Marxism Research Network
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Chen Mingfan: New Trends in the Development of World Socialism Under Great Changes

Marxism Abroad

Looking at the global landscape, capitalism has already passed its "golden age" and is now moving toward an inevitable decline; conversely, socialism is moving toward an unstoppable resurgence. This is an unprecedented situation in the history of human social development. Applying a scientific "Big View of History" to look forward at the developmental trends of world socialism allows us to be full of confidence in its prospects, to be fully prepared for the arduous and tortuous nature of the socialist path, and to resolve to continuously seize greater victories on the Long March [1] of the New Era with a strong spirit of struggle.

The Rise and Development of the Socialist Movement Amidst Global Changes

To scientifically predict the developmental trends of world socialism, one must first review the historical trajectory of its development. The socialist movement rose and developed amidst several major global transformations. It has achieved numerous glorious victories and experienced many setbacks and failures, but taken as a whole, it has left an upward-sloping curve on the coordinates of history. In summarizing the historical lessons of the failed European revolutions of 1848, Marx profoundly revealed the laws of proletarian revolution: "Proletarian revolutions, like those of the nineteenth century, criticize themselves constantly, interrupt themselves continually in their own course, come back to the apparently accomplished in order to begin it afresh; they deride with unmerciful thoroughness the inadequacies, weaknesses and paltriness of their first attempts, seem to throw down their adversary only in order that he may draw new strength from the earth and rise again, more gigantic, before them, recoil ever and anon from the indefinite prodigiousness of their own aims, until a situation has been created which makes all turning back impossible, and the conditions themselves cry out: Hic Rhodus, hic salta! Here is the rose, here dance!" [2] Nearly a century later, Comrade Mao Zedong, in summarizing the historical experience of the Chinese revolution, again expounded upon the developmental laws of the people's revolution led by the proletariat, pointing out: "Fight, fail, fight again, fail again, fight again . . . till their victory; that is the logic of the people, and they too will never go against this logic. This is another Marxist law." [3]

Proletarian movements in the true sense began during the global transformations of the early 19th century. Although the 17th-century English Revolution opened the curtain on modern world history, industrial production was still in the manufactory stage, and the modern proletariat had not yet formed. From the late 18th to the early 19th century, the British Industrial Revolution and the French Revolution triggered a major global transformation; the modern proletariat began to form and gradually stepped onto the political stage. Saint-Simon, Fourier, and Owen—the three great Utopian Socialists of the early 19th century—were called the "founders of socialism" by Engels. They exposed the evils and origins of capitalism and envisioned a beautiful picture of a future society. However, because they failed to see that the proletariat was the protagonist of this great social transformation, they instead placed their hopes for realizing a new society on the benevolence of the propertied classes and the monarchs of various nations. Engels pointed out: "The proletariat, which then for the first time was surging out of these [non-possessing] masses as the nucleus of a new class, as yet quite incapable of independent political action." Engels elevated the discourse on this historical condition to the height of historical materialism, noting: "The immature state of capitalist production and the immature class condition were corresponded to by immature theories. The solution of the social problems, which as yet lay hidden in undeveloped economic conditions, the Utopia had to evolve out of the human brain."

The French Revolution was a revolution that triggered a major transformation in world politics. The English bourgeois revolution was an alliance of the bourgeoisie and the "new nobility" within feudal society against the monarchical autocracy represented by the King; whereas the French Revolution was an alliance of the bourgeoisie and the masses against that autocracy. These masses included the modern proletariat that had just emerged from industrial production. The proletariat received its first political baptism in this great revolutionary storm. The workers' movements that broke out in Britain, France, and Germany in the 1830s and 1840s marked the beginning of the proletariat's independent entry onto the political stage. In this political transformation, the combat effectiveness of the proletariat showed its sharp edge for the first time. Under the guidance of Marx and Engels, the first communist party—the Communist League—was established. The publication of Marx and Engels' Manifesto of the Communist Party provided a scientific theoretical guide for the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat; scientific socialism replaced utopian socialism, and the curtain rose on the history of the world socialist movement. The June Days uprising of French workers in 1848 and the Paris Commune uprising of 1871 saw waves of workers' movements reaching one climax after another, becoming another striking feature of the global transformations of that time.

