He Jinglei: An Analysis of Lenin's Strategy for Socialist Moral Education
Without virtue, a nation cannot flourish; without virtue, a person cannot stand—the fundamental task of education lies in the cultivation of virtue. Attaching great importance to moral education is a fine tradition of the Communist Party of China (CPC), as well as the moral guarantee and "success code" behind the CPC's leadership in helping China achieve the transitions from standing up and becoming prosperous to becoming strong. The report to the 20th CPC National Congress explicitly listed the implementation of projects to build civic morality—promoting the cultivation of "Great Virtue" (public integrity), the observance of "Public Virtue" (social ethics), and the strictness of "Private Virtue" (personal character)—to improve the moral standards and civility of the people as a strategic task for the Party, further clarifying the strategic significance of socialist moral education. In the New Era, how to advance the development of China’s socialist moral education in accordance with new epochal requirements, and how to cultivate "young people of the era" [1] capable of shouldering the heavy responsibility of national rejuvenation, stands as a brand-new subject facing the Party. Its smooth progress is inseparable from scientific theoretical guidance.
Lenin was the founder of the world’s first socialist state and a theorist who combined Marxist moral principles with the historical mission of proletarian revolution and construction, conducting an in-depth exploration of socialist moral education from the dimension of the interaction between theory and practice. Although he did not directly use the term "socialist morality," he designated the first stage of communist society as socialist society and was the first to use the concept of "communist morality," which inherently contained the proposition of socialist morality. In particular, he focused on how a Marxist party in an economically and culturally backward country should advance the practice of socialist moral education to cultivate a new generation of people who are "fully developed and fully trained... who know how to do everything" and are capable of building a communist society. Through this systemic exploration, he formed a strategic thought on socialist moral education. These ideas still shine with flashes of wisdom today. In the New Era, exploring Lenin’s strategic thought on socialist moral education possesses significant theoretical and practical meaning for comprehensively understanding the profound connotation and target requirements of the "young people of the era" in the socialist period, for grasping the spirit of historical initiative, for strengthening theoretical confidence and consciousness in cultivating these new people, for training socialist builders and successors with an all-around development in moral, intellectual, physical, aesthetic, and labor skills, and for achieving the goal of becoming a socialist power with modernized education.
I. Persistent Adherence to the Masses as the Main Body: Actively Mobilizing the Masses to Devote Themselves to the Cause of Socialist Moral Education
In Lenin’s view, the cause of socialism is the cause of the masses; the masses are the main body (subject) for building socialism and are likewise the main body for socialist moral education. Adhering to the masses as the main body—awakening the people’s consciousness to resist old morality, stimulating their enthusiasm for building socialist morality, and actively mobilizing their participation—is undoubtedly the necessary prerequisite for successfully advancing socialist moral education. As he pointed out, if the builders in the era of serfdom numbered in the hundreds, and those in the capitalist era numbered in the thousands or tens of thousands, then the socialist revolution can only be completed with the "active, direct, and practical participation of tens of millions in the administration of the state." He noted: "The greater the scale and scope of historical events, the greater the number of people who take part in them; and, conversely, the deeper the transformation we wish to effect, the more we must arouse an interest in it and a conscious attitude towards it, and the more we must convince millions and tens of millions of people that it is necessary."
During the period of the proletarian revolution, faced with the historical task of how to achieve victory in a Russia where capitalism had seen some development yet remained insufficient and the strength of the proletariat was weak, Lenin directed the focus of his work toward the vast laboring masses who constituted the overwhelming majority of the population. His intent was to unite and win over the masses to expand the revolutionary forces and achieve the goals of the proletarian revolution. He believed that ideas only become a material force once they have gripped the masses; only by instilling socialist consciousness (including morality) into the working masses and arming their minds could ideas "grip the masses" and be transformed into a revolutionary force to advance the victory of the socialist revolution.
After the victory of the October Revolution, as Soviet power stabilized, Lenin regarded the support of the laboring masses as the source of Bolshevik strength and the root of the invincibility of the global communist movement. He profoundly pointed out that the reason Russia was able to achieve victory in the October Revolution and the Civil War was inseparable from the Marxist party’s focus on the "mass line" of moral education—a line that highlighted the subject status of the masses by "vouchsafing the enthusiasm, initiative, and heroism of the masses, and concentrating this aroused revolutionary energy on the most important immediate tasks." It was precisely the socialist moral power—the "heroism, self-sacrifice, and rare perseverance shown in struggle by the Red Army soldiers and the suffering workers and peasants at the front... especially the industrial workers who for these three years have endured greater hardships than they did in the early years of capitalist slavery"—that enabled the proletariat to win the revolution and successfully defend the state power.
