Bai Hu, Chen Jinxiang: The Communist Party of Denmark's Exploration of Socialism and the Reasons for Its Decline
The Communist Party of Denmark (hereafter "DKP") was once an influential communist organization among the Nordic countries. Over its more than 70 years of existence, the Party underwent a process of moving from weakness to relative strength, and from relative prosperity to decline and disappearance. The DKP's theoretical and practical explorations of socialism focused on parliamentary struggle and peaceful transition, while actively participating in the activities of the international communist movement. The Party's decline and eventual demise were the result of the combined action of various subjective and objective factors. Revealing the historical ups and downs of the DKP, and particularly the trajectory of its decline, offers certain insights for our understanding of the evolution of communist parties in Western countries and for analyzing why socialism in Western countries has fallen into a trough.
I. A Retrospective on the Periodic Trajectory of the Communist Party of Denmark's Historical Evolution
(1) Establishment and Growth Amidst Revolutionary Struggle (1919–1945)
The DKP was a product of the world proletarian revolution; the victory of the October Revolution and the establishment of the Communist International (Comintern) created important external conditions for the Party's birth. It was also a product of the Danish labor movement; famous activists of the Danish labor movement such as Kherson Trier, Marie Nielsen, Axel Larsen [1], and Martin Andersen Nexø were all founders of the Party. Under the combined influence of internal and external conditions, the Party was established in November 1919. It was a communist party formed by the merger of the Socialist Labour Party of Denmark and the Social Democratic Youth League, originally called the Left Socialist Party of Denmark, and renamed the Communist Party of Denmark in 1920.
Seeking development through struggle was an important strategic orientation of the DKP Central Committee. To this end, shortly after its establishment, the Party participated in the labor movement led by the Social Democratic Party (hereafter "Social Democrats"). In response to the King's ultimatum to dissolve the government and refuse to reconvene Parliament, the DKP and other left-wing forces launched a national political and economic general strike in April 1920, forcing the King to concede and hold parliamentary elections under a new electoral law [2]. During the 1920s and 30s, the DKP organized and participated in numerous labor movements and expanded its influence among young students, guiding the creation of progressive organizations such as the "New Student Union" and "Clarity Society" in Danish universities. By actively carrying out progressive activities, it gradually established a degree of prestige among the masses, and a "strong core of true communists" led by figures such as Martin Nielsen [3] formed within the Party.
The Party entered Parliament for the first time in 1932. During World War II, the DKP actively led the domestic resistance movement against the German fascist occupation. In June 1941, the DKP was declared illegal, and over 400 Party members were arrested. After WWII, the Party regained its legal status, and its strength and influence reached the historical peak of the Party's development. In the mid-to-late 1940s, DKP membership grew to a record 50,000. In 1945, the DKP won 18 seats in the post-war parliamentary elections, and two members joined the first government formed after the war. Revolutionary struggle allowed the DKP to establish a position in the political arena, laying a foundation for its exploration of the path to socialism after the war.
(2) Exploring New Paths in the Cold War Environment (1946–1989)
After WWII, how to explore and realize socialism became a new task for the DKP in a peaceful environment. Since its founding, the DKP had always moved forward with difficulty through a process of trial and error. In 1946, the 15th Congress of the DKP first proposed the possibility of a peaceful transition to socialism, and in 1952, it formally put forward the new proposition of "moving toward socialism through thorough social reform." Influenced by the 20th Congress of the CPSU [4], ideological confusion and organizational splits appeared within the DKP, with some Party leaders and a large number of members leaving the Party. In 1960, the DKP lost all six of its seats in Parliament. In the same year, the DKP adopted a "Draft Program for Democratic Renewal," signaling its intent to promote Party transformation. In 1965, the 21st Congress of the DKP passed a peaceful transition program titled "Democratic Struggle, Comprehensive Advance Toward Socialism." In 1969, the 22nd Congress put forward the slogan of a "Left Coalition," expressing a desire to cooperate with the Social Democrats and the Socialist People's Party. In 1970, the DKP held a series of activities to commemorate the 100th anniversary of Lenin's birth; the Party Central Committee held commemorative meetings, and the Party newspaper reprinted numerous memoirs of Lenin's revolutionary activities and major articles discussing Lenin, while also publishing related works such as Leninism and Internationalism, hoping to draw spiritual nourishment from the writings of the revolutionary mentor. In 1976, the 25th Congress of the DKP proposed a new program: "The Democratic Struggle Against Monopoly, Peaceful Transition to Socialism." Thereafter, the DKP consistently adhered to the basic policy of peaceful transition.
