Yuan Dongzhen: The Impact of the New Wave of Left-wing Governance on the Socialist Movement in Latin America
In recent years, a new round of left-wing governance has emerged in Latin America, once again transforming the region’s political ecosystem and, to a large extent, improving the overall environment for the development of the Latin American socialist movement. This article intends to conduct a preliminary analysis of the characteristics of the new round of left-wing governance in Latin America and its impact on the region's socialist movement, and on this basis, explore the relationship between the development of Latin American left-wing forces and the development of the socialist movement in the region.
I. Characteristics of the New Round of Left-Wing Governance
The new round of left-wing governance in Latin America possesses distinct collective traits, cyclical characteristics, and spillover effects. It has once again altered the region's political ecosystem, benefited the inclusive development of Latin American politics, and provided new momentum for the unification of the region's left wing.
(1) The new round of left-wing governance has distinct collective traits, once again altering the regional political ecosystem
In the process of contemporary Latin American political development, there has always existed a so-called "contagion effect"—that is, political developments in one country usually "infect" others, causing subsequent identical or similar developments in other nations, thereby forming a regional political phenomenon.
Both left-wing governance cycles in 21st-century Latin America, as well as the rotations between Left and Right, have exhibited clear "contagion effects" and collective traits. In December 1998, Hugo Chávez, leader of the emerging left-wing party the Fifth Republic Movement (MVR), was elected President of Venezuela and began his term in 1999. The effect of the rise and accession to power of left-wing forces in Venezuela spread rapidly to other Latin American countries, and the region's left-wing forces exhibited a trend of collective rise. Following Venezuela, left-wing parties won general elections and took office successively in Chile (2000), Brazil (2002), Argentina (2003), the Dominican Republic (2004), Uruguay (2004), Bolivia (2005), Ecuador (2006), Nicaragua (2006), Paraguay (2008), El Salvador (2009), and Peru (2011), forming a regional "Pink Tide" [1]. After 2015, the political and social consequences of the economic downturn in Latin America continued to ferment, triggering a regional turnover of ruling parties characterized by the "Left retreating and the Right advancing." In 2015, the left-wing ruling party in Argentina lost its position after twelve consecutive years in power, and a right-wing party began its administration in December of that year. This rotation of the ruling party in Argentina immediately produced a "contagion effect," triggering a regional right-wing resurgence and the emergence of a right-wing governance cycle. In July 2016, the term of the left-leaning Ollanta Humala government in Peru expired, and a right-wing party took power; in August of the same year, the left-wing Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff was removed from office after impeachment by a right-wing controlled Congress; in 2017, the left-wing ruling party in Ecuador, the PAIS Alliance, suffered a serious blow in the general election and nearly lost its governing status; in December 2017, the center-left ruling coalition in Chile was defeated in the general election, and the leader of the center-right alliance, Sebastián Piñera, was elected President, taking office in March the following year; in 2018, the right-wing Brazilian candidate Jair Bolsonaro defeated the left-wing candidate to become President; in 2019, the left-wing party in El Salvador lost power after a decade of consecutive governance; in the same year, Evo Morales, the leader of the left-wing Movement for Socialism (MAS) and then-President of Bolivia, resigned under pressure from right-wing forces, thereby interrupting the party’s nearly fourteen-year continuous rule.
Influenced by multiple internal and external factors, this round of the right-wing governance cycle was short-lived; only a few years later, left-wing parties returned to power in several Latin American countries. In 2018, the left-wing National Regeneration Movement (MORENA) in Mexico took power after winning the general election, providing great encouragement and incentive to the Latin American Left, which was then at a low ebb. Subsequently, left-wing parties returned to power in Argentina in 2019; in 2020, Bolivia’s Movement for Socialism regained power through general elections after a brief loss of status. The effect of the return to power of left-wing parties in Argentina and Bolivia continued to spread. In 2021, left-wing parties successively won elections in Peru, Chile, and Honduras, replacing right-wing governments; the left-wing ruling party in Nicaragua won its election again to continue its administration. In 2022, the left-wing party in Colombia won the general election and took office, changing the situation where right-wing parties had held power for decades. Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, leader of the left-wing Workers' Party (PT), was elected President of Brazil in the October 2022 election and began his term in January the following year. Following the return of the Left to power in Brazil, the six most populous countries in Latin America were simultaneously governed by the Left, and the scale of left-wing governance even exceeded that of the first "Pink Tide" period at the beginning of the 21st century. This new round of left-wing governance in Latin America has a wide scope and significant political and social impact, not only changing the balance of domestic political forces in various countries but also once again transforming the political ecosystem of the entire region.
