will prompt socialism to develop in a healthier direction. Therefore, do not be panic-stricken; do not think that Marxism has disappeared, become useless, or failed. No such thing!" Jiang Zemin noted: "Historical experience has repeatedly proved that a low ebb gestates a high tide. Viewed from the history of the development of the international communist movement, a low ebb presages a new development of Marxism and a new victory for the cause of socialism." It is a matter of pride that over the more than 30 years of reform and opening up, under the correct leadership of the Communist Party of China, the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics has achieved glorious successes that make our compatriots proud and the world take notice. This will inevitably further strengthen the broad masses’ conviction in the ultimate victory of socialism.

2. Adhering to the Combination of Marxism-Leninism with National Realities and Taking One's Own Path In building socialism with Chinese characteristics, we should adhere to combining Marxism-Leninism with China’s specific realities and follow a socialist path suited to China’s national conditions. China’s greatest current reality is that we are in, and will long remain in, the primary stage of socialism. Therefore, in building socialism with Chinese characteristics, we must start from the national conditions of the primary stage. We must persist in the basic economic system in which public ownership is the mainstay and multiple forms of ownership develop together, and in the distribution system in which distribution according to work is the mainstay and multiple modes of distribution coexist. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the world socialist cause suffered heavy blows. Yet socialist China maintained a good momentum of sustained, rapid, and healthy economic development; the living standards of the broad masses improved significantly; various social undertakings achieved remarkable results; and its international status rose steadily. Moreover, China successfully withstood severe tests from all sides. A key reason for this is that our Party adhered to combining the universal truths of Marxism-Leninism with contemporary Chinese realities and the characteristics of the era, creating the theoretical system of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Guided by this theory, our Party formulated the basic line and program for the primary stage of socialism and blazed a path for socialist modernization suited to China’s national conditions. The report to the 17th Party Congress profoundly pointed out that the fundamental reason for all our achievements and progress since the reform and opening up can be summarized as follows: we have blazed the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics and formed the theoretical system of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

3. Fully Recognizing the Long-Term Nature of Socialist Construction and Advancing it Steadily Stalin’s theory of "building socialism in one country" was a creative development of Marxism, but this theory was later absolutized by Stalin. He lowered the standards for completing socialist construction and believed that building socialism could be accomplished in the shortest historical period. Under the guidance of this thinking, Stalin ignored the state of the productive forces and implemented measures that exceeded the stage of development, causing serious harm to socialist construction and development. Subsequently, several socialist countries, including China, developed a one-sided understanding of Stalin’s theory and committed the mistake of exceeding stages of development and rushing toward transition to varying degrees. In view of this, we should fully recognize the long-term nature of socialist construction and advance it steadily and incrementally. At the beginning of China’s reform and opening up, Deng Xiaoping paid attention to learning from past "Left" [8] lessons. When formulating the grand goals and fundamental policies of reform and opening up, he did not demand immediate results but instead adopted a "three-step" strategy. The report to the 15th Party Congress further reaffirmed the important thesis that our country is still in the primary stage of socialism and emphasized the long-term nature of this historical stage, serving as a constant reminder to avoid the mistake of exceeding historical stages.

4. Attaching Great Importance to Developing the Productive Forces and Striving to Build High-Standard Socialism

The socialism Stalin sought to build in the Soviet Union was a low-standard socialism, which failed to accord sufficient importance to the idea articulated by Marx and Engels that socialism must be established upon a highly developed material and technical foundation. Under the guidance of this theory, the Soviet model of socialism overemphasized transformations in the relations of production while neglecting the balanced development of social productive forces and the improvement of the masses' material living conditions. It paid insufficient attention to perfecting socialist democracy and the legal system; economically, it was excessively centralized and unified, lacking the capacity to give full play to the initiative of enterprises and grassroots units. After the end of the Second World War, many newly emerging socialist countries copied and transplanted the "Soviet model" indiscriminately, causing the socialist cause to take many detours [9]，leaving behind profound lessons. In light of this, we should attach great importance to developing productive forces and strive to build a high-standard socialism.

  1. Uniting international progressive forces and striving for a favorable international environment

During the period when Stalin was vigorously advancing socialist construction in the Soviet Union, the international environment was extremely hostile. History has fully proven that throughout the great process of socialist construction, the influence of the external environment can never be ignored. While the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe [10] were certainly the result of the combined force of many factors, the infiltration of Western capitalist countries was undoubtedly an undeniable and important external cause. Therefore, as we currently carry out the construction of socialism with Chinese characteristics, the key lies in basing ourselves on the foundation of relying on our own strength, while simultaneously actively striving for the support of international forces to create a favorable international environment for our country's socialist construction. From 1958 onward, Mao Zedong established the policy of taking self-reliance as the primary focus and seeking foreign aid as a supplement. Deng Xiaoping also pointed out that independence and self-reliance must be organically combined with opening up to the outside world, noting that opening up is of great significance to China.

(About the authors: Tang Desen is an Associate Professor and Master’s Supervisor at the School of Marxism, Hubei University; Jiang Li is a doctoral student at the School of Marxism, Hubei University)

Web Editor: Tongxin Source: Marxist Studies (《马克思主义研究》), Issue 4, 2014.