Carrying out parliamentary struggle, the struggle against capitalism, and establishing foreign policy were also important components of this period. As early as the beginning of the Cold War, the DKP actively carried out struggles against the Cold War, NATO, and monopoly capitalism. In August 1972, at its national conference, the DKP expressed its opposition to Denmark's entry into the European Economic Community (EEC). In the early 1970s, the DKP actively participated in the labor movement, joining or initiating several large-scale demonstrations and strikes. After a period of adjustment and recovery, the DKP re-entered Parliament in the 1973 general election, winning six seats. In 1975, it won seven seats. In 1973, the 24th Congress of the DKP passed resolutions such as "Against Monopoly Capital, Struggle for the Working Class and Socialism." From the early 1980s, the DKP began to adjust its foreign policy, with a growing tendency toward independence; after the 27th Congress in 1983, it no longer held an anti-China stance. In 1985, the DKP issued several statements at Central Committee or national meetings opposing Danish participation in EEC activities. That same year, Ib Nørlund, Secretary of the DKP Central Committee, met with Wei Jianxing, then-Head of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee who was visiting Denmark, expressing a desire to strengthen relations between the two parties. In 1987, the DKP held its 28th Congress and elected 33-year-old Ole Sohn as the new Chairman, achieving a transition between the old and new generations of Party leadership. In 1988, the DKP newspaper Land og Folk (Land and People) published an article praising the CPSU's reform line, arguing that the DKP also needed to use New Thinking to understand and solve the major problems currently faced, and to formulate its own strategies and tactics based on national realities. These struggles and tactical adjustments of the DKP responded to the requirements of the changing situation, but failed to fundamentally change its environment or the downward trend of its survival.
(3) Seeking Survival and Eventual Decline Under Difficult Post-Cold War Conditions (1990 onwards)
The drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe were another turning point in the DKP's historical evolution, significantly influencing its future direction. In January and April 1990, the DKP convened its 29th and 30th Congresses, where "reformers" and "conservatives" within the Party engaged in heated debates over the Party's future and the direction of socialism. Following these meetings, the DKP's organizational structure and financial situation changed; the number of Party members and the circulation of the Party newspaper decreased, and its ideology faced the need for renewal. The DKP stood at a major historical crossroads regarding where to go. In March 1991, the DKP held its 31st Extraordinary Representative Congress in Odense, where an absolute majority of 200 to 10 rejected a motion by a small minority to dissolve the DKP. The newly elected leadership was mainly composed of members with centrist positions; because Ole Sohn was unwilling to continue as Chairman, a new five-member leadership team was formed to implement collective leadership. However, the DKP's trend toward strategic retreat became increasingly evident. Consequently, the Congress decided to transform the DKP into a loose entity resembling a "network structure," with the central body retaining only three paid cadres to maintain normal operations. In April 1990, the DKP held its 30th Congress [5]; in order to effect a "break" with orthodox communist ideology, the Congress amended the Party Constitution, no longer adhering to traditional communism and stating that the Party's future work would be guided by more modernized thinking. Thus, the historical mission of the "Communist Party of Denmark" established in 1919 was declared over, marked by this meeting. The "DKP" that subsequently engaged in external activities and contact with the Communist Party of China under the name of the "Communist Party of Denmark" was not this original Party, but a new type of communist party reorganized in 1993 from the former Danish Socialist Forum.
II. The Communist Party of Denmark's Exploration of Socialist Theory and Practice
(1) Commitment to Exploring the Path of Peaceful Transition to Socialism
The DKP emphasized that the Party's goal was to establish a socialist Denmark. Regarding how to achieve this, the Party clearly proposed a policy of peaceful transition to socialism shortly after WWII ended, and in its 1952 Party Program, it removed the term "dictatorship of the proletariat." Subsequent Party Congresses repeatedly reaffirmed this theory and position. The "Statement on the Basis of the Party's Work" adopted at the 19th Congress in 1957 emphasized: "The development of the entire international situation after World War II and the worldwide strengthening of socialist forces have made it possible for Denmark to transition from capitalism to socialism through a peaceful path. We do not look to any other path."