Particularly when facing the reality that "the corpse of capitalism is decaying and disintegrating in our midst, polluting the air and poisoning our lives, enmeshing that which is fresh, young, and vigorous in a thousand threads and bonds of what is old, corrupt, and dead," and when the bourgeoisie used education, the press, literature, art, and religion to spread bourgeois ideology to influence, paralyze, or even poison the masses—posing a potential danger of "putting the gears in reverse and returning to the power of the capitalists"—Lenin pointed out that the key to solving the problem lay in arming and mastering the masses. He emphasized that "the fundamental task of educators and the Communist Party, as the vanguard in this struggle, is to help cultivate and educate the laboring masses, to help them overcome the old habits and customs inherited from the old system—those habits and customs of the small property-owner which are so deeply ingrained in the masses." Only by using the socialist system of ideas to defeat the bourgeois system of ideas and firmly occupying the moral and spiritual domains could the problem be fundamentally resolved. To better advance socialist moral education and defend the fruits of the October Revolution, he placed even greater emphasis on the subject status of the masses. He pointed out that only when the masses of workers and peasants, filled with revolutionary enthusiasm, voluntarily and sincerely cooperate in exercising accounting and control over the rich, the swindlers, the idlers, and the rowdies, could the overflow of old capitalist morality and habits—and their intrusion into the socialist body—be checked. He further stressed that only by mobilizing as many of the masses as possible to participate in this struggle could they strike down that detestable maxim of the old capitalist society, "every man for himself and God for all"—a creed that had more or less infected and corrupted everyone—and only then could they purge these remnants of the cursed capitalist society, these "scum of humanity," these "hopelessly decayed and atrophied limbs," and these "contagions, plagues, and ulcers" left by capitalism to socialism.
II. Adhering to a Goal-Oriented Approach: Mastery of the Target Requirements for Socialist Moral Education
Socialist moral education is a complex social project; only by grasping the principal contradiction, adhering to a goal-oriented approach, and clarifying the target requirements can one find the basic point of application and the direction of action for advancing this educational cause. This was also Lenin’s fundamental approach to handling socialist moral education. Regarding what kind of socialist moral education to advance, Lenin primarily proposed the following target requirements:
First, cultivating a "sense of ownership" (master-of-the-house consciousness) among the laboring masses. Lenin believed that unlike the old society, "living, creative socialism is the product of the masses themselves"; the cause of socialism is the people's own cause. For the Party members and the masses to clearly recognize their own roles as masters and their subjective status in socialist construction is the necessary prerequisite for the development of socialist moral education. That is to say, only by educating the vast laboring masses to consciously shoulder the responsibility and mission of promoting socialist moral education with the attitude of "masters of the house" can the cause of education proceed steadily and reach its goal. After the establishment of Soviet power, in the face of the grave task of rapidly concentrating national strength to promote socialist construction under conditions of economic hardship and a lack of management talent, Lenin paid special attention to the cultivation of socialist moral consciousness—particularly the "sense of ownership"—among the laboring masses. He pointed out, "The strength of a state lies in the consciousness of the masses. It is strong when the masses know everything, can form an opinion of everything and do everything consciously." He called on the laboring masses to govern the state themselves, teaching them to establish a sense of ownership and warning: "If you do not pull together yourselves, if you do not take all the affairs of the state into your own hands, no one will help you." He also emphasized: "Without bringing more sections of the people into social construction, without awakening the initiative of the vast masses who have been slumbering, there can be no talk of any revolutionary reform." In production and distribution, Lenin regarded as a key propaganda task the question of "how to make the conscious worker feel that he is not only the master in his own factory, but that he is a representative of the country, and to make him feel his responsibility." These discourses centrally express the theoretical understanding of placing the cultivation of the masses’ sense of ownership in an important position within the advancement of socialist moral education.
Second, cultivating a "collectivist consciousness" among the masses. Collectivism is the moral guarantee for the superiority of the communist system and its practical effectiveness; it is also an important channel for strengthening the masses' identification with communist value orientations. Making the cultivation of the masses' collectivist consciousness a key link in advancing socialist moral education was a consistent proposition of Lenin’s. He pointed out that "the interests of our cause must be placed above any private or factional relations, above any 'fine' memories"; for the sake of social interests and the victory of socialism, one must have the courage to cast aside the interests of small circles or guilds, and even, in exceptional moments, have the courage to sacrifice all individual interests. Particularly when facing interference from bourgeois moral maxims such as "service is usually rewarded" or "one gives to get back" during socialist construction, Lenin pointed out that to build communist morality, one must strive to eliminate the cursed rule of "every man for himself and God for all." One must overcome the habitual view of labor as a mere chore and the idea that "all labor should be paid according to a certain standard," and oppose the psychology and habit of "I make my money, and everything else is none of my business." He aimed to help cultivate and educate the masses to overcome the old habits and customs left by the old system and to strive to permeate the masses' consciousness, habits, and daily routines with collectivist principles such as "all for one and one for all" and "from each according to his ability, to each according to his need." This further highlights the importance Lenin attached to cultivating the collectivist consciousness of the masses.
