Liu Jinxu and Li Genshou: The Generative Logic, Theoretical Construction, and Contemporary Value of Lenin's Strengthening of Organizational Development
Lenin, as the great mentor of the international proletarian revolution, successfully established the world's first socialist state, achieving the leap of scientific socialism from theory to practice. In the course of leading the Russian proletarian revolution, Lenin grounded himself in the realities of his own country, inherited the party-building propositions of Marx and Engels, and formed a scientific and systematic body of thought on organizational construction. Within this framework, "democratic centralism" stands as a classic theory of significant contemporary value. Examining Lenin’s intellectual approach to strengthening organizational construction through the lens of "democratic centralism" provides beneficial experiences and references for the Communist Party of China in strengthening its governance construction.
I. The Practical Logic Underlying the Genesis of Lenin's Thought on Organizational Construction via "Democratic Centralism"
The emergence and development of any theory are inseparable from its historical background. Lenin's thought on organizational construction resulted from the combined influence of various factors within his specific socio-historical conditions. On one hand, Marxist party-building theory provided the theoretical basis for the generation of Lenin's thought on "democratic centralism" in organizational construction. On the other hand, the difficulties and problems faced by Russia during the practice of the proletarian revolution strengthened Lenin's determination to reinforce organizational construction. Under the dual influence of Marxist party-building theory and Russian actual conditions, Lenin's thought on "democratic centralism" in organizational construction emerged and underwent continuous refinement.
(1) Marxist party-building theory provided the theoretical basis for the generation of Lenin’s thought on "democratic centralism" in organizational construction
Based on an in-depth exploration of the laws of human social development, Marx and Engels revealed the exploitative nature of the bourgeoisie, proposed the establishment of a proletarian party to overthrow bourgeois political power, and created a systematic theory of party building. Within this, the ideas of "democracy" and "centralism" permeated the entire practice of the proletarian revolution, serving as the theoretical basis for the formation of Lenin's "democratic centralism" organizational thought. In Marxist party-building theory, the essential sparks of thought regarding "democratic centralism" are mainly reflected in the following aspects:
First, establishing "democracy" as the fundamental organizational principle of the proletarian party to deeply root the practice of intra-Party democracy. Marx and Engels attached great importance to promoting intra-Party democracy and implemented an elective system, stipulating that Party organizations at all levels and union members be produced through elections; incompetent committee members could be recalled and replaced at any time. This both blocked "the path for any conspirators demanding a dictatorship" and maintained the inherent democratic nature of the organization itself. At the same time, they emphasized that the principle of democracy must include centralism, advocating for the maintenance of Party unity and solidarity through the establishment of strict discipline and absolute authority.
Second, establishing the Party Congress as the organ of power within the Party to better lead the direction of the workers' movement. Marx and Engels focused heavily on maintaining the supreme status of the Party Congress within the whole Party, advocating that all Party affairs and the conduct of its work be decided by the Congress to prevent the occurrence of individual dictatorship. In the Rules of the Communist League, Marx and Engels used an entire chapter to systematically explain propositions regarding the Congress, providing detailed discourse on its timing, personnel composition, and institutional positioning, ensuring that the workers' movement proceeded in an orderly fashion under the leadership of the proletarian party.
Third, strengthening intra-Party supervision and implementing a reporting system. In the Rules of the Communist League, Marx and Engels stipulated the implementation of a reporting system from multiple perspectives: for instance, local circles were to report regularly to the leading circles, leading circles to the Central Committee, and the Central Committee, as the executive organ of power, was to report to the Congress. The implementation of this reporting system not only strengthened supervision and constraints over committees but also guaranteed the openness and transparency of intra-Party affairs.
The ideas concerning "democracy" and "centralism" in Marx and Engels' party-building theory effectively prevented the destruction of the organization by divisive internal forces and strengthened the unity of the entire Party, laying a solid theoretical foundation for the formation of Lenin’s "democratic centralism" organizational thought.
(2) The practice of the Russian proletarian revolution was the intrinsic impetus for the formation of Lenin’s "democratic centralism" organizational thought
"Where history begins, the process of thought must also begin." The formation of Lenin's thought on "democratic centralism" in organizational construction was based on the practical course of the Russian proletarian revolution.