In accordance with the spirit of the 1960 Appeal of the 17 Communist Parties of Western Europe, the DKP formulated its own "Draft Program for Democratic Renewal." This draft primarily analyzed domestic monopoly capitalist forces and proposed a program for democratic renewal, arguing that democratic renewal was the first step on the road forward for the Danish people to create a better future. In 1965, the 22nd Congress of the DKP reaffirmed that a peaceful transition to socialism could be achieved through the full development of the people's democratic struggle. Furthermore, the Party even stated in its draft program for the 25th Congress that the DKP opposed ending capitalism through a war that would destroy everything, claiming that socialism, on an increasingly large scale, created realistic possibilities for preventing the occurrence of a third world war. The struggle of the Danish working class and people's democracy had developed into an anti-monopoly democratic struggle, and the Party believed that this struggle could transition to socialism without civil war. From then until the end of its mission, the DKP persisted in its stance of peaceful transition and in following the path of reformism.
(2) Efforts to Carry Out the Labor Movement and Various Forms of Struggle Against Capitalism
The DKP believed that a struggle was being waged between socialism and capitalism. The essence of monopoly capitalism is the pursuit of surplus profits [6], and its natural and direct enemy—the working class—must conduct struggles to oppose it. The report of the 20th Congress of the DKP pointed out that the DKP must "place the working class and all laboring people in a stronger position in the current struggle against monopoly capital for social power," and emphasized that socialism must be realized through political and economic struggle. The labor movements and revolutionary struggles carried out by the DKP mainly included the following aspects:
First, carrying out political and economic struggles against capitalist oppression and exploitation. In 1920, the DKP participated in a political and economic general strike demanding the convening of Parliament, expansion of voting rights, amnesty for political prisoners, retention of price subsidies, and worker participation in enterprise negotiations. From the 1920s to the 1940s, the DKP actively participated in various labor strikes, the movement for the homeless, and the working-class struggle for a people's united front. after WWII, the DKP mainly committed itself to parliamentary struggle, attempting to influence major issues at the legislative level, such as preventing Denmark from joining NATO and the EEC. In the mid-to-late 1980s, the DKP called on the Social Democrats and the Socialist People's Party to unite and demand a national referendum on the political alliance of the European Community, opposing Denmark's acceptance of the Community's reform plans, thereby demonstrating its public image as a representative of the interests of lower- and middle-class laborers.
Second, carrying out struggles to guarantee the basic rights and interests of workers and laboring people. From the 1950s onward, the DKP, alongside other left-wing forces, dedicated itself to struggles for employment security, social security, and increasing the minimum wage. The DKP participated in the 1973 national general strike, forcing employers to compromise, which resulted in an average wage increase of 7.5% for workers, a reduction in working hours from 40 to 38 hours per week, and the realization of equal pay for equal work for men and women. This was a highly effective labor movement. At the end of 1988, the DKP Central Committee held a meeting specifically to establish the Party's position on the following year's labor-management negotiation plans and the government's financial bills, in order to maximize the protection of the basic rights and interests of laborers.
Third, organizing mass rallies on International Workers' Day (May Day) [7] to expand its influence. Following World War II, the Communist Party of Denmark (DKP), like other Communist parties in the Nordic region, utilized the annual May Day holiday to launch mass rallies involving thousands or even tens of thousands of participants. For instance, on May Day 1974, the DKP organized a parade and rally in Copenhagen alone with approximately 30,000 attendees; Party Chairman Knud Jespersen called for joint action with the Socialist People's Party (SF) to overthrow the incumbent government. Since the 1980s, the themes of the DKP’s May Day rallies have centered mostly on peace and anti-war efforts.