Third, cultivating a "role model consciousness" (exemplarity consciousness) among the masses. A role model inherently contains specific moral pursuits and value orientations, possessing a unique power of demonstration and guidance. Cultivating the masses' awareness of role models and elevating their "role model consciousness" was a basic proposition of Lenin’s regarding the target requirements of socialist moral education. After the establishment of Soviet power, in the face of the realistic requirement to concentrate national strength to achieve rapid economic recovery and development under Russia’s severe economic difficulties, Lenin pointed out, "For the first time, the force of example is able to exert its widespread influence." He stressed the importance of the power of example and aimed to drive the masses to devote themselves to the cause of socialist modernization by cultivating their awareness of role models. He believed that the exemplary role played by the proletariat—leading by example after seizing state power—was the key reason Soviet power could achieve great successes and why people voluntarily joined the Party during its most difficult and dangerous moments. He also believed that only by organizing and uniting all youth and strengthening their role model consciousness—making them examples of education and discipline in the struggle—could the bourgeoisie’s constant attacks be effectively countered. Simultaneously, to promote the development of socialist moral education, Lenin emphasized the use of successful socialist practices and instances that could satisfy the masses' needs and serve as demonstrations. He not only regarded the "Communist Subbotniks" [2] as a "Great Beginning" and the "actual beginning of communism," but also advocated that Communist Party members "set an example of truly communist labor, i.e., unpaid labor" to influence and drive non-Party masses. He also emphasized the demonstrative effects of model production and communes, commending and publicizing good conduct while criticizing and condemning bad phenomena, in order to strengthen the masses' role model consciousness and advance the process of socialist moral education through the leading and demonstrative functions of examples.
Fourth, cultivating a correct sense of internationalism and patriotism among the masses. In Lenin's view, the understandings of patriotism and internationalism held by the proletariat and the bourgeoisie are fundamentally different. Proletarian patriotism reflects an affection for the motherland and its destiny, while internationalism reflects the proletariat's love and support for the revolutionary cause of the proletariat in other countries. Both are moral norms that the proletarian masses should accept, as well as the target requirements for socialist moral education. In his view, proletarian patriotism and internationalism are unified. To be a Social Democratic internationalist, "one must not think only of one's own nation, but place the interests of all nations and the universal freedom and equality of all nations above one's own nation," and "oppose nationalist deception with international consciousness and the ideal of the comradeship of all proletarians to strive for the comradeship of all people." Only by using "selfless" work to develop the revolutionary movement and revolutionary struggle of one’s own country, and by supporting—without exception—the same struggle in all countries through propaganda, sympathy, or material aid, can one demonstrate true patriotism. This is the moral quality the proletarian masses should possess, and it is a target requirement of socialist moral education.
Fifth, cultivating a sense of loyalty to the cause of communism among the masses. Lenin believed that communist morality "is derived from the interests of the proletarian class struggle," "is subordinated to the interests of the proletarian class struggle," and "serves the destruction of the old society of the exploiters and the uniting of all laborers around the proletariat, which is creating a new society of communists." It possesses distinct class and historical character. In his view, loyalty to the cause of communism is not only a spiritual character that inspires the masses to work hard to overcome difficulties, defy sacrifice, and persist in struggle; it is also an active requirement for continuous struggle against the "enemies" of communism. It was precisely because the proletariat was loyal to a communist system without landlords, exploitation, or capitalists that the Russian workers endured hunger and cold, suffered through hardships, and made unprecedented, conscious, and voluntary sacrifices, thereby preserving the nascent socialist regime. Cultivating the masses' infinite loyalty to the cause of communism is both the basic prerequisite for the masses to struggle for the consolidation of the communist cause and a target requirement of socialist moral education. Lenin also emphasized that the party of the revolutionary working class "does not seek an increase in the number of members, but pays attention to improving the quality of members and purging 'those who have wormed their way into the Party.'" Only by expelling from the Party "those who only want to 'gain' benefits from their status as members of the ruling party and are unwilling to shoulder the burden of selfless work for communism" can those truly loyal to the communist cause remain, and the exemplary vanguard role of the proletarian party be guaranteed. At the same time, he pointed out that a sincere communist must have the courage to implement tough, ruthless, firm, and fearless policies; they must never vacillate or shrink back, otherwise, "due to one's own lack of independent opinion, hesitation, and indecision, one would commit the crime of betrayal just like an open traitor."
III. Adhere to Upholding the Fundamentals and Breaking New Ground to Strengthen the Environmental Construction of Socialist Moral Education
The unfolding of educational practice is always inseparable from the functions of contrast, rendering, edification, and reinforcement provided by a specific environment. Creating a healthy and upward-looking educational environment that reflects educational orientation and benefits educational goals is an inherent part and basic guarantee of realizing educational objectives; it also directly affects the overall situation and success or failure of socialist moral education. Centering on the question of what kind of educational environment to build to promote the realization of socialist moral education goals, Lenin adhered to the ideological methodology of "breaking the old and establishing the new" (破旧立新) [3], primarily proposing the following insights.