At the end of the 19th century, facing Russia's complex class contradictions and the tense revolutionary situation, Lenin realized there must be leadership from an advanced party armed with scientific theory. This party had to be not only theoretically advanced but also organizationally capable of withstanding the test of practice. He believed that "organization" was the only weapon for overthrowing bourgeois political power, advocating "Give us an organization of revolutionaries, and we will overturn Russia," [1] while emphasizing the adoption of the principle of "centralism" to strengthen Party building. Once Lenin's "centralist" organizational thought was proposed, it was opposed by some members. For example, the "Economists" [2] extolled the spontaneity of the workers' movement, ignored the leadership role of the proletarian party in the revolutionary movement, and advocated for the implementation of a "broad democratic principle." The Mensheviks [3] openly praised anarchist "autonomism," emphasizing that "individuals and every party organization have the right not to execute Party resolutions," and so on. Facing chaos within the Party, Lenin believed even more firmly that "without revolutionary theory there can be no revolutionary movement," which further solidified his initial vision of adopting "centralist" principles for party building—this became the embryonic form of his "democratic centralism" organizational thought.
After the "Bloody Sunday" [4] incident, the revolutionary tide in Russia rose rapidly. Under acute pressure to maintain rule, the Tsarist government issued the "October Manifesto," granting the masses political rights of "faith, speech, assembly, and association." At this time, Lenin realized the social environment had improved and began to explore new paths for strengthening organizational construction. In November 1905, in the article "The Reorganisation of the Party," Lenin pointed out that under historical conditions of relative political freedom, the use of an elective system was no longer an empty phrase; he called on all comrades to "devise a means to take advantage of the now expanded freedom of activity" and to exercise initiative. In March 1906, in the "Tactical Platform for the Unity Congress of the R.S.D.L.P.," Lenin announced that the status of the "democratic centralism" principle within the Party was beyond doubt. In April 1906, the Fourth Congress [5] of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party was successfully held. The meeting passed the "Resolution on the Reorganisation of the Party," specifying "democratic centralism" as the organizational principle for the whole Party and advocating for the use of an elective system to select members of the Central Committee. Thus, the concept of "democratic centralism" was formally proposed.
II. The Theoretical Construction of Lenin's "Democratic Centralism" Organizational Thought
The thought on "democratic centralism" in organizational construction was gradually formed by Lenin during the process of advancing the Russian proletarian revolution. It was both a distillation of struggle experience and a development of Marx and Engels' party-building theory. How to maintain organizational integrity, ensure democracy, enhance subjectivity, and preserve unity became the primary considerations in Lenin’s theoretical construction of "democratic centralism."
(1) Maintaining organizational integrity: Strengthening the party system and improving the standards and quality of Party members
As the vanguard of the revolution, the proletarian party bears the historical task of overthrowing decadent autocratic rule and ending capital exploitation and oppression. To achieve this goal, strengthening the Party’s organizational construction and maintaining its organizational integrity became the inevitable path. Lenin pointed out: "Our Party's immediate task cannot be to call for an immediate attack with all existing forces; it must be to call for the establishment of a revolutionary organization" and "the proletariat has no other weapon in the struggle for power except organization." On one hand, this reflects Lenin's clear understanding of the political prerequisites necessary for the victory of the proletarian revolution; on the other hand, it reflects his unique insight into the significance of organizational construction.
In the early stages of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, facing a unique party situation and a severe national situation, Lenin advocated for the establishment of a unified party on the basis of "centralism," using an organization of revolutionaries capable of "waging an artistic struggle against the police" to lead the proletarian revolutionary movement. Party members had to obey all resolutions and all leadership of the Party, follow the Party's unified platform, and submit to the Party's unified will. This not only strengthened the Party’s organizational integrity but also effectively avoided the emergence of anarchy.
Lenin believed that only the proletarian party could lead the proletariat to achieve the ultimate revolutionary goal. To uphold the leadership of this highest organizational form and maintain the Party’s organizational unity, one must also focus on the quality of members and rely on strict discipline to forge the party organization into one of iron. To build an iron party, one must start with every single member who constitutes the party. Addressing the Menshevik proposal to build the party into a "blurred-boundary" group, Lenin sternly pointed out: "The Party organization should never trade an increase in the number of members for a decrease in the quality of those members." On one hand, Lenin believed that while enhancing the firmness, purity, and thoroughness of the party organization, efforts should also be made to bring the role of members into play, emphasizing that only when the quality of members is improved and their faith solidified will the advanced nature and organizational integrity of the entire Party be strengthened, and the normal operation of the whole organization remain unhindered. On the other hand, Lenin pointed out that strict organizational discipline was one of the conditions for overhauling the bourgeoisie. By establishing strict discipline within the Party and setting boundaries for members' behavior, the Party's unified leadership could be guaranteed and organizational order maintained.