Fourth, seeking joint action and struggle with other center-left forces. During the war years, the DKP conducted joint actions with the Social Democrats to oppose and restrain right-wing governments and reactionary forces at home and abroad. After World War II, the DKP consistently emphasized solidarity among the working class, actively supported the Social Democrats in forming cabinets, and promoted economic and social policies beneficial to laborers. When the Social Democrats were in the opposition, the DKP sought to join forces with them and other political groups to counter right-wing governments. Although the DKP initially passed a resolution banning cooperation with the Socialist People's Party after the latter's founding, it rescinded this order a few years later and extended an olive branch. In 1965, the 22nd Congress of the DKP expressed a willingness to carry out joint actions among the three parties—the DKP, the Social Democrats, and the Socialist People's Party—and reiterated this desire during several subsequent general elections, though the latter two rarely responded. In 1986, DKP Chairman Jørgen Jensen published an open letter to the chairpersons of both the Social Democrats and the Socialist People's Party, requesting that they avoid internecine struggles for seats during elections and signaling a posture of mediation between the two parties, but his efforts were ignored.
(3) Actively participating in various bilateral and multilateral inter-party activities to expand the Party's influence
For decades, the DKP was relatively active on the multilateral stage of Nordic Communist parties, actively participating in and even initiating international activities. These primarily included: First, actively organizing and participating in meetings of the Nordic Communist parties. The DKP recognized that it was weak in isolation and could not influence major issues through its own strength alone; it could only find a voice and coordinate action through the platform of the Nordic Communist party meetings. In 1972, the DKP convened a meeting of the four Nordic Communist parties in Copenhagen, adopting a statement on European issues which asserted that the time was ripe for the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) [8] and that establishing a European collective security system accorded with the aspirations of the European people, favored the easing of international tensions, and maintained world peace. In 1982, the four Nordic parties (the Communist Party of Sweden, the Communist Party of Norway, the Communist Party of Finland, and the Communist Party of Denmark) met in Finland, emphasizing the continued "struggle for European security and cooperation and the ensuring of disarmament," viewing this as the most important task of the time. Second, participating in and speaking out during various activities on the European political stage. For example, in 1976, Jespersen elaborated on the DKP’s positions regarding proletarian internationalism, Eurocommunism, the European Common Market, and European peace and security at the Conference of Communist and Workers' Parties of Europe. Third, actively developing external inter-party relations. After World War II, the DKP attached great importance to bilateral exchanges with fraternal parties, attending national congresses and other significant events. This included attending numerous Congresses of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), inviting a delegation from the French Communist Party in 1975, and traveling to Spain in 1985 for the 90th birthday celebrations of Dolores Ibárruri, Chairperson of the Communist Party of Spain. In 1988, Party Chairman Ole Sohn visited the Soviet Union and China successively to promote the development of relations with both parties.
(4) Vigorously carrying out various struggles for peace
The DKP proposed that "maintaining peace is the most important prerequisite for ensuring the vital interests of human life" and that "the struggle for peace is the most important task of our Party." The DKP closely linked the pursuit of peace with the advancement of socialism, emphasizing that "Denmark's fate is inseparable from the cause of peace" and "an active peace policy is the path toward new social progress." The DKP believed that "the struggle for peace and socialism is an international struggle" and that Denmark's national peace policy "is closely linked to the struggle for peace and the easing of tensions carried out by the socialist camp worldwide." The DKP also maintained that one could not speak of struggling for peace and socialism without confronting imperialism; before peace and socialism could triumph, imperialism had to be defeated. By the mid-to-late 1980s, as relations between the two superpowers, the US and the USSR, gradually thawed, the DKP accordingly emphasized the need to seize new opportunities in the struggle for peace and vigorously promoted the world peace and disarmament movements.
First, it vigorously supported a series of peace initiatives from socialist countries, particularly the CPSU. As early as the 1950s, the DKP explicitly supported Khrushchev's "Three Peaces" policy (peaceful transition, peaceful competition, and peaceful coexistence). Thereafter, the DKP consistently supported various peace initiatives from successive Soviet leaders. In the mid-to-late 1980s, it strongly supported and praised the series of peace and disarmament proposals put forward by Gorbachev, believing the Soviet Union had made a significant contribution to restoring trust between the US and the USSR.