First, actively criticizing and discarding old bourgeois morality and breaking old habits. Lenin believed that proletarian morality, as a proletarian ideology, reflects the interest requirements of the proletariat and "serves the liberation of human society from the exploitation of labor." Old bourgeois morality, however, proceeds from the interests of the bourgeoisie and is an extreme individualism and egoism derived from supra-human and supra-class concepts. Its purpose is to maintain the interests of landlords and capitalists, to confine the minds of workers and peasants and make fools of them; it is distinctly deceptive, absurd, and harmful. Therefore, these two moralities are fundamentally opposed. In the old bourgeois society, the basic logic upon which bourgeois morality unfolded was that "either you rob someone else, or someone else robs you; either you work for someone else, or someone else works for you; you are either a slave-owner or a slave." This old social atmosphere is an encumbrance to the construction of socialist morality. Lenin also believed that the purpose of socialist "political culture and political education is to train true communists, enabling them to have the ability to defeat lies and prejudice, and to help the laboring masses defeat the old order and build a country without capitalists, without exploiters, and without landlords." This is also the original aspiration of socialist moral education. Therefore, advancing socialist moral education requires consolidating the socialist ideological front, actively criticizing and discarding old bourgeois morality, and breaking old habits. This is not only an inevitable choice to defend the socialist regime under circumstances where bourgeois egoism, individualism, and other psychological habits and concepts have seriously affected the enthusiasm of the masses to consolidate and build socialism—putting socialism at risk of bourgeois restoration—but it is also a necessity to overcome the resistance of countless remnants of small-scale production [4] and the enormous force of habit and conservatism associated with these remnants. It is necessary for transforming the "learned people" cultured by old bourgeois morality—who are characterized by "laziness, carelessness, sloppiness, haste, a preference for replacing action with discussion and work with empty talk, and starting everything but finishing nothing"—into people who are meticulous, frugal, non-lazy, non-thieving, and who observe communist discipline. Based on this, Lenin not only regarded helping to cultivate and educate the laboring masses to overcome old habits and old atmospheres as a basic task for educators and the Communist Party, but also emphasized that the Communist Party, the Soviet organs leading cultural and educational work, and all Communist Party members in trade unions "should pay more attention to the ideological struggle against petty-bourgeois influences, trends, and tendencies within the trade unions." He reiterated that to counter the strengthening of capitalism during the period of the New Economic Policy [5], "it is extremely necessary to intensify the resistance against the petty-bourgeois influence on the working class," so as to provide a healthy environment for the development of socialist moral education by actively criticizing and discarding old bourgeois morality and breaking old bourgeois habits.
Second, strengthening Marxist publicity and education to create a new atmosphere. Lenin believed that Marxism is both the only rigorous worldview of the proletariat and the "weapon of truth" for achieving its own liberation, as well as the action guide for socialist moral education. Only if the broad masses fully understand, identify with, and accept Marxism—especially the value concepts of socialism and communism—can they participate in it and advance the development of socialist moral education. The successful advancement of socialist moral education must be predicated on actively promoting Marxist publicity and creating a new atmosphere of social ideological public opinion dominated by Marxism. To strengthen Marxist publicity and education and create a new atmosphere to promote the development of socialist moral education, during the period of proletarian revolution, Lenin proposed the need to seriously study Marxism and emphasized the publicity of Marxism among the working masses, intending to inspire the revolutionary fighting spirit of the masses and achieve revolutionary victory by constructing a social fashion guided by Marxism. To effectively promote Marxist publicity and assist socialist moral education, he not only proposed the advocacy of "instilling" (灌输) [6] scientific Marxist theory into the workers, believing that "the cause of writing should become part of the entire proletarian cause," but also emphasized the principled requirement that under the conditions of the dictatorship of the proletariat, "publications should become Party publications" to strengthen the theoretical arming of Marxism. In publicity work, Lenin advocated that Party members "must be good at using every small matter to explain one's socialist convictions and democratic demands to everyone, and to explain the world-historical significance of the proletarian liberation struggle," while "not hiding one's socialist convictions for a single minute." He emphasized that "deepening and expanding the work and influence on the masses must be carried out constantly," and reiterated that the Social Democratic Party "should not, under any circumstances or in any situation, refuse to use even the smallest legal opportunity to organize the masses and promote socialism." After the victory of the October Revolution, to advance socialist moral education to unify thinking, build consensus, and promote socialist construction, Lenin particularly emphasized the important significance of Marxist publicity and education. He not only opposed the absurd view of the old society that decoupled politics from education, but also emphasized that "daily publicity and agitation must possess a true communist character," clearly defining the Marxist direction of publicity, and advocating that "all communist publicity must ultimately be implemented in practical guidance for national construction." To more effectively promote communist publicity, Lenin emphasized the need to adjust publicity content based on the transition of practical themes, to determine publicity strategies according to the different characteristics of the target audience, and to combine publicity work with the interests of the masses, selecting publicity strategies based on interest needs to enhance the communist understanding and ideological identification of the Party members and masses. He also proposed that under socialist conditions, newspapers and periodicals should become publicity weapons and ideological carriers for promoting socialist moral education, and the "primary tool" for strengthening the conscious discipline of laborers and changing the old and completely useless working or lazy methods of capitalism. This was intended to create a healthy environment beneficial to the development of socialist moral education by leveraging the functions of Marxist newspapers and periodicals in criticizing evil and praising good, critiquing current ills, guiding values, and shaping ideology.
