Marxism Research Network
Unofficial English Translation

Yang Xiuwen and Wang Shaoxing: The First International and the Historical Origins of Socialist Parties' Foreign Relations

Marxism Abroad

The historical origin of inter-party external relations is a foundational topic in the theoretical study of party diplomacy, yet it remains a significantly underdeveloped and highly controversial research issue. Existing scholarship and representative viewpoints primarily focus on three perspectives: Some scholars argue that "'party diplomacy' can be traced back to the periods of the First and Second Internationals, where the international union of proletarian parties is seen as the 'embryo of party diplomacy.'" Other scholars contend that it was only with the occurrence of the Russian October Revolution, and particularly the founding of the Third International in March 1919, that party diplomacy in its true sense emerged. Still, other scholars believe that before 1919, Communist parties in various countries—excluding the Communist Party of the Soviet Union—lacked domestic legality, and their external activities did not represent the will of the state; in this sense, "tracing the origins of party diplomacy to the Comintern [1] or even earlier is clearly inappropriate." It should be said that the academic efforts to trace the historical genesis and significance of party diplomacy are of positive significance. At the same time, the marked differences between these viewpoints reflect the current academic deficiencies in foundational research concerning the overlap and divergence between "party diplomacy" and "inter-party external relations," as well as the typological understanding of inter-party external relations.

In fact, the "creators" of the political phenomenon of inter-party external relations "were initially not bourgeois parties, but proletarian parties." It can be said that it originated from and developed through socialist parties, "gradually growing on the foundation of the international communist movement." Viewed historically, the epochal appearance of the International Workingmen’s Association (hereafter referred to as the "First International") in 1864, and its international union of the proletarian party-type, represents the historical origin of the external relations of socialist parties. It took scientific socialism as its theoretical guide, the liberation of the working class as its goal, the construction of a proletarian party distinct from all old parties as its organizational vehicle, the solidarity and union of proletarian parties as its organizational principle, and the seizure of political power as its great mission. Through rich practical innovations, it continuously promoted the accumulation of empirical materials for the external relations of socialist parties within the world socialist movement. Based on a typological understanding of socialist party politics, establishing the scientific connotation, value dimensions, and generative mechanisms of socialist party external relations—while summarizing the theoretical views and historical legacy of the First International’s external relations based on its practical exploration of proletarian international union—not only helps deepen and advance foundational theoretical research on party diplomacy and enriches the innovative setting of issues in socialist party politics, but also provides the necessary theoretical resources and "knowledge increment" for constructing the party diplomacy theory of the Communist Party of China, continuously enhancing the contribution of the CPC’s party diplomacy practice.

I. Socialist Party External Relations: A Typological Understanding Based on Socialist Party Politics

The generation of concepts is a basic dimension of knowledge production and theoretical innovation in socialist party politics, primarily involving two paths: theoretical and empirical. "Theoretical generation" aims to reveal the connotation and extension of a specific concept and its similarities and differences with related categories; "empirical generation" intends to explore the practical mechanisms of conceptual creation from empirical facts.

(1) "Inter-party external relations" and "party diplomacy" are two important categories that are both antithetical and interrelated. Clarifying their overlaps and differences is the primary prerequisite for establishing the scientific connotation of socialist party external relations.

Generally speaking, inter-party external relations refer to the practical form of external activities conducted by a political party centered on its own development and the realization of its values before it has taken the reins of state power. A related concept is party diplomacy, which refers to the value concepts, policy propositions, and practical activities upheld by the ruling party of a sovereign state. It uses inter-party consultation and cooperation to promote inter-state coordination and cooperation, primarily targeting ruling parties, opposition parties, or international party organizations in other countries, in the process of maintaining the party’s governing security and realizing national interests and the common interests of humanity. The point of convergence between the two lies in the fact that both refer to the international exchange behaviors of political parties; both manifest the trend of party internationalization against the background of the era of party politics; both mark the international demonstration of party capacity and the international exercise of the party’s role; and both reveal the natural requirement and inevitable result of the development of party politics.