Second, together with other Nordic left-wing forces, it remained long committed to promoting the Nordic Nuclear-Free Zone movement. Since World War II, the DKP frequently participated in regular or ad hoc joint meetings of Nordic left-wing parties, working with peace forces in other Nordic countries to carry out various peace activities, including the promotion of a nuclear-free Nordic region. For instance, in 1959, it attended the Stockholm meeting of Nordic Communist parties to discuss the Nordic people's struggle for peace and the banning of nuclear weapons. In April 1989, it participated in the regular meeting of the four Nordic parties in Finland, which issued a communiqué emphasizing that the most urgent task in the Nordic region remained the establishment of a Nordic Nuclear-Free Zone.
Third, it participated in various international peace activities. The DKP spoke highly of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) meetings held multiple times in the 1970s, believing they guaranteed the lasting development of European peace and laid the foundation for the relaxation of the overall situation in Europe. Additionally, DKP members actively participated in the anti-nuclear peace movements held in Western Europe in the 1980s, including demonstrations and petition campaigns against the deployment of new US missiles in Western Europe.
Fourth, it promoted the neutralization of Denmark. The DKP stated that regarding peace, Denmark must take a new path—an independent path away from foreign militarism and capitalists. To this end, Denmark should strive to implement an independent policy of neutrality. To achieve this neutrality, Denmark would need to break with NATO and free itself from NATO’s shackles. For decades, the DKP participated in and organized numerous movements demanding Danish neutralization, though their impact remained limited.
III. Reasons for the Failure of the Communist Party of Denmark’s Search for Socialism
The DKP engaged in a long and arduous search for socialism, yet it did not achieve its expectations; one might even say it ended in failure. The decline and eventual demise of the DKP is a microcosm of the evolutionary trajectory of Communist parties in most Western countries within the International Communist Movement. It was the result of long-term accumulation and the joint action of multiple factors. While objective conditions and the macro-environment were primary, the micro-environment and subjective factors cannot be ignored.
(1) Long-term ideological confusion and organizational line struggles within the DKP accelerated its continuous decline
Throughout the DKP’s evolutionary process, its path was generally tortuous and unstable, with ideological debate and organizational splits as constant companions. From its founding to its conclusion, nearly ten organizational splits occurred within the DKP due to ideological differences, dealing the Party massive blows. Since World War II alone, three major events caused "deep-seated" [9] damage to the Party. The first was the 20th Congress of the CPSU and the events in Poland and Hungary in 1956. Although the DKP eventually formed a unified external narrative, internally there were varying attitudes and intense debates. On the Hungarian incident, for example, at least three different opinions existed within the Party: the first fully supported the Soviet military intervention; the second did not agree with the intervention but felt compelled to support it; and the third believed the Soviet intervention brought danger to the DKP, plunging the Party into a "Cold War." Divergent views also existed within the Party leadership, leading to a massive wave of resignations that year. The second event concerned the treatment of Yugoslav "revisionism." The former DKP Chairman, Axel Larsen, supported the program of the 7th Congress of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia and disagreed with the Soviet claim that the Yugoslav party was revisionist. He was eventually expelled, triggering extreme dissatisfaction among his supporters. Larsen and his followers subsequently established the Socialist People's Party (SF) of Denmark. Soon after its founding, the SF became the protagonist among the country’s communist-leaning parties, while the DKP was relegated to a minor role—a tragic outcome. The third event was the internal debate in the early 1990s over the DKP’s future—specifically, whether to adhere to socialist and communist goals. This triggered another split in the Party organization. Although the "Communist Forum" established within the Party initially claimed it would not leave, it had in fact parted ways with the "Abolitionists" who occupied the Party under the name of "Renewal." Today’s "Communist Party of Denmark" is the product of the evolution of that "Communist Forum." After multiple rounds of intense ideological debate and organizational splitting, the DKP—once a relatively significant political organization on the Danish stage—had declined by the early 1990s into an insignificant minor party. By its 32nd Congress in 1992, membership had plummeted to just over 2,000 people.