(2) Ensuring democracy: Stipulating the Party Congress as the supreme organ of power and strictly implementing elective systems
Lenin attached great importance to developing intra-Party democracy and pointed out that "the Russian Social Democratic Party is organized democratically." To ensure the democratic nature of the Party, Lenin made efforts and explorations in two areas:
First, establishing the Party Congress as the supreme organ of power and holding it regularly. Lenin inherited Marx and Engels' party-building ideas, emphasized the supreme status of the Party Congress within the whole Party, and put this into political practice. He advocated making the Party Congress the supreme organ of power, which would appoint the members of the Central Committee and the editors of the central organ (newspaper). Decisions made by delegates to the Party Congress were final; only at the Congress could negotiations and agreements between different parts of the Party be conducted. From Lenin's related discourses, we can see that all Party affairs needed to be decided and implemented through the power hub of the Party Congress, thereby further guaranteeing that all members of the Party enjoyed the right to handle Party affairs. Lenin also set limits for the timing of the Congress, stipulating that the Central Committee should convene it annually. If the total number of votes within the Party demanding a Congress exceeded half, the Central Committee must convene a meeting within two months, and it would be valid only if at least half of the delegates attended. Lenin’s regulations regarding the Party Congress developed intra-Party democracy to a certain extent and ensured its democratic nature.
Second, strictly implementing elective systems, which is a necessary condition for guaranteeing democracy. After 1905, Russia's political environment changed. Lenin keenly perceived that it was necessary to "immediately begin to apply the elective principle," using the historical opportunity of the transition toward political freedom to lead the organization "onto a new path." Subsequently, Lenin stipulated that all members of Party committees must be produced by election; other members and the masses not only had the right to elect their own representatives but also the right to deeply understand and supervise the details of the work of those elected representatives, with the power to recall and replace them at any time if they were found incompetent. At the same time, he resolutely "rejected all systems of appointment," thereby greatly enhancing the organization's combat effectiveness. Thus, we see that Lenin treated the elective system as a basic principle for implementing "democratic centralism," effectively driving the development of the proletarian party.
(3) Enhancing subjectivity: Safeguarding the rights of Party members and expanding the discretionary power of local organizations
Lenin believed that to strengthen organizational construction, democracy is indispensable. To promote intra-Party democracy, it is imperative to enhance the subjectivity of all Party members and safeguard their status as masters within the party. To this end, Lenin stipulated:
First, all Party members enjoy the right to know and the right to decide on all internal Party affairs. Within the political life of the Party, given the vast number of members and the myriad of political affairs, it is impractical to seek the opinion of every member on every single issue. To promote intra-Party democracy, Lenin emphasized the use of "electing representatives" to handle Party affairs; however, for key issues or matters concerning the actions of the masses themselves, the opinions of all Party members must be solicited. This not only maintains the principal status [6] of the Party members but also further attends to the vital interests of the masses. When dealing with major policy disagreements within the Party, Lenin similarly advocated for letting members know the true state of affairs and submitting them to discussion for decision. Especially when involving the mobilization of the masses for political action, opinions must be solicited within a "democratically organized party and federation." To a certain extent, this avoided the emergence of autocratic phenomena such as intra-Party dictatorship and protected the political rights of members. At the same time, in his work Let the Workers Decide, Lenin clearly stipulated that all Party members should elect committee members, determine tactical lines, and decide the direction of political movements. From this, it is not difficult to see the efforts Lenin made to guarantee the subjectivity of Party comrades in deciding internal affairs, providing a reference for safeguarding the rights of Party members in later generations.