Third, focus on the moral educational functions of mass organizations such as trade unions, the Communist Youth League, and schools to reinforce new social customs. Lenin believed that under socialist conditions, mass organizations—as the carriers, shapers, and demonstrators of the socialist image—serve not only as the organizers and practitioners of socialist moral education but also as platforms for the masses to experience and perceive the socialist moral atmosphere and value orientation. They possess the vital function of strengthening new socialist customs and enhancing socialist moral cognition. To promote socialist moral education, one must emphasize these functions.
First, actively mobilize the role of trade unions in shaping socialist moral character. Lenin argued that as a vital link between the Party and the working masses, socialist trade unions are organizations for education, recruitment, and training, as well as schools for learning management and economic administration. Termed "schools of communism," they bear the mission and responsibility of propagating socialist ideas and manifesting socialist value goals. They are essential channels for fostering a socialist moral climate and shaping the environment for moral education. Particularly during the New Economic Policy [7] period, when faced with the encroachment of old habits left over from the bourgeoisie, Lenin emphasized the trade unions' role in shaping the moral environment. He not only stressed the necessity for all Party members within unions to conduct ideological struggles against petty-bourgeois influences, schools of thought, and tendencies but also advocated using the daily work of unions to persuade and educate the masses. This guides them to consciously accept Party leadership and socialist goals, fulfilling the role of a "transmission belt" connecting the proletarian vanguard with the masses, thereby fostering emotional and value-based identification with socialism.
Second, manifest the reinforcing function of the Communist Youth League (CYL) regarding socialist customs. In Lenin's view, as a key organization for educating and cultivating the youth and a bridge between the Party and young people, the CYL naturally holds the function of transmitting socialist values. To highlight this, he proposed that the CYL must not only "train itself and all those who look to it as a leader to be Communists in the process of learning, organizing, uniting, and struggling" but also "ensure that the entire task of training, educating, and instructing contemporary youth becomes a matter of cultivating communist morality." This is because "only by linking every step of one's training, cultivation, and education with participation in the general struggle of all laborers against the exploiters does one live up to the title of the Communist Youth League."
Third, focus on the role of socialist schools in forging a moral educational environment. Lenin believed that schools carry a specific political mission. Bourgeois schools are essentially tools of bourgeois class rule; however, once the proletariat seizes power, these schools must transform into "tools for destroying that rule and completely eliminating social class divisions" and "instruments of the dictatorship of the proletariat." He noted that schools "should not only disseminate general communist principles but also propagate the ideological, organizational, and educational influence of the proletariat among the semi-proletarian and non-proletarian strata of the laboring masses, so as to facilitate the complete suppression of the resistance of the exploiters and the realization of the communist system." At the same time, schools should impart basic knowledge to the youth to cultivate them into learned individuals and "ensure that people become participants in the struggle to uproot the exploiters during their period of study." Only by closely integrating school activities and every step of training with the struggle of all laborers against exploiters, and by promoting the integration of moral education with intellectual education, can socialism be consolidated and developed. In short, for Lenin, socialist schools are not only places for imparting knowledge but also vital fronts for value guidance and ideological dissemination, and platforms for reinforcing new social customs.
IV. Persist in systems thinking to scientifically coordinate the practical layout of socialist moral education.
Socialist moral education is not a unidimensional or linear process; it is a complex, multidimensional social systems engineering project involving various task requirements. Upholding systems thinking and scientifically coordinating the practical layout—achieving a multi-pronged approach with efforts from all sides—constitutes a distinctive feature of Lenin’s thought on socialist moral education.
First, take youth as the strategic pivot. Youth represent the future; they are the main force in building communism and the reserve force for socialist moral education. Without strengthening the moral cultivation of the new generation, the goals of socialist moral education cannot be achieved. Based on this, Lenin took youth as the strategic pivot and issued a call to learn communism.
One aspect was mobilizing youth to study communist culture. Lenin pointed out that "a communist society cannot be built in an illiterate country," because as long as illiteracy persists, political education is hardly possible, and "one can become a Communist only when one enriches one's mind with a knowledge of all the treasures created by mankind." In his view, communism arises from the sum total of human knowledge. Only by fully absorbing the beneficial knowledge of human society—and opposing the "old schools" characterized by "rote learning" [8] and serving bourgeois interests—while being adept at selecting what is necessary for communism, can socialism and its moral education possess the necessary conditions. He also noted that the procrastination and corruption of the old society were "maladies that no military victory or political reform can cure," and could only be healed by raising the cultural level. Only by ensuring the youth constantly study communist culture and eliminate illiteracy can the cause of socialist moral education have successors and move forward effectively.