The divergences are mainly manifested in three points. First, regarding the status of the subject: party diplomacy possesses the legal qualification to represent the will of the state and state power, achieving the organic integration of the ruling party’s consciousness and the state’s will, and promoting the dynamic alignment of party power, popular rights, and state power; inter-party external relations, conversely, are a self-expression of the party’s consciousness and do not possess the political right to represent state power. This is the most fundamental difference. Second, regarding the historical dimension: holding political power is the necessary path for inter-party external relations to achieve a value leap and morphological transformation into party diplomacy. That is to say, using the possession of state power as the marker, the external activities carried out by a party before it governs are called "inter-party external relations," while the external practices carried out after it becomes a ruling party can be called "party diplomacy." Correspondingly, inter-party external relations take the pursuit of the party’s own rights to exist and develop, the realization of party interests, and the acquisition of state power as their core content. Party diplomacy takes the maintenance of its own governing status, the construction of state power, and the promotion of state-to-state relations as its core content. Third, regarding the logic of development: inter-party external relations are the logical premise and necessary preparation for party diplomacy, while party diplomacy is the qualitative reconstruction and inevitable result of inter-party external relations.

(2) Socialist Party External Relations: Scientific Connotation and Value Dimensions

As a typological expression and organic component of socialist party politics, socialist party external relations are the practical form of external activities carried out by a Marxist party before it has taken the reins of state power, centered on its own development and value realization; it is the concrete expression of Marxist party consciousness in external practice. From the perspective of value orientation, "striving for the liberation of the working class" is the fundamental purpose and core essence of socialist party external relations. It reflects the general expression of the socialist party regarding "the actual relations of an existing class struggle, of a historical movement going on under our very eyes," and indicates that a socialist party should not become the tail of any bourgeois party, but should become an independent party with its own aims and politics—namely, "working-class politics." From the perspective of practical requirements, "uniting the various movements that are still scattered," relying on the strength of "solidarity and union" of the labor movement in each country, and using the fraternal alliance of the workers of various countries to counter the fraternal alliance of the bourgeoisie of various countries, are the principles that socialist party external relations must follow to achieve their mission. From the perspective of evaluation criteria, in the process of "everywhere laboring for the union and agreement of the democratic parties of all countries," socialist party external relations focus on alleviating the poverty of the working class, improving their lives, and safeguarding their rights. In other words, socialist parties must take the "expression of the conditions for the liberation of the working class" as the starting point and goal of their external relations, always "standing at the forefront of the only resolutely revolutionary class, the proletariat," always standing at the frontline of overcoming difficulties, and always standing among the masses. They must take the representation of the interests of the entire proletariat and the various development stages of the entire proletarian revolutionary movement as the important rationale and value metric for measuring the effectiveness and level of their own external relations.

(3) The Generative Mechanism of Socialist Party External Relations

The thought of Marx and Engels on inter-party relations established the theoretical foundation for the conduct of socialist party external relations. This body of thought is a system of knowledge and a mechanism for the realization of socialist party external relations. It consists of the theoretical viewpoints and action strategies formed by Marx and Engels as they profoundly revealed the cruelty and international nature of the rule of capital, led the working class in safeguarding its own interests and democratic rights, and developed the scientific vision of how the working class could "combine by organization and be led by knowledge" to ultimately achieve "the economic emancipation of the working class through the winning of political power." Marx and Engels' discourses on the international nature of the rule of capital express the objective conditions for the emergence of socialist party external relations; their discourses on the oppression suffered by the working class in European countries contain the subjective aspects of this emergence; their discourses on the international nature of the proletarian liberation struggle reflect the main content of these relations; and their discourses on the great mission of the proletariat reveal the goal pursuit of socialist party external relations.