Again, there is the expansion of the discretionary power of local Party organizations. In the article "Our Immediate Task," Lenin pointed out that the founding of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (RSDLP) was a good start, but due to its inherent local fragmentation, it was necessary to "establish a unified and therefore centralized party." To thoroughly break free from the narrowness of the "circle spirit" [7] among the local organizations of the RSDLP and to encourage the integration of spontaneous local movements with the revolutionary activities of the Party organization, Lenin advocated for the establishment of a Party organ newspaper. This replaced the "handicraft methods" [8] style of local work and maintained the freedom of activity for local Party organizations. In 1906, in his concluding "Report on the Unity Congress of the RSDLP," Lenin noted: "Now there remains one great, serious, and extremely important task: to truly implement the principle of ‘democratic centralism’ in the Party organization... so that the primary organizations become in reality, and not just in words, the basic organizational cells of the Party." He also stipulated in the Party Constitution that all Party organizations have the right to independently decide their internal work.
(4) Maintaining Unity: Conducting Free Discussion and Criticism Within the Party and Firmly Resisting Factional Splittist Activities
Unity is a solid magic weapon [9] for the Party to seize victory in the proletarian revolution. Lenin maintained that preserving the unity of a political party cannot be achieved simply by an executive order or a resolution of a Party congress; "there must be a solid ideological consensus, excluding differences of opinion and ideological confusion." Therefore, Lenin specifically emphasized ideological unity, using ideological consistency to maintain unity in the Party's actions. To achieve ideological unity within the Party, Lenin engaged in a debate with Rosa Luxemburg, the famous leader of the Second International known as the "Eagle of the Revolution," which to some extent alleviated the state of ideological confusion within the Party. Simultaneously, Lenin refuted the erroneous views of the "Economists" and the "Mensheviks" within the Party, further promoting ideological unity. Lenin believed that on certain issues, it is beyond reproach for individuals to hold different opinions and views, and he did not oppose polemics between comrades. Only by "engaging in broad and free discussion" and "conducting free, comrade-like criticism" when discussing Party issues can members be incentivized to the maximum extent to actively participate in the management and discussion of Party affairs. By expressing their various opinions on the formulation of major policies and the unification of divergent views, they can more deeply recognize the essence of things and narrow cognitive gaps, ensuring the final decision represents the thoughts of the vast majority of members. In this way, not only was individual dictatorship within the Party effectively prevented, but ideological unity was also maintained.
In response to the splittist tendencies of factions such as the "Economists" and "Mensheviks," Lenin adopted the following measures to maintain organizational unity and uphold Party integration against autocratic forces:
First, he advocated for the implementation of the principle that "the minority is subordinate to the majority, and the lower level is subordinate to the higher level." He insisted on collective leadership and the adoption of certain disciplinary measures for comrades who do not obey organizational arrangements or even violate organizational discipline, with expulsion from the Party for serious offenders.
Second, he clarified that the legitimate rights and interests of the minority must be seriously considered, advocating for the creation of a system for the minority to express their own interests. In What Are We Striving For?, Lenin emphasized the protection of the political right to "freedom of the tongue" for the minority, which created a sound appeal mechanism for comrades holding different opinions within the Party.
Finally, he emphasized the formulation of a unified program of action and Party Constitution to form a unified will to strengthen the fighting power of the whole Party. In the early days of the RSDLP, the "circle spirit" prevailed within the organization, which lacked effective connections and shared only "purely spiritual ties." This made the organization loose and unable to form effective cohesive force to oppose the Tsarist government. Therefore, Lenin called for guaranteeing intra-Party unity and centralization of work on the basis of organizational unity. The means and path to achieve this goal was the formulation of a unified program and Party Constitution, making them the guide for action for the whole Party.
These measures of Lenin not only guaranteed the unity of the proletarian party during a special period but also gave deep play to the role of the organization as a vanguard, ensuring the smooth development of the proletarian revolution.
III. The Contemporary Value of Lenin’s Thought on "Democratic Centralism" and Organizational Building
Lenin's organizational thought powerfully promoted the development of the Russian proletarian revolution. Deng Xiaoping appraised Lenin as having "a complete doctrine on party building." Lenin’s theory of "democratic centralism" is a quintessential proposition within this doctrine. This theory not only played a vital role in the growth of the Russian proletarian party at that time but also has important reference significance for the Communist Party of China (CPC) in deeply advancing the great project of comprehensively and strictly governing the Party.
(1) Perfecting Institutional Building, Fortifying Institutional Guarantees, and Promoting the Transformation of Institutional Advantages into Governance Efficacy
To strengthen the organizational building of the proletarian party and maintain the orderly operation of internal Party work based on the principle of "democratic centralism," Lenin made systematic institutional stipulations regarding the Party Constitution, program, norms, and regulations. These included replacing the system of appointment with an elective system, establishing the Party Congress as the institutional hub of power, and stipulating a system of freedom for intra-Party discussion and criticism. These institutionalized provisions not only provided a guarantee for the implementation of "democratic centralism" but also provided experience for China's current efforts to improve the institutional system to strengthen organizational building.