Another aspect was insisting on the combination of youth cultivation and the struggle against exploitation. Lenin believed that the total disconnection between books and practical life was "one of the greatest evils left to us by the old capitalist society" and a defect of old bourgeois morality. "It would be extremely incorrect to grasp the discourse on communism solely from books"; without work and struggle, such book knowledge is "virtually worthless." Communist morality is essentially a morality against exploiters and against egoistic psychology and values; the "entire morality" of communists "lies in this united discipline and the conscious mass struggle against the exploiters." Struggling to consolidate and advance the communist cause is both the foundation of communist morality and the basis for the communist training and education of youth. Cultivating communist youth is by no means simply instilling various beautiful words and maxims about morality, but rather integrating their training with the laborers' ongoing struggle against old-society exploitation. Only thus can the defects of bourgeois morality be overcome.
Second, take the advancement of education in communist ideals and convictions as the practical starting point. In Lenin's view, communist ideals and convictions are not only the emotional support, volitional guarantee, and ideological impetus for the masses to build socialism and communism but also the solid spiritual safeguard for encouraging them to identify with socialist moral requirements. In Marxist theory, as socialism is the first stage of communism and communism is the inevitable trend of socialist development, the Party can only obtain strong momentum and ideological protection for moral education by cultivating the masses' communist ideals, ensuring they establish emotional ties, value identification, and conscious action for communism.
To this end, Lenin first emphasized making the masses recognize the long-term nature of achieving communism. He believed that in a country with backward economy and culture like Russia, eliminating classes and achieving communism could not be completed in the short term. While ousting the Tsar took only days, and ousting landlords and capitalists was not overly difficult, "the elimination of classes is incomparably more difficult." Although a socialist regime was established after the October Revolution, "people do not become saints because a revolution has occurred," and "there is no Great Wall [9] between the working class and the old bourgeois society." The workers building the new society have not yet become "new people" and have not cleared away the "muck of the old world"; the fact is they are "standing knee-deep in this muck." People's ideological and moral quality still retains deep traces of the old society, leaving a gap between them and communist requirements. Therefore, attempting to realize now what can only be achieved when communism is fully developed is "like asking a four-year-old child to learn higher mathematics." Furthermore, twists and turns are unavoidable; the notion that "world history moves forward smoothly and step-by-step without occasional massive leaps backward" is "undialectical, unscientific, and theoretically incorrect." Only by making the masses recognize this long-term and tortuous nature—and preparing them for a long-term struggle against old ideas—can moral education steadily advance.
The second aspect was making the masses firm in the inevitability of achieving communism. Although the process is long and mistakes are inevitable, the trend toward communism is unalterable. Only when the masses recognize and identify with this inevitability can moral education gain solid support. During the period of socialist revolution, Lenin emphasized that despite the grim situation, "we have every reason to look toward the future with the utmost firmness and confidence." After the October Revolution, despite internal and external challenges, he firmly believed communism was not a remote prospect, and Party members should set a benchmark for the masses. As he said, "Communists should know that the future, after all, belongs to them." Building socialism must not be "frightened by the immense difficulties and the errors that are inevitable at the start of a most difficult undertaking." Anyone who fears difficulties or falls into despair and panic "is no socialist." He repeatedly stressed that the proletarian masses must remain energetic and confident, maintaining historical enthusiasm to "perform miracles on the peaceful labor front, just as the Red Army did on the bloody front against the imperialists" to "prove that we are equal to the tasks we have undertaken." By fostering communist ideals and convictions to build emotional and volitional support, he aided the development of socialist moral education.
Third, taking discipline construction as a strategic guarantee. Lenin proposed: "The feudal organization of social labor rested on the discipline of the bludgeon, while the working people, robbed and tyrannized by a handful of landowners, were utterly ignorant and downtrodden. The capitalist organization of social labor rested on the discipline of hunger, and all the progress of bourgeois culture and bourgeois democracy notwithstanding, the vast mass of the working people in the most advanced, civilized and democratic republics remained an ignorant and downtrodden mass of wage-slaves or oppressed peasants, robbed and tyrannized by a handful of capitalists. The communist organization of social labor, the first step towards which is socialism, rests, and will rest more and more as time goes on, on the free and conscious discipline of the working people themselves who have thrown off the yoke of both landowners and capitalists." Communist discipline is something that "grows out of the material conditions of large-scale capitalist production"; its essence is an organizational discipline of trust in the workers and poor peasants, a comradely discipline, a discipline of profound respect for the individual, and a discipline that exerts initiative and originality in struggle. Lenin pointed out that the whole of morality for a socialist consists of this united, disciplined, and conscious mass struggle against the exploiters, as well as setting an educated and disciplined example in that struggle. To advance socialist moral education, one must necessarily take the promotion of socialist discipline construction as strategic support, focusing on the construction of the following forms of discipline:
First, actively constructing comradely discipline. Lenin believed that building socialism in a country like Russia—where workers lacked management experience and there was a relative shortage of scientific and technical talent—could not be achieved by force alone; it also required the use of bourgeois talent and experts. Only if the proletariat is organized, disciplined, and possesses prestige can it "subordinate all bourgeois experts to itself and enlist them in its work." By establishing comradely discipline with these experts, the proletariat expands its influence over all others, making them realize that a return to the old society is impossible and that working with the Communists is the only way out. Only then can an environment be created where bourgeois experts and the common masses labor together, the old psychology and habits of bourgeois experts be transformed, and the emotional foundation for socialist moral education be solidified.