Socialist party politics, which began in the mid-19th century, is the logical premise for the emergence of socialist party external relations. As an important political process and practical form within a new type of human political civilization, socialist party politics "originated from the historical process of social transformation and the internationalization of the European labor political movement against the backdrop of the mid-19th century European capitalist crisis. It started with 'the first step in the revolution by the working class is to raise the proletariat to the position of ruling class to win the battle of democracy,' and developed through the value pursuit of achieving immense material wealth, a greatly elevated spiritual realm for the people, and the free and comprehensive development of every individual." Regarding its basic content, it primarily includes internal party politics, inter-party politics, party-state politics, party-society politics, and inter-party external relations or party diplomacy, all centered on the party's own development and value realization. Among these, inter-party external relations or party diplomacy answer the question of the "international expression" of party values. Socialist party politics is the logical premise for the generation of socialist party external relations, while socialist party external relations are the objective requirement and logical necessity of the development of socialist party politics. Therefore, the level of maturity and systemization of socialist party politics fundamentally determines the quality, historical height, and degree of scientific rigor that the theory and practice of socialist party external relations can achieve.

The sharp contradiction between the "increase in wealth" of the European bourgeoisie and the "intensified poverty" of the working class is the social root of the emergence of socialist party external relations. With the industrial development and trade expansion of European society in the 1850s and 60s, the poverty and class oppression suffered by workers did not decrease but grew more severe. "These economic facts formed the basis for the generation of modern class antagonisms; these class antagonisms, in countries where they have reached full development due to large-scale industry, and especially in England, are in turn the basis for the formation of political parties, the basis of party struggles, and thus the basis of all political history." This foundation historically endowed the working-class movement with a new practical self-awareness: they "must be carried out generally through the establishment and union of trade unions of all countries," to strive for equal rights and duties, achieve the liberation of proletarian labor, and ultimately complete "the transformation of the overall state of society." This was "the secret of success" for the emergence of socialist party external relations.

The establishment of proletarian parties and their international union activities provided the organizational conditions for the emergence of socialist party external relations. Viewed historically, the establishment of the Communist League in 1847 provided, to a certain extent, a strong organizational impetus for the working class of all countries in their struggle against the bourgeoisie. Although after the failure of the 1848 revolutions, "all the party organizations and party organs of the working class on the Continent were crushed by the iron hand of force," the act of "organizing the proletarians into a class, and thus into a political party," had already been integrated as a vital element and scientific gene of the working class. Particularly in the struggle against Bakuninism [2], an important experience gained by the proletariat was that "to rid the workers of this domination by the old parties, the best way is to establish a proletarian party in every country." At the end of the 19th century, as the labor movements in Europe and America continued to develop and Marxism spread widely, working-class parties in many countries sprang up like mushrooms, laying a solid organizational foundation for the realization of the great "international united action."

II. The International Union of the Proletarian Party-Type in the First International and the Practical Exploration of Socialist Party External Relations

As the first international union of the proletariat in human history, the First International possessed distinct party attributes. This was mainly reflected in its political characteristics, such as having a scientific guiding ideology, a complete political program, systematic organizational statutes, clear value orientations, and actual leadership of the organization. In the process of political creation centered on its own development and value realization, it signaled the historical appearance of socialist party politics, endowed the international union of proletarian parties with a new practical form, and opened the historical prologue to the external relations of socialist parties.

  1. The First International’s practice of providing solidarity and support for the national liberation and revolutionary struggles of oppressed peoples enriched and expanded the content and influence of the foreign exchanges of socialist parties.

Providing broad support for the strike movements of the working classes in European countries was a primary task for the international union of proletarian parties within the First International. From the Geneva Congress to the Basel Congress, the most prominent characteristic of the First International’s struggle was that as the bourgeoisie’s attacks on workers became heavier, more widespread, and more frenzied, the resistance of the entire working class became more consistent, united, and irrepressible. The successive outbreaks of strike movements by workers in many European countries became a political struggle for the recognition of their organizational principles. This struggle served not only as a test for all organized labor forces but also as a powerful integration of the First International parties’ capacity for foreign exchange. To this end, Marx proposed that the First International "is performing a special function, namely, that of counteracting the intrigues of the capitalists, who are always ready, in cases of strikes and lockouts, to misuse the foreign worker as a tool against the native worker." Guided by this spirit, the various congresses of the First International not only placed support for workers' strikes on the main agenda but also continuously dispatched representatives to labor among the working masses of various countries to conduct field investigations and raise funds for assistance. They called upon all honest men and women of the working class in the civilized world to provide moral and material support for the workers' just struggle against the tyranny of capital. During this period, the First International’s practice of supporting workers' strikes allowed "the ruling powers of the Old World to feel the sting of a young and hitherto unprecedentedly great force," enriched the content of the foreign exchanges of socialist parties, and enhanced their international prestige and influence.