After the failure of the Paris Commune, the world socialist movement fell into a low ebb. Entering the 20th century, an unprecedented transformation arrived: namely, the First World War and the Russian October Revolution. The First World War changed the pattern of imperialist international relations. The victory of the October Revolution turned socialism from theory into reality, inaugurating a new era for humanity's move toward socialism. After the Second World War, socialism developed from victory in one country to victory in many. The victory of the Chinese Revolution in 1949 further changed the global landscape, forming a confrontation between two world systems: socialism and capitalism. This was a period of triumphant progress for the socialist movement.

The drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe caused the world socialist movement to sink to a low point. Western politicians were ecstatic, clamoring about the "great failure of socialism" and asserting that China would follow in the footsteps of the Soviet Union, collapsing under the impact of a domino effect. Some within the revolutionary ranks also worried: how much longer can the red flag of socialism fly? Comrade Deng Xiaoping pointed out with great foresight: "Some countries have encountered serious setbacks, and socialism seems to have weakened. But the people have been tempered by this and have drawn lessons from it, which will prompt socialism to develop in a healthier direction." History has proven that socialist China not only did not collapse but also created the miracles of rapid economic development and long-term social stability. Socialists around the world saw the light of hope for socialism in China. The socialist movement has traveled a long way through major global changes; entering the 21st century, it has glowed with new and vigorous vitality and will once again face a "great examination" of history.

Differentiation and Direction of the Socialist Movement During its Development

After the rise of the world socialist movement in the 19th century, Marx and Engels struggled against various bourgeois and petty-bourgeois schools of thought. After Engels passed away in 1895, the trend of opportunist thought in the socialist movement immediately reared its head. Bernstein proposed fallacies such as "peaceful transition into socialism" and "the final goal is nothing, the movement is everything," openly challenging scientific socialism and even claiming that the Social Democratic Party should be changed into a "democratic socialist reformist party." Lenin, Rosa Luxemburg, Clara Zetkin, and other representatives of the Left within the Social Democratic parties waged a resolute struggle against Bernstein’s revisionism. After the outbreak of the First World War, the Second International declared bankruptcy, and Social Democratic parties became democratic socialist parties. Lenin led the left wing of the Social Democratic parties to establish communist parties in various countries and founded the Communist International (Comintern); scientific socialism and democratic socialism parted ways.

The world socialist movement underwent a fission, splitting into two major factions: one taking the revolutionary path and the other taking the reformist path. Communist parties, by adhering to the principles of scientific socialism and committing themselves to integrating them with the realities of their respective countries, became the mainstream of the world socialist movement. The Russian October Revolution brought victory for socialism in the world's largest country by land area, and the Chinese Revolution brought victory in the world's then-most populous country; many other countries also established socialist regimes. In less than half a century, newValent socialist systems sprouted like bamboo shoots after rain, growing amidst storms and writing a magnificent revolutionary epic of the new system replacing the old in human history.

After the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, when the world socialist movement hit a low ebb, the Communist Party of China (CPC) withstood immense pressure and challenges, held high the banner of socialism, and became the "trend-setter" [4] of the age. Socialists worldwide saw the future and hope of socialism in China's development, and the world socialist movement gradually began to recover its vitality. It is a fact recognized by communist parties and revolutionaries worldwide that the CPC has become the mainstay of the world socialist movement. Besides China, countries such as Vietnam, North Korea, Cuba, and Laos also adhere to the general direction of socialism and have achieved extraordinary accomplishments in defending their new regimes and in socialist construction.

The Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV) previously led its people to victory in the Resistance War Against France and the Resistance War Against America to Save the Nation, creating the miracle of a small country defeating a large one and a weak country defeating a strong one. After Ho Chi Minh passed away, the CPV followed the Soviet Union down a detour for a time. The CPV summarized those lessons, learned from China's experience, implemented "Renovation" (* Doi Moi*), carried out a critique of democratic socialism within the party, and insisted on walking the socialist path without "changing the flag." [5] Cuba, as a developing country under U.S. military threats and economic blockade, has overcome numerous difficulties and persisted to this day, embarking on a new journey with confidence. North Korea has long faced military threats and economic blockades from the United States, Japan, and South Korea, taking the defense of national security as its primary task. The Workers' Party of Korea (WPK) practices "Songun" (military-first) politics and vigorously develops national defense and economic construction; North Korea's ratio of military personnel to the civilian population ranks first in the world. Due to the severe national security environment, the WPK has called for a struggle to build a powerful state in terms of culture, military, and economy. Entering the 21st century, North Korea has gradually initiated a process of reform; it is expected that its security environment will be difficult to fundamentally improve for a considerable period. North Korean socialism will continue to persist and develop in a difficult environment. In the 30-plus years since Laos implemented "Renovation and Opening-up," it has made significant strides in economic and social development, people's lives have continuously improved, and the party and government are determined to remove the "Least Developed Country" label in the coming years.

Communists and left-wing forces in capitalist countries and developing countries adhere to the general direction of struggling for socialism. However, because the conditions for these countries' leaders to seize power are insufficient, they can only unite and educate the broad lower-level masses through peaceful means, striving with their support to gain a majority of seats in parliament. Once in power, they implement socialist reforms in the economic, political, and cultural fields, guiding the country gradually onto the socialist path. However, looking at the current balance of power in capitalist countries, the conditions for socialist parties to hold power for a long term do not yet exist in these countries for a foreseeable period.

"Eurocommunism" held that it was impossible to achieve the armed seizure of power in developed capitalist countries and that one could only take a peaceful and democratic path, using the capitalist parliamentary system to gradually strive for office through general elections. In the late 20th century, especially after the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, Eurocommunism went into decline. When talking about the evaluation of Eurocommunism, Comrade Deng Xiaoping said: "Whether Eurocommunism is right or wrong should not be judged by others. ... In the final analysis, it is answered by their practice. People explore according to their own circumstances; this cannot be criticized. Even if they are wrong, they must summarize their own experience and explore anew!"

In some developing countries, communist parties not yet in power, lacking the conditions to seize revolutionary power, can only accumulate and develop their strength by striving for seats in parliament. Among these, the development of left-wing forces in Latin America is particularly striking, from Allende in Chile to Chavez and Maduro in Venezuela, as well as the progressive parties in countries like Argentina, Brazil, and Bolivia. During their periods in power, waves of social transformation were unleashed. Some of these transformations failed, but some countries are still persevering today. Although the United States uses various means to "extinguish the fire" everywhere, "the wildfire cannot burn it all; the spring breeze brings it back to life." [6] As the United States and the Western world decline, the prospects for the development of the Latin American socialist movement are broad, and some countries governed by left-wing parties are overcoming numerous difficulties to bring their economies toward recovery.

Another faction in the world socialist movement is democratic socialism, represented by social parties (including Social Democratic parties, Labour parties, etc.). In essence, democratic socialism has departed from socialism and turned into a reformed capitalism. Democratic socialism has left many ignoble records in its developmental history. During the German and Hungarian revolutions that broke out after the Russian October Revolution, the right wing of the social parties acted as helpers to the bourgeois rulers and even became the executioners who strangled the revolutions. During the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, democratic socialism and the [policies] promoted by Western countries...

The "peaceful evolution" [7] strategy, working through coordination between internal and external forces, led to the collapse of socialist regimes in the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries. In many capitalist countries, social democratic parties and bourgeois parties have become the left and right hands of bourgeois rule, taking turns in power. The role of social democratic parties is positioned as "the doctor at the bedside" of capitalism. When capitalism falls into crisis and triggers intense dissatisfaction among the masses, the social democratic party is allowed to take power to prescribe a "saving formula" for bourgeois rule, helping the bourgeoisie weather the crisis.

In some developing countries, various forms of "national socialism" exist under a wide array of names, though they have not formed a complete system. After these countries gained political independence, their ruling bourgeoisies—in order to resist the aggression and plunder of Western neo-colonialism—frequently unfurled the banner of socialism; some even wrote "socialism" into their national names. To win mass support, the rulers of these countries adopted measures beneficial to the people, such as nationalizing industrial sectors and establishing cooperatives in rural areas. In the struggle against imperialism, "national socialism" became an allied force of the world socialist movement.