The CPC has deeply explored the laws of social development and the laws of party governance, creatively integrating the organizational principle of "democratic centralism" into all links of our Party's governance of the country. It has achieved a homologous construction of institutions at both the party and state power levels, thereby promoting the long-term development of the socialist cause. As an institutional norm, "democratic centralism" correctly handles and strictly regulates political life within our Party, maintains party-mass relations and the interests of the people, and ensures the correct formulation and effective execution of the Party's policies and strategies. It is our Party's greatest institutional advantage.
Under the background of the New Era, China's historical coordinates have undergone profound changes. We need to further improve the construction of the institutional system under new historical conditions, fortify the institutional guarantees for developing Chinese democratic politics, and promote the better transformation of the advantages of the socialist system into national governance efficacy. On the one hand, we must further promote the great systematic project of perfecting institutional building to achieve the goal of systematic optimization of the national institutional system. Currently, our Party is working continuously toward achieving the Second Centenary Goal [10]. On this new journey, opportunities and challenges coexist. Our Party must insist on upholding the fundamentals and breaking new ground, adhering to the requirements of "not abandoning fundamental systems, perfecting basic systems, and innovating important systems," so as to push the system of socialism with Chinese characteristics toward becoming more mature and finalized. On the other hand, we must test the effectiveness of institutional operations in practice, constantly strengthening the foundation and making up for weaknesses. Times and situations change constantly on the basis of practice; therefore, the improvement of institutions should also be promoted based on the changes in the situation, building a systematic, scientific, and effective institutional guarantee system, and fully tapping into national governance efficacy on this basis.
(2) Strengthening Discipline Building, Improving Party Spirit, and Leading the Great Social Revolution through the Great "Self-Revolution"
Lenin placed great emphasis on the cultivation of Party spirit [11] and discipline building. In view of the fact that the RSDLP was organizationally loose, Lenin issued a call to the whole Party to "transition from the circle spirit to Party spirit"; he criticized the opportunist "Economists" who were obsessed with economic struggle and the Mensheviks who preached anarchism, launching a struggle to defend Party spirit. Facing disunity and splittist tendencies within the Party, Lenin advocated for strengthening Party spirit education and discipline building, implementing strict discipline, and increasing the intensity of intra-Party supervision to maintain Party spirit and enhance unity.
Since the 18th CPC National Congress, as of the end of April 2022, discipline inspection and supervision organs nationwide have filed 4.388 million cases for investigation, involving 4.709 million people. They have investigated 723,000 cases of violations of the Eight-Point Regulations and used the "four forms" [12] of oversight and discipline to criticize, educate, help, and handle 11.344 million person-times. From these shocking sets of data, we can see that our Party has the political courage to turn the blade inward, manifesting our Party's fine style of daring to engage in "self-revolution." In a certain sense, this is also the greatest source of confidence for our Party's governance. Looking back at the path we have traveled—from the "Yan'an Rectification" to "Setting Things Right" [13] and then to "comprehensively and strictly governing the Party"—our Party has always stood at the forefront of the times, always maintained a zero-tolerance attitude toward factors affecting the Party's purity, and always persisted in the firm determination to lead the great social revolution with the spirit of a great "self-revolution." The CPC in the New Era has not only absorbed the theoretical essence of Lenin's thoughts on Party building but has also inherited the fine character of our Party since its founding. As long as our Party maintains the courage to face problems squarely and the resolve to "excise tumors, eliminate the source of poison, and purge the lingering influence," it will surely win one victory after another in the great social revolution.
(3) Firmly Holding to the People’s Stand, Correctly Grasping the Course, and Winning Historical Initiative on the Journey that Shines through the Annals of History
Lenin focused on the revolutionary power possessed by the working class and emphasized that the proletarian party is the advanced organization of the working class. From the day the RSDLP was founded, Lenin took the realization of the freedom and liberation of the working class as the goal of struggle. To fight for the rights and interests of the working class, in 1905, Lenin called on the workers to "arm themselves" in the "Letter to the People," conducting a large-scale strike movement and winning many political rights for the masses. At the same time, an elective system was implemented within the Party, stipulating that the masses have the right to elect representatives to express their demands and the right to recall incompetent representatives. This maintained the interests of the people to a certain extent and provided enlightenment for China's democratic construction.