The International resolutely supported national liberation struggles and political movements of workers striving for democratic rights. During their leadership of the First International, Marx and Engels always regarded supporting national independence and liberation as an important task for the International. They believed that "without restoring the independence and unity of each nation, it is impossible to have either an international union of the proletariat or the harmonious and conscious cooperation of the nations to achieve common goals." Without national unity, national existence is merely an illusion. Furthermore, the First International itself was a product of British workers’ solidarity with the Polish people’s uprising against the oppression of Tsarist Russia. Therefore, the First International called upon the working classes of all countries to take an internationalist stand and resolutely support the Polish national liberation movement and the Irish people's anti-British patriotic movement. It can be said that the victory of the proletariat over the bourgeoisie is the signal for the liberation of all oppressed nations. Although some movements ultimately ended in failure, they still powerfully struck at the reactionary rule of the bourgeoisie and promoted the political movement of the working class for democratic rights.

The International actively expressed solidarity with and supported the revolution of the Paris Commune. As the "spiritual child" of the First International, the General Council of the First International always closely monitored the latest developments of the revolution. During the Commune revolution, the International actively established contact with Auguste Serraillier [3] and others to understand the situation in Paris, communicate the spirit of the First International, and call upon branches, committees, and the broad masses of workers to actively support the Commune movement. Consequently, the Commune revolution received "the jubilant solidarity of the entire international proletariat." After the failure of the revolution, in the face of enemy persecution and an "encirclement and suppression" by public opinion, Marx led the First International in helping revolutionaries evade persecution, raising funds for assistance, and locating contact points and housing, striving to defend the political legacy of the Commune’s cause. Although the Paris Commune existed for only 72 days, the Commune revolution used the spirit of internationalism to coalesce the international union of the First International's proletarian parties—a "fighting organization of the association aimed at the emancipation of labor and the abolition of national disputes." In this sense, it not only shaped and gathered the practical forces of the various branches of the International and the international union of proletarian parties in various countries, but also cultivated the vital value and spiritual quality of the foreign exchanges of socialist parties through the "civilizational integration" of proletarian internationalism.

  1. The First International guaranteed the rights of the working class and its political organizations to maintain independence and autonomy in ideology, organization, and action, embodying the requisite demands for the foreign exchanges of socialist parties.

The General Rules of the International Workingmen's Association (hereafter "the Rules") of the First International granted the working class and its political organizations the legal right to independence and autonomy. First, it stipulated the right to organizational independence and autonomy for member organizations of the International. Its members could "at the same time as they form a permanent alliance for close cooperation with each other, completely preserve their own original organizations." Second, it clarified the right to ideological independence and autonomy for members of the First International. On the premise of not violating the general direction of the Association, the First International "allowed each branch to be responsible for its own program" and "permitted each branch to hold its own theoretical views on the practical movement." Finally, it elucidated the right to operational independence and autonomy for members of the International. The First International "possessed a special organizational structure that gave each national or local federation full freedom of action"; it did not prescribe specific forms for the political movements of workers in various countries, nor did it require that the international union be identical in every minor detail. It should be said that the Rules "recognized the natural rights of political parties through legal procedures and clarified them in the form of articles," thereby forming the legal rights for the foreign exchanges of socialist parties. It fundamentally revealed the basic connotations of what socialist parties should possess or enjoy in their foreign exchanges, and how they should possess or enjoy them.