Surveying the historical process of the world socialist movement’s differentiation, evolution, and development amidst the great changes, we recognize that the victory of new things over decaying old things must inevitably undergo a long process of struggle; this is an unalterable law of historical development. As early as when the Russian Soviet regime was newly born amidst internal and external difficulties, Lenin pointed out: "No person who is able to view things historically even to a slight degree will doubt for a minute that the present state of disorganization is a state of transition—a transition from the old to the new, a state of growth of the new." For the world socialist movement to move from a low ebb toward resurgence, it must likewise undergo such a process; this is the inevitable state of growth for the socialist movement.

China Leading the Resurgence of the World Socialist Movement Amidst the Great Changes

As early as 1962, Comrade Mao Zedong, when looking forward to the future trend of the global situation, noted: "From now on, the next fifty to one hundred years or so will be a great era of radical change in the social systems of the world, an earth-shaking era, incomparable to any previous historical epoch. Living in such an era, we must be prepared to engage in great struggles that have many features different from the forms of struggle in past eras. For this cause, we must integrate the universal truths of Marxism-Leninism with the specific realities of China's socialist construction and, as far as possible, with the specific realities of the future world revolution, and come to recognize the objective laws of struggle step by step through practice." What Comrade Mao Zedong foresaw is precisely the unprecedented "great changes unseen in a century" that the world is currently experiencing. In the New Era, General Secretary Xi Jinping has further developed Comrade Mao Zedong's thesis, profoundly revealing the characteristics of the current great changes in the world and pointing out our country's response. General Secretary Xi Jinping noted: "At present, the world's great changes unseen in a century are accelerating their evolution, and the features of changes in the world, in our times, and in history are becoming more evident. Our country’s development faces new strategic opportunities, new strategic tasks, new strategic stages, new strategic requirements, and a new strategic environment. The risks and challenges we need to respond to, and the contradictions and problems we need to resolve, are more intricate and complex than ever before. The whole Party must enhance its awareness of potential dangers, persist in bottom-line thinking [8], strengthen the will to struggle, and enhance the capability of struggle. We must respond to changes, nurture new opportunities, and open new frontiers through correct strategies and tactics, and open up new vistas for the development of our cause by relying on tenacious struggle. The most fundamental thing is to manage our own affairs well." This passage from General Secretary Xi Jinping is the best verification of and response to Comrade Mao Zedong's prediction. In the New Era, the Communist Party of China (CPC) shoulders the heavy historical responsibility of striving to realize the "Two Resurgences": on the one hand, leading the people of all ethnic groups in the country to realize the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation; on the other hand, leading and advancing the world socialist movement from its low ebb toward resurgence. The great undertakings of the "Two Resurgences" advance one another, injecting powerful momentum into the evolution of the world's great changes toward a progressive direction.

Since entering the New Era, the Party has led the people in a hard-fought struggle across all fronts, and the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation has entered a critical period. Building the governing party well is the fundamental guarantee for achieving victory. General Secretary Xi Jinping proposed the "second answer" to how the Party can escape the "historical cycle of rise and fall" [9]—namely, the Party's self-revolution. This forms an organically unified whole with the "first answer" proposed by Comrade Mao Zedong—that the Party and the government must accept the supervision of the masses—thereby ensuring that the Marxist party does not change its nature [10] and maintains long-term governance.

The CPC attaches great importance to the Party's ideological and theoretical building, persists in the guiding position of Marxism throughout the Party, and promotes the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism by combining it with the national conditions and the international situation of the New Era. Since the 18th National Congress, Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, formed amidst the great changes of the world, has become the latest achievement in the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism. The Resolution of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on the Major Achievements and Historical Experience of the Party’s Centennial Struggle pointed out: "Comrade Xi Jinping has conducted profound thinking and scientific judgment on a series of major theoretical and practical issues concerning the development of the cause of the Party and the state in the New Era. He has put forward a series of original new concepts, new ideas, and new strategies for governing the country regarding major era-defining questions such as: what kind of socialism with Chinese characteristics should be persisted in and developed in the New Era and how to persist in and develop it; what kind of great modern socialist power should be built and how to build it; and what kind of long-term governing Marxist party should be built and how to build it. He is the primary founder of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era is the Marxism of contemporary China and the Marxism of the twenty-first century. It is the essence of Chinese culture and the Chinese spirit in our times and represents a new leap in the Sinicization of Marxism." The Report to the 20th CPC National Congress noted: "Over the past decade, we have stayed committed to Marxism-Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory, the Theory of Three Represents, and the Scientific Outlook on Development, and we have fully implemented the Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era as well as the Party’s basic line and basic strategy. We have adopted a series of strategic measures, promoted a series of transformative practices, achieved a series of breakthrough developments, and attained a series of landmark results. We have withstood risks and challenges from the political, economic, ideological, and natural spheres. Historically significant achievements have been made and historically significant changes have occurred in the cause of the Party and the state, propelling our country onto a new journey of building a modern socialist country in all respects."