The Resolution of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on the Major Achievements and Historical Experience of the Party over the Past Century, adopted at the Sixth Plenary Session of the 19th CPC Central Committee, summarized "putting the people first" as one of the "ten points of persistence" [14] in historical experience, noting: "The Party’s foundation is in the people, its lifeline is in the people, and its strength is in the people. The people are the greatest source of confidence for the Party's governance and the rejuvenation of the country." In 1921, the CPC was founded amidst a national crisis. Since its birth, it has taken Marxist theory as its guiding ideology, aimed to seek well-being for the people, and regarded the realization of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation as its original aspiration and founding mission. In the century-long continuation of the "Red Journey," the CPC's original aspiration to seek welfare for the people has remained unchanged: the warmth of "half a quilt" [15] wraps the enthusiasm for serving the people and reveals the sentiment of putting the people first; the principle of "being a servant of the people and feeling ashamed to be a high official" nurtures the original aspiration of selfless dedication and tempers the soul that shares life and death with the people; the Huaihai Campaign, which was "pushed out by wheelbarrows," [16] manifests the deep affection of "flesh and blood" that is hard to separate and reflects the advantage of unity between the military and the people. From these "red stories," we can see that the "secret key" for the CPC to remain vibrant after a century of wind and rain is that our Party closely revolves around the themes of the era—"who the people are, what the people need, and what to do for the people"—and always regards the people as the fundamental driving force for crossing all Gobi deserts and dangerous shallows and for building a modern socialist powerhouse. At present, we must even more firmly hold to the people's stand, uphold the belief of putting the people first, keep "the top priorities of the nation" [17] in mind, and "sit on the same bench" with the masses. Only then can we hold firm the correct course of history's progress and win the historical initiative on the new journey toward the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.
(4) Persistent Collective Leadership, Achieving the Two Upholds, and Sounding the Climax of the Era to Open the Path of National Rejuvenation
Lenin proposed the ideological proposition of collective leadership at an early stage, emphasizing that the leadership core of the organization should be composed of revolutionaries with high ideological awareness and a strong sense of struggle. He advocated for the establishment of a Central Committee through elections, upholding the principle of "the minority is submerged in the majority" to collectively decide on major Party internal affairs. These ideological connotations of collective leadership, as a vital component of the theory of "democratic centralism," provide important insights for strengthening our Party building.
Since the 18th CPC National Congress, throughout the process of comprehensively deepening reform, our Party has consistently held high the great banner of socialism with Chinese characteristics. It has actively and steadily advanced political structural reform, taking the guarantee of the people as masters of the country as the fundamental basis, and the enhancement of the vitality of the Party and state and the mobilization of the people's initiative as the goals. By deeply advancing the development of socialist political civilization, the Party has opened up a new realm for the political development of socialism with Chinese characteristics. In the report to the 20th CPC National Congress, General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized: "To build a modern socialist country in all respects and advance the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation on all fronts, the key lies in the Party." He further pointed out that "comprehensively and strictly governing the Party is the inevitable path for the Party to preserve its vitality and succeed on the new 'test-taking' road [18]." This significant judgment is both a scientific summation of historical experience and a clear direction for the Party to steer the ship of state. Accordingly, to succeed on the new "test-taking" road of the New Era, it is necessary to proceed from the following two aspects: On one hand, we must adhere to the working method of collective leadership. This approach not only guarantees intra-Party democracy, allowing the Party Central Committee to pool the wisdom of the entire Party in decision-making and avoid errors, but also enhances the centripetal force and cohesion of all Party members. On the other hand, while adhering to collective leadership, we must resolutely achieve the "Two Upholds," consistently and closely uniting the entire people and all Party members around the Party Central Committee. This effectively guarantees the long-term peace and stability of our Party and country, thereby striking the powerful chords of national rejuvenation for our times.
In summary, Lenin’s thought on organizational building via "democratic centralism" is a theoretical achievement of his exploration during the great practice of founding a proletarian political party. The ideological connotations and value inherent in this achievement not only played an important role in the expansion of the Russian proletarian party at that time but also provide a reservoir of experience for advancing the Great New Project of Party Building [19] of our Party in the New Era.