The widespread establishment of Socialist and Workers' parties in Europe and America during the latter period of the First International, as well as the surge in international joint actions of proletarian parties, were the practical results of the workers' parties of various countries fully exercising their rights to independence and autonomy. For a long time, the First International performed extensive work to establish socialist parties in various countries. In the 1870s and 1880s, the first batch of socialist parties and organizations were generally established across Europe and America, actively undertaking the political mission of achieving national independence and liberation in their respective countries. Although the organizational form of the First International could no longer meet the needs of the developing proletarian revolutionary movement, its inherent content—such as class consciousness, class struggle, and political organization—had already become the common property of the proletariat in all countries; this constitutes the merit of the First International. Moreover, "Germany is the country where the political organization of the working class was organized into a party in an exemplary form and established trade union organizations closely linked to the party; meanwhile, the active and fruitful development of the working-class party in Germany also served as a model." This indicates that under the new historical conditions where the international union of proletarian parties had achieved great development, the workers' parties of each country should give a revolutionary response consistent with their own reality to the historical task of achieving national liberation based on the established historical scene of their own activities. Independently exploring the revolutionary path is the fundamental manifestation of the right to independence and autonomy for socialist parties.

Based on these historical facts, the international union of proletarian parties never replaces the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat in each country. "International union can only exist between nations; therefore, the existence of these nations and their autonomy and independence in internal affairs are included in the concept of internationalism itself." It can be said that the independence and autonomy of the proletarian parties of each country is the logical premise for achieving the international union of proletarian parties. "The foundation and source of strength of the international union of the proletariat lie in the independent activities of the proletariat of each country." Together, these two elements constitute the interactive logic of "value integration and practical coupling" between "independence and autonomy" and "international union" in the foreign exchanges of socialist parties.

  1. The principles observed by the First International in formulating revolutionary programs and handling relations between individual proletarian members and sectarian interest groups highlight the strategic flexibility of socialist parties in managing foreign exchange relations.

The formulation of the First International's revolutionary program followed the strategy of being "firm in substance, but mild in form." When drafting and formulating the programs and rules of the First International, Marx proceeded from the reality of the European working-class movement and the complexity of the First International's membership at that time. He believed that the purpose of the First International was to unite the working classes of Europe and America into a single great army. The International had to have a "program that would not shut the door on the British Trade Unions, the French, Belgian, Italian, and Spanish Proudhonists, or the German Lassalleans." Therefore, the formulation of the Rules had to adopt the strategy of being "firm in substance, but mild in form," and "express our views in a form acceptable to the current level of the workers' movement." Every effort was made to avoid the Association splitting into theoretical bourgeois elements and proletarian elements, ultimately allowing "socialism to develop from small sects into a powerful party that made the entire official world tremble."

In handling relations between various internal proletarian members, the First International adhered to the strategy of "unity and sincere criticism." The subjects of the First International’s international union of proletarian parties consisted mainly of individual socialists, socialist schools of thought, trade union organizations, and proletarian parties. As different practical forms of the workers' movement, although their theoretical views and practical strategies differed, these subjects more or less expressed the common desire of the working class for liberation. Therefore, when facing differences, the First International consistently adhered to the strategy of "unity and sincere criticism," proposing that "every member of the International Association, on moving from one country to another, should receive the fraternal assistance of the associated working men." At the same time, the unity of the proletariat of various countries does not exclude mutual criticism. Without such criticism, unity cannot be achieved. Without criticism, there can be no mutual understanding, and thus unity is out of the question. It can be said that every development of the First International's party-based international union and the foreign exchange practices of socialist parties was always achieved through "unity-criticism" regardless of the location.

In handling relations with groups seeking sectarian interests, the First International adopted the policy of "tit-for-tat, public exposure, resolute struggle, and thorough strike." As the First International grew in strength, divisive conspiratorial activities emerged from Proudhonism, Trade Unionism, Bakuninism, and their sectarian groups, causing "the International to undergo a crisis it has never experienced since its founding." Marx and Engels believed that "to deal with all these intrigues, there is only one way, but it is one of devastating power: this is to make them completely public. To expose these intrigues from beginning to end is to deprive them of any power." Guided by this principle, the Marxists of the First International engaged in fierce struggles with the aforementioned divisive forces over issues such as national liberation struggles, leadership of the First International, and the path and goals of working-class emancipation. They refuted the reformist ideas, bourgeois positions, and chauvinistic errors of the sectarian groups, elucidated the great significance of proletarian revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat for the cause of proletarian liberation, smashed the divisive forces and their plots, and maintained to the greatest extent the unity of the international workers' movement and the international union of proletarian parties.