The significant status of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era in the history of the development of Marxism has received unanimous recognition and high praise from communist parties and leftist figures across the world. Faustin Boukoubi, then-President of the National Assembly of Gabon and member of the Gabonese Democratic Party, believes that Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era has opened a new realm for the development of Marxism in China. Under the scientific guidance of this important thought, the CPC leads the Chinese people to firmly follow a development path suited to their own national conditions, which will surely make new and greater contributions to world peace and development and the cause of human progress. Gennady Zyuganov, Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, pointed out: "The Communist Party of China has not only developed Marxist-Leninist thought—they are becoming an example for the whole world. Their experience is universal and needs to be discussed and studied in a deep and meticulous manner." Eduardo Regalado, a senior researcher at the International Policy Research Center of Cuba, pointed out: "The Communist Party of China is the fundamental architect of the 'Chinese Miracle.' In the process of China’s modernization, it has always been at the core of the design and implementation of economic and social policies." As a century-old party, the CPC has maintained long-term governance after seizing power while always preserving the true character of a Marxist party. It has led the people to overcome numerous difficulties, continuously securing new victories for the cause of socialism, and maintaining eternal youthful vitality—this is a miracle in the history of world political parties. The success of the CPC has bolstered the fighting spirit and confidence of communist parties in various countries and provided experience that can be drawn upon.

Upholding the principle of "people first" is the fundamental difference between the CPC and Western bourgeois parties. The authenticity of the whole-process people's democracy practiced by the CPC stands in sharp contrast to the hypocrisy of Western democracy. Socialists and progressive figures around the world are seeing this more clearly through comparison. Danny Haiphong, an American independent journalist, compared the pros and cons of Chinese democracy and Western-style democracy, pointing out that whole-process people's democracy is constructed to achieve the goals and plans determined by the system of socialism with Chinese characteristics, while Western-style democracy is constructed for the interests of monopoly capitalism. An important criterion for measuring the success of a democratic system is the extent to which the governance structure of representation can satisfy the people's aspirations for a better life. Western-style democracy regards the election itself as the highest achievement, while the question of whether this system serves the needs of the broad masses of people is usually ignored, serving entirely to cover up the fact that powerful Western interest groups have already set the policy agenda before the voting starts. Recognizing the essential difference between China’s whole-process people's democracy and Western-style democracy provides an important warning to communist parties in Western and developing countries that follow the parliamentary road.

Since the 18th National Congress, the path of Chinese-path modernization created by the CPC through long-term exploration has undergone continuous innovation and breakthroughs. This is a new development path different from that of Western-style modernization, expanding and enriching the connotation of modernization. As the Report to the 20th CPC National Congress pointed out: "Chinese-path modernization offers a new choice for humanity to achieve modernization. The CPC and the Chinese people provide more and better Chinese wisdom, Chinese solutions, and Chinese strength for solving common problems facing humanity, making new and greater contributions to the noble cause of human peace and development!" The road of Chinese-path modernization is undoubtedly a great encouragement to communist parties and leftist forces in developing countries.

The concept of a community with a shared future for humanity advocated by the CPC has been widely recognized by people all over the world. The United Nations has also incorporated this concept into its resolutions multiple times. The United States pursues hegemonism, unilateralism, and racism to shape an American-centric international relations landscape, which has caused strong dissatisfaction among capitalist countries harmed by the U.S. and the broad range of developing countries. China advocates for peaceful development and win-win cooperation, emphasizing that the fate and security of all humanity are shared. It has scientifically answered the "questions of the era"—namely, "What is wrong with the world? Where is it headed? And what should we do?"—enabling the people of the world to see direction and hope within a chaotic and distorted international relations landscape. A community with a shared future for humanity has become the mainstream international public opinion. This concept provides a theoretical weapon for world socialist parties to unite the people and enhances the voice of socialists and leftists in international public discourse.