Second, establishing labor discipline. Lenin believed that in the construction of socialism, "neither railroads, nor transport, nor large machinery and enterprises can function correctly if there is no unity of will to combine all the laborers into a single economic organ that works with the precision of clockwork." Accordingly, he pointed out: "Socialism is the product of large-scale machine industry. If the laboring masses who are realizing socialism cannot make their various institutions function as large-scale machine industry ought to function, then there can be no talk of realizing socialism." It can be said that for Lenin, only through the constraint and guidance of labor discipline can the spontaneous forces and labor habits of the bourgeoisie and petty bourgeoisie—characterized by dissipation, laxity, and "each for himself" [10]—be overcome, thereby achieving the close cooperation and concerted action of the laboring masses required by the development of large-scale industry. Advancing the construction of labor discipline is naturally an inherent part of advancing the practice of socialist moral education. In the early days of Soviet power, Lenin argued: "The corrupting influence of high salaries is beyond dispute—both on the Soviet authorities (especially since the dramatic transformation was bound to attract a certain number of adventurers and swindlers who, together with the incompetent or unscrupulous among the various commissars, would be glad to become 'stars'—stars in the art of embezzling public funds) and on the mass of the workers. But every thinking and honest worker and poor peasant will agree with us and will realize that we cannot rid ourselves of the evils of capitalism at one stroke; the only way to rid the Soviet Republic of the 'tribute' of 50 million or 100 million rubles (a tribute paid for our own backwardness in organizing nation-wide accounting and control from below) is to organize, to tighten up discipline in our own ranks, and to purge our ranks of all those who 'preserve the capitalist legacy' and 'cling to capitalist traditions'—that is, of all shirkers, parasites, and embezzlers of public funds (now all land, all factories, and all railways are the 'public funds' of the Soviet Republic)." In this sense, constructing robust labor discipline is undoubtedly an effective way to strengthen socialist moral norms and an important link in reinforcing the cornerstone of socialist moral educational practice.
Third, establishing iron party discipline. Lenin pointed out that in a country with a backward economy and culture like Russia, the small commodity producers "cannot be driven out or crushed; we must live in harmony with them; they can (and must) be remolded and re-educated only by very prolonged, slow, and cautious organizational work." However, the spontaneous forces embedded within the bourgeoisie and small commodity producers—which are fundamentally antithetical to proletarian discipline and socialist requirements, especially the habits, inclinations, and sentiments of the small proprietor—will inevitably persist or even run rampant for a period. These forces "operate from within, utilizing every harmful element and every weakness for bribery, and to foster indiscipline, laxity, and chaos," manifesting directly or indirectly in social life and threatening the Party and socialist construction. Therefore, only by giving full play to iron party discipline can the proletariat restrain and eliminate the old bourgeois morals and habits within the Party, defend the socialist cause, and provide a solid organizational defensive line for advancing the process of socialist moral education.
Fourth, taking the promotion of communist labor education as the practical mainstay. In Lenin’s view, labor is the key channel through which people perceive and experience specific productive and social relations. It is also an important channel for people to become familiar with social norms and standards within a given labor atmosphere, and to adjust their self-perception and behavioral habits. Labor itself contains rich implicit moral requirements and serves as the practical mainstay for carrying out socialist moral education. He believed that "Communist labor... is labor performed gratis for the benefit of society... it is labor performed without a quota set by any authority or state; it is voluntary labor, labor without expectation of reward... labor performed out of a habit of working for the common good, and out of a conscious realization (which has become a habit) of the necessity of working for the common good." It is not for personal private gain, but a selfless dedication to society and the collective. This is the basic requirement of communist morality and the goal-orientation of socialist moral education. "Communist Subbotniks" [11] are the typical form of communist labor, characterized by a disregard for personal gain, courage in self-sacrifice, and self-dedication. Such labor can fully realize the goal where "the product does not go to the laborer himself or to his 'near' kin, but to his 'distant' kin, i.e., to society as a whole." This is not only the "beginning of communism" but also "communism in actual reality" and an important guarantee of the invincibility of communism. It not only reflects the spirit of communist labor but also provides an invaluable practical window for the broad masses to internalize communist life habits, morals, and labor styles. It is quite naturally an important channel for socialist moral education.
V. Adhering to Scientific Guidance and Strengthening the Political Leadership and Organizational Exemplarity of the Communist Party
The cause of socialist moral education is a long-term, complex, and systematic strategic project that directly concerns the future and destiny of socialism. Its steady progress cannot be achieved without a "central hub" capable of overseeing the whole situation, coordinating all parties, setting the direction, managing the overall picture, rallying the people, consolidating strength, and establishing an image. In Lenin’s view, this central hub is the Communist Party. Adhering to the scientific leadership of the Communist Party is both the political prerequisite and organizational mainstay for successfully advancing socialist moral education, as well as the directional guarantee and vanguard exemplar for effectively promoting this education.