  1. In the struggle against the power politics of European imperialist powers vying for world hegemony and spheres of influence, the First International practiced the principles of international peace and justice in the foreign exchanges of socialist parties.

In the resolute struggle against the colonial plunder of vast backward countries and regions by developed capitalist countries, the international union of proletarian parties in the First International consistently upheld the theoretical view that "abolishing military rule is a necessary prerequisite for the common liberation of the European proletariat." It vigorously advocated for the principles of international peace and justice, making great contributions to promoting national liberation struggles and colonial independence movements. This fundamentally provided the basic value positioning of peace and justice for the foreign exchanges of socialist parties.

The First International held multiple meetings to clarify its stance against imperialist war and its commitment to international peace. In September 1866, the Geneva Congress advocated for eliminating Russia's reactionary influence in Europe through the exercise of the right to national self-determination. In September 1867, the Lausanne Congress discussed and adopted a resolution on "the attitude of the proletariat toward war," elucidating the First International's fundamental position on conflict. In 1868, the Brussels Congress defined the standpoint the working class should adopt in the event of war breaking out. Following the outbreak of the Franco-Prussian War in 1870, the First International published the "First Address of the General Council of the International Working Men’s Association on the Franco-Prussian War" and the "Second Address," clarifying that the war was provoked by the ruling classes of both France and Prussia for the purposes of European hegemony and the suppression of domestic revolutionary movements. These two addresses pointed out that the proletariat must distinguish between the natures of different wars, support just wars, and oppose hegemonism and colonial plunder, issuing the slogan: "the alliance of the working classes of all countries will ultimately kill out war." These varied revolutionary activities enriched the practical materials of the foreign exchanges of socialist parties, demonstrated the immense power of the international union of proletarian parties under the First International, and enhanced the prestige of socialist parties among the working masses of all nations, leading to a rapid elevation of the international influence of socialist party foreign exchanges.

III. Theoretical Perspectives and Historical Legacy of the Foreign Exchanges of Socialist Parties of the First International

The practice of foreign exchanges by the socialist parties of the First International was the result of the historical collective force of European social, political, economic, cultural, and organizational factors in the mid-19th century. It was the practical manifestation of the Marxist theory of inter-party relations under specific spatial and temporal conditions, and a political phenomenon arising from the development of social productive forces and the evolution of social modernization to a certain stage. Although its level of growth and degree of development were constrained by the limitations of the spatial and temporal field of that era—manifesting a clear state of immaturity and tentativeness—the theoretical perspectives and historical legacy it nurtured and crystallized possess foundational significance for the innovative development of socialist party foreign exchanges and even the party-led diplomacy of socialist states.

(1) The foreign exchanges of the socialist parties of the First International arose based on the value pursuit of the labor liberation and economic liberation of the working class, and developed for the value realization of the thorough liberation and all-around development of the human person, fundamentally establishing the moral and value high ground of socialist party foreign exchanges.

From the First International’s foundation of member relations on "acknowledging truth, justice, and morality," to the great goal of achieving "labor liberation" and "economic liberation," and further to ensuring that private relations and relations between nations observe "simple laws of morals and justice," finally culminating in the call for "Workers of the world, unite!", every aspect demonstrates the people-centered core value of socialist party foreign exchanges. It arose to achieve the thorough liberation of man, grew alongside the all-around development of man, and, after the seizure of political power, manifested as a new and higher form: "party-led diplomacy of the socialist state." Ultimately, it will inevitably exit the stage of history upon the realization of humanity’s ultimate values. This is the logical progression of the unification of value rationality, practical rationality, and instrumental rationality in socialist party foreign exchanges.

The practical activities of socialist party foreign exchanges are a process of the coordinated development of self-revolution, political revolution, and social revolution, led by the proletariat and its broad allies to realize their own value and the all-around development of man. The class nature and advanced nature of socialist parties fundamentally dictate that achieving the thorough liberation of the proletariat is the highest value pursuit in conducting foreign exchanges. It can be said that the foreign exchanges of the socialist parties of the First International took the "question of for whom" as the touchstone for testing the effectiveness of their own external work. They consistently adhered to the people’s standpoint, taking the practical logic of "exchanges for the people, relying on the people, benefiting the people, and protecting the people" as their value destination, centrally marking the moral and value high ground of socialist party foreign exchanges.