Facing the great changes unseen in a century, the world socialist movement—under a complex and volatile historical environment and influenced by the dual force of China's development miracle and the decline of capitalism—is regrouping and gradually moving from its low ebb toward resurgence. Although the difficulties are numerous, the prospects are favorable, because the two aforementioned historical factors influencing the direction of the world socialist movement are irreversible. The decline of capitalism is driven by the laws of historical development and is therefore unstoppable; no matter how many "saving formulas" the brain trusts of bourgeois rulers propose, it will be to no avail, and the more lies they fabricate, the more they will only serve to make the truth more conspicuous. Since the outbreak of the financial crisis in the Western world in 2018, bourgeois rulers have been unable to find a way out of the crisis, and the global pandemic has led to an all-around outbreak of crisis in the capitalist world across the economic, political, and diplomatic fields. In the United States, the two parties take turns in power and the president changes constantly, yet all are helpless in the face of the crisis. The U.S. strives to transfer the crisis to others, leading to the intensification of contradictions with its allies and developing countries. Domestically, the two U.S. parties pass the blame to each other, causing vicious internal strife and further exacerbating the fracturing of American society. The Great Crisis of 1929 was saved by the New Deal of Roosevelt, but today it is difficult for a "second Roosevelt New Deal" to emerge. Monopoly capital groups transfer the bitter fruits of the crisis to the people of capitalist and developing countries, causing public grievances to boil over and waves of protests to rise one after another, sweeping through Europe, America, and the countries of the Third World—a situation rare in history. Opinion polls show a significant drop in the approval ratings of Western leaders, and even changing heads of government cannot stop the decline. Anti-American sentiment among people in developing countries is rising, and the call against neo-colonialist oppression is surging. This serious crisis appearing in the capitalist world provides a rare opportunity for the world socialist movement to head toward resurgence.

Comrade Lenin once argued that three conditions are needed for a revolutionary high tide to appear: first, the ruling class cannot maintain its rule in the old way; second, the masses cannot live in the old way; but these two points alone are not enough. Comrade Lenin pointed out:

“Because not every revolutionary situation gives rise to a revolution; revolution arises only out of a situation in which the objective changes accompanied by subjective changes, namely, the capacity of the revolutionary class to implement strong revolutionary mass actions sufficient to shatter (or break) the old government, which will never ‘fall,’ even in a period of crisis, if it is not ‘pushed.’” Comrade Lenin also pointed out: “It would be a mistake to believe that the revolutionary classes always have sufficient strength to accomplish a revolution when the conditions of socio-economic development have made the transformation fully ripe... The transformation may be ripe, but the revolutionary creators of that transformation may lack sufficient strength to achieve it. In such a case, society continues to decay, and this decay sometimes lasts for decades.” This is precisely the current situation in the United States and other Western countries. The rulers possess a powerful state apparatus, the proletarian parties are not yet mature, and the discontent of the masses has not yet been elevated to the level of rational pursuit. Therefore, the development of the world socialist movement must still undergo a long period of tempering.

The demonstration and leading role of China's rapid development also constitute an important driving force for the world socialist movement to move from a low ebb toward rejuvenation. The report to the 20th National Congress of the CPC pointed out: “The Communist Party of China is a party that seeks happiness for the Chinese people and rejuvenation for the Chinese nation; it is also a party that seeks progress for humanity and the common good for the world (shijie datong) [11].” We must continue to strive so that by the middle of this century, we will have built China into a great modern socialist country that leads the world in terms of composite national strength and international influence. By that time, an unprecedented and inspiring situation will emerge in the world, which will inevitably have an incalculable impact on the evolution of the changes unseen in a century [12] and on the development of the world socialist movement.

(Author’s affiliation: School of Marxism, Tsinghua University) Online Editor: Zhang Jian Source: People’s Forum (Renmin Luntan), Issue 1, 2023.