Lenin believed that the Communist Party is the vanguard formed by the most conscious, advanced, and active part of the working class. Only the Communist Party can achieve the unity, education, and organization of the vanguard of the proletariat and all laboring masses; only it can resist the inevitable petty-bourgeois vacillation among these masses, as well as the inevitable recurrence of professional narrow-mindedness or professional prejudices, traditions, and vices among the proletariat. Only the Party can achieve leadership over all united actions of the entire proletariat, unify will and action, coordinate all forces, and ensure that socialist moral education advances effectively along the correct direction. To "incorrectly understand the role of the Communist Party in relation to the non-party proletariat, and the role of the Communist Party and the non-party proletariat in relation to the whole mass of working people, is a fundamental theoretical departure from communism." Therefore, when discussing work and organizational construction, one must never ignore the question of recognizing the Party’s leading role. Especially on educational issues, including socialist moral education, Lenin emphasized that the Chief Committee for Political Education, as an important institution for national education, must place the open recognition of the Communist Party’s political leadership first in its work. For Lenin, the Communist Party is a party that takes the realization of communism as its goal; it possesses incomparable advancement and is itself a banner of socialism and communism. Whether the Party can maintain its own advancement not only directly affects whether its vanguard role can be realized and its organizational guidance functions manifested—or whether the broad masses can identify with socialist images, values, and goals—but also concerns the fundamental question of whether the Party can use the brilliant image, advanced thoughts, and model actions of socialism to influence, lead, and create a good social atmosphere, thereby providing exemplary security for socialist moral education.
To maintain the advancement of the Communist Party in order to advance socialist moral education, one must first strictly control party entry. In Lenin’s view, strictly controlling party entry is the first step in forging a strong party organization. Only those who truly support socialism and communism, who are truly loyal to the workers' state, honest laborers, and the genuine representatives of the masses who suffered oppression in capitalist society, are the true source of Communist Party members. Only by doing one’s utmost to absorb all the best elements of the industrial and agricultural masses into the Party can one prevent careerists, sycophants, and opportunists from infiltrating the Party and tarnishing its image of advancement. That is to say, only by maintaining the Party’s own vanguard nature can a reliable and strong organizational guarantee be provided for socialist moral education. Second, emphasis must be placed on the purging of unqualified personnel within the Party. Lenin pointed out that Communist Party members should be the vanguard of the proletariat, and as for "those who are members in name only, we would not take them even for free." The Communist Party is a "ruling party relying on a healthy and powerful advanced class, and must be adept at purging its own ranks." Only by being adept at purging the Party’s ranks can the Party become a "class vanguard much stronger than before," a "vanguard more closely linked with its class, and more capable of leading that class to victory amidst grave difficulties and dangers." If those members who propagate anti-party views are not purged, the Party will inevitably disintegrate—first ideologically and then materially—gravely endangering the Party’s development. Therefore, to maintain the advanced image of the Communist Party, it is necessary to clear out the deceivers, the bureaucratized elements, the disloyal, and the wavering members, as well as those Mensheviks who have "changed their facade" but remain the same at heart. This maintains the Party’s advanced exemplarity and lays a solid foundation of ideological identity for enhancing the image of socialism and advancing socialist moral education. Third, emphasis must be placed on improving the quality and capability of party members. Lenin believed that the advancement of the Communist Party is embodied in the advancement of its members. Maintaining the Party’s advancement must begin with improving the advancement of the members themselves, especially by taking learning as an important mission for members. In view of this, he not only issued the important proposal that the task of party members in renovating the state apparatus is "firstly, to study; secondly, to study; and thirdly, to study," but also took maintaining the Party's solidity, firmness, and purity, and elevating the title and role of the party member as key tasks. He advocated that members should go to the front lines of production and participate in social production practices such as "Communist Subbotniks" to forge the capabilities and will of the party vanguard. This highlights the vanguard image of the Communist Party and the leading role of the advanced organization, thereby ensuring that socialist moral education advances along the correct direction.
In summary, Lenin’s thoughts on socialist moral education are systematic and profound. Although they inevitably bear a distinct Russian color and the imprint of their era, they reveal the general requirements, thinking methods, and points of action for advancing socialist moral education in countries with backward economies and cultures. They contain rich contemporary enlightenment and are of great theoretical and practical significance for our comprehensive understanding of the profound connotations and goal requirements for "cultivating the new person of the socialist era," enhancing the theoretical confidence and consciousness of China’s socialist moral education, advancing the cultivation of the "person of the era" and the construction of civic morality in the New Era, and achieving the goal of becoming a powerful socialist modernized country in education.
Web Editor: Tong Xin Source: Socialist Core Values Research, Issue 2, 2023