(2) The ups and downs experienced by the socialist parties of the First International in their foreign exchanges reveal the most fundamental issue: struggle calls for the strong leadership of the socialist party.

Looking across the undulating practical explorations of the First International’s socialist party foreign exchanges, there was the historically unprecedented grand occasion of the workers' gathering at St. Martin’s Hall during the International's founding in 1864, as well as the ideological collisions and fierce confrontations between Marxists and non-Marxists during the formulation of the international program and statutes. It gathered the revolutionary torrent of the working classes of all countries against the existing social and political systems, nurturing the great practice of the Paris Commune revolution [7], yet it also fell into troughs due to the ruthless persecution and disruption by reactionary bourgeois governments. It experienced a period of comprehensive prosperity with local organizations spanning 17 countries across Europe, America, and Africa and nearly a million members, yet also encountered "inevitable disintegration" under the interaction of the "breakdown of 'cooperation' between political factions and the fragility of the organization itself."

An important realization to be gained is that socialist party foreign exchanges must be led by the party; party leadership is the fundamental guarantee. Wherever party leadership is well-maintained, the practice of socialist party foreign exchanges flourishes; conversely, it suffers setbacks. The core issue is that struggle calls for the leadership of a strong socialist party. The greatest strength of socialist party foreign exchanges lies in "strong leadership" [8] of the party; the greatest danger lies in the "weakening of leadership." This "strong leadership" must be substantiated as "leadership effectiveness," integrating party leadership into the entire process of foreign exchange so that "strong leadership" truly becomes the lifeblood and political soul of socialist party foreign exchanges, thereby achieving the value conversion from "party capacity" to "party governance." The stronger the will of the working class to oppose bourgeois rule, the more necessary it is to continuously consolidate the firm foundation of socialist party leadership, ensuring it always provides the prerequisite capacity support, fundamental value positioning, and pivotal political guarantee.

(3) The strategic principles and practical tenets followed by the socialist parties of the First International in their foreign exchanges contain the basic principles of the Marxist theory of inter-party relations and carry the basic norms that the party-led diplomacy of socialist states must uphold.

The foreign exchanges of socialist parties in the First International contain a law: "independence and self-reliance" of individual members and the international "united movement" are mutually conditional and mutually reinforcing. "Independence and self-reliance" is the premise and foundation of international union, and international cooperation "is possible only between equals"; the "united movement" is the value leap and advanced form of the development of foreign exchanges by international members. Experience shows that without "independence and self-reliance," the international union of the proletarian party will go astray; without a "united movement," individual members will become a "heap of loose sand" [9] and lose vitality. It can be said that "independence and self-reliance" is the foundation for establishing socialist party foreign exchanges, while the "united movement" is the path for strengthening them; together, they constitute the basic principles of Marxist inter-party relations.

The scientific nature and vitality of the Marxist theory of inter-party relations were proven not only by the rise and advancement of the international union of the world's proletarian parties and the diplomacy of the Russian socialist ruling party during the First, Second, and Third (Comintern) Internationals; and witnessed by the history of the gathering and differentiation of the Information Bureau of the Communist and Workers' Parties of nine European countries (Cominform) and the socialist camp after World War II; and further confirmed by the low ebb of the international communist movement and the international union of proletarian parties after the drastic changes in Eastern Europe; but also proved by the vigorous rise and strenuous advancement of the party-led diplomacy of socialist states, primarily represented by the Communist Party of China, since the start of the new century. To extend the historical, spatial, and epochal value of this basic principle within a new historical spectrum, the basic principles of Marxist inter-party relations must be integrated with the specific realities of each country to form basic norms for the party-led diplomacy of socialist states with their own characteristics.

(4) The primary and tentative nature of the foreign exchange practices of the First International's socialist parties inherently dictates that the scientific quality of socialist party foreign exchanges must be continuously deepened and theoretical self-awareness comprehensively enhanced.