(2) The DKP long existed in the cracks and shadows of the Social Democrats and the later Socialist People's Party, which objectively restricted the DKP’s already limited space for development
The DKP actually emerged from the womb of the Social Democrats, and its relationship with them was an "intertwining of love and hate." For a considerable period, the DKP’s strategy of "Left Unity" targeted the recruitment of the Social Democrats. In reality, during the process of left-wing alliance-building in Danish politics, the Social Democrats always occupied the dominant position. They were the protagonist of the political arena; notably, for most of the 20th century, the Social Democratic Party was the largest party in the lower house. At its peak in the 1960s, it held 76 of the 175 seats, while the DKP at its height held fewer than 20. More remarkably, the Socialist People's Party—founded by Larsen after his expulsion from the DKP in the late 1950s—surpassed its predecessor. Its strength and influence rapidly overtook the DKP, making it the "bellwether" of Danish communist organizations, several times winning over 20 seats in parliamentary elections and generally fluctuating between the third and fourth largest parties in the country from 1981 to 2007. Since the 1950s, the DKP had at most secured seven seats, and since the 1980s, it has failed to win any. In Denmark's center-left political camp, the Social Democrats and the Socialist People's Party were the primary actors; the DKP was merely an insignificant supporting player. Since the late 1950s, the DKP was politically squeezed by these two parties, eking out an existence in extremely limited space. Most of the time, the DKP was even excluded from left-wing alliances, particularly from government cabinet formations. The DKP’s withdrawal from the historical stage in the early 1990s could be said, to some extent, to be a matter of destiny; the Party’s "Left Unity" strategy ultimately proved to be a castle in the air and a strategy that existed only on paper.
(3) The long-held position of adhering to the Soviet Union while distancing itself from China within the International Communist Movement foreshadowed its final exit from the historical stage
Similar to the Communist Party of Finland, the Communist Party of Denmark (DKP) maintained relatively close relations with the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) for a long period, showing considerable identification with a series of CPSU theories and policies, and offering no shortage of excessive praise in its evaluation of the CPSU and the Soviet Union. "It uncritically agreed with every action of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union"—this was a poignant sentiment expressed by Aksel Larsen within the DKP in 1958. The DKP believed that the Soviet Union was the leading force of the socialist camp and the struggle for peace and socialism, possessing a "decisive" influence on international politics and serving as a "guiding star" [12] for the people of the world. After Khrushchev stepped down in 1964, the DKP party newspaper Land og Folk (Land and People) evaluated him as an "outstanding leader" whose significance for the development of Soviet society and international politics, particularly the struggle for peaceful coexistence, was inestimable. In 1988, Land og Folk published a collection of Mikhail Gorbachev's speeches, praising his New Thinking [13] for making an "important contribution" to the development of socialism and setting an example for Western Communists. In reality, the high evaluation and full affirmation of the Soviet Union and the CPSU by the DKP Central Committee masked internal divergences in positions and opinions. Following World War II, differing views regarding the Soviet Union and the CPSU always existed within the DKP, but the party leadership or mainstream factions suppressed and concealed them. It was not until the mid-to-late 1980s, when voices demanding independence and autonomy within the party grew significantly and calls opposing the mechanical copying of the Soviet model [14] became increasingly intense, that the DKP began to make adjustments. In point of fact, since the mid-to-late 1950s, while following the CPSU closely, the DKP gradually deviated from its originally relatively objective stance toward the Communist Party of China (CPC) and began making veiled criticisms of the CPC. After the Great Sino-Soviet Debate [15] of the early and mid-1960s, it turned to open criticism and condemnation, even attacking the CPC as "opportunists," and went so far as to incite the Communist Party of Norway and the Communist Party of Sweden to join in anti-China activities. Many of its positions and criticisms regarding China were built upon blind obedience to the CPSU. The DKP’s series of actions toward the CPC caused it to lose, to a considerable extent, the ability to independently judge right from wrong, leading it into political disorientation and contradiction in the early 1990s.
Following the drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe [16], and under a crisis where internal and external conditions shifted abruptly, the goals and missions it had adhered to for many years became unattainable, and the party itself continued to decline toward the verge of collapse [17], the DKP helplessly retreated from the stage of history, and its exploration of socialism ended in failure. The outcome of the DKP's exploratory practice is similar to that of many Western Communist parties, resulting from the combined effect of multiple internal and external, domestic and international factors. It reflects a universal problem: how to realize the localization and modernization of Marxism remains a long-term, arduous, and major task for all Communist parties abroad.
(About the authors: Bai Hu, School of Marxism, Donghua University; Chen Jinxiang, Research Center of the Contemporary World, International Department of the CPC Central Committee)
Internet Editor: Tong Xin Source: Contemporary World and Socialism (Bimonthly), Issue 3, 2022