Based on the principle of "Workers of the world, unite!", the First International was the first to propose that achieving the "economic liberation" and "labor liberation" of the working class is the great goal of socialist party foreign exchanges; the first to clarify that the "seizure of political power" is the great mission; the first to establish practical principles such as "fraternal help of the workers," "power of solidarity and union," and "full freedom of action"; and the first to formulate a strategic flexibility of being "firm in substance, mild in form." Of course, "immature theories correspond to immature conditions of capitalist production and immature class conditions." Many of the First International’s "firsts" were rooted in the economic production and resulting social structures of their historical era; they were products of the politics and spirit of that time.

Practice has proved that whether socialist party foreign exchanges can achieve qualitative elevation and incremental development depends on continuously deepening their scientific quality and comprehensively enhancing theoretical self-awareness—that is, forming a scientific understanding of the theoretical and strategic principles of socialist party foreign exchanges. Theoretical principles reflect the objective aspects, mainly revealing essential characteristics, scientific connotations, supporting elements, and value orientations; strategic principles reflect the subjective aspects, mainly revealing practical principles, strategic compliance, and institutional guarantees. It can be said that the level of development and maturity of the theoretical principles of socialist party foreign exchanges centrally reflects the depth and potential scientific degree of the strategic principles. Therefore, to comprehensively enhance the scientific quality of socialist party foreign exchanges, effort must be made to both fully understand the theoretical and strategic principles and accurately grasp the regularity of socialist party foreign exchanges. Through the organic unity of comprehensive understanding and accurate mastery, theoretical self-awareness in socialist party foreign exchanges must be continuously enhanced.

(5) The world-historical scale and international spatial scope presented by the foreign exchange practices of the First International signify that socialist party foreign exchanges must pursue the realization of the common values of all humanity, actively assuming the socialist party responsibility of creating a new form of human political civilization for political parties and promoting the progress of human civilization.

The First International created a unified strategy for the joint struggle of the proletariat and its organizations in various countries, laid the organizational foundation for the world socialist movement, achieved the comprehensive liberation of the entire proletariat at both ideological and material levels, forged the proletarian party as the highest political leading force of the international working-class union movement, gave birth to socialist party politics as a new form of human political civilization, and opened up a vast space for socialist party foreign exchanges. This inherently determined the value-significance of the First International’s socialist party foreign exchanges in opening a new chapter of world history, and externally required that the radiation of its spatial scope necessarily experience a basic transition from the nation-state toward a world-wide extension. Fundamentally different from the foreign exchanges of bourgeois parties, socialist party foreign exchanges take the "creation of civilization" via a new form of party politics and the inclusive "preservation of civilization" of existing human achievements as their growth mechanism, taking the coalescing of the common values of all humanity to promote human civilization’s progress as their practical base point. Its historical advancement conforms to the historical trend where bourgeois party political civilization must inevitably give way to socialist party political civilization; it accords with the profound transformation of the political superstructure triggered by the interaction of social productive forces and relations of production; and it truly responds to the epochal appeal for promoting the coordinated development of human social modernization and the socialist party responsibility to build a world of universal security, common prosperity, openness, inclusiveness, and cleanliness and beauty.

Facing the epochal shifts in the development of modernization within human society, the foreign exchanges of socialist parties will inevitably follow the grand logic of modernization growth, wherein "practice with distinct characteristics" carries the "generalities of humanity" [10], and the "generalities of humanity" reside within "practice with distinct characteristics." Through a unique systemic cognitive approach to value and a global path for advancing practice, socialist parties will elevate the experiences condensed from their own external practices into a regularized understanding [11] of party diplomacy for all countries—particularly socialist states. This process occurs within the creation of a political civilization [12] that promotes coordination and cooperation between states through consultation and exchange among world parties; strengthens the political foundation for the collective progress of human civilization through the mutual learning of experiences in national governance [13]; and advances the modernization of national governance systems and capacities through the modernization of party governance systems and capacities. Ultimately, this will make a significant contribution to establishing the status and role of socialist party politics within human political civilization.

(About the authors: Yang Xiuwen and Wang Shaoxing, School of Marxism, Shandong University)

Internet Editor: Tong Xin Source: Scientific Socialism, Issue 03, 2023