(2) The new round of left-wing governance has distinct cyclical characteristics, benefiting the inclusive development of Latin American politics
The mutual competition and alternating development of the Left and Right in Latin America are both important components and significant characteristics of modern Latin American political development. In the process of political development, left-wing and right-wing forces have grown alternately, and the balance of power between the two has gradually transitioned from an initial state of "strong Right and weak Left" to a state of basic equilibrium. As the balance of power has become increasingly equalized, the rotation of governance between Left and Right has increasingly become the norm. The two sides have gradually transitioned from initial incompatible zero-sum competition to non-zero-sum competition within the existing system. Whether the Left is in power or the Right is governing, both must, to a certain extent, take into account the interests and demands of the other, thereby continuously enhancing the inclusivity of political development.
For a long period in the past, the positions of the Left and Right in Latin American countries were sharply opposed. After the mid-19th century, two major camps with relatively clear boundaries began to emerge in the region. In the latter half of the 19th century, significant changes occurred in the social structures of Latin American nations. A group of progressive or radical forces split from traditional Conservative and Liberal parties to become an important part of the left-wing camp. Communist parties and other socialist parties in Latin America, along with the political organizations, social groups, mass organizations, and progressive intellectuals influenced by them, constitute the main forces of the Left. The Left is dissatisfied with the existing political and social order, advocating for social transformation and the redistribution of interests and power. Facing the rise of left-wing forces, conservative forces represented by the traditional large landowners, the Catholic Church, and the upper echelons of the military—seeking to protect vested interests—held fast to traditional conservative political stances and opposed political and social transformation, becoming the main forces of the right-wing camp. These forces, along with the parties, political and social organizations, and conservative individuals based upon them, formed a right-wing bloc in opposition to the Left. Right-wing forces in Latin America were the dominant players and primary beneficiaries of the traditional political, economic, and social order, while left-wing forces were the challengers of vested interests. To protect these interests from impact, the Right consistently sought to prevent any major or profound political and social transformation, standing in sharp opposition to the revolutionary or reformist stance of the Left.
With the basic equilibrium of the balance of power between Left and Right since the 21st century, the inclusivity of Latin American political development has continuously increased. For a long period in the past, right-wing forces held a relative advantage; they typically ignored the interests and demands of the Left and attempted to suppress its growth. Throughout the 20th century, at the regional level, the overall strength of the Left remained weak compared to the Right, and it was largely suppressed by the Right; political processes were essentially dominated by right-wing forces. Entering the 21st century, the balance of power transitioned from the former "weak Left and strong Right" to a state of parity or general equilibrium. Neither the Left nor the Right is able or strong enough to completely defeat the other through past methods of violence or coercion, and mutual tolerance has gradually increased. Although both sides continue to adhere to their basic positions, core interests, and primary demands, they have also begun to value the interests, rights, and demands of the other. Ultimately, through compromise and consultation, they have reached a basic consensus on major issues such as the country’s fundamental systems and basic national policies. Both sides have accepted a state of coexistence and competition within the existing institutional framework, competing for control and leadership over the nation’s political and social life by participating in regularly held elections, thereby continuously enhancing the inclusivity of Latin American political development.
(3) The new round of left-wing governance has clear spillover effects, benefiting the promotion of unification among Latin American left-wing forces
Under the current international and regional geopolitical landscape, the rise and governance of the Latin American Left is a political phenomenon that has transcended national boundaries, exhibiting clear regional characteristics. To some extent, it also displays the characteristics of a regional-level contest between global left-wing and right-wing forces.
To prevent the growth of Latin American left-wing forces, right-wing forces from both inside and outside the region have strengthened their alliance, and the rise of the Latin American Left faces increasing external pressure. In February 2022, the "Madrid Forum," hosted by Spain’s far-right Vox party and its subordinate think tank, the Disenso Foundation (Fundación Disenso), held its first regional meeting in Bogotá, the capital of Colombia, attended by dozens of right-wing political figures from European and Latin American countries. Under the slogans of "Democracy and Freedom," right-wing forces from within and outside the region attempted to join hands to prevent the further expansion of Latin American left-wing forces. They specifically opposed and tried to prevent the victory of left-wing presidential candidates in the 2022 elections in Colombia and Brazil, opposed the São Paulo Forum composed of Latin American left-wing forces, and opposed the left-wing governments of countries such as Cuba, Venezuela, and Nicaragua. Right-wing conservative forces in the United States have also continuously strengthened their interaction with Latin American right-wing conservative forces, attempting to suppress the development of the Latin American Left. In 2021, far-right and conservative figures from the United States provided advice to Brazil’s President Bolsonaro and traveled to Brazil to "offer strategies" for his continued governance following the 2022 elections. The Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) is the oldest conservative organization in the U.S. and claims to be the largest and most influential gathering of conservative forces in the world; opposing the Latin American left-wing movement has been a fundamental theme of its various meetings. In recent years, the organization has increased the intensity and scale of its activities in Latin America, frequently holding meetings in the region.
To respond to the challenges of right-wing forces, Latin American left-wing parties and organizations have also continuously enhanced coordination and cooperation to voice support for the region's left-wing governments. Currently, the three most important regional left-wing organizations are all striving to support the region's left-wing parties and governments, opposing the hostility and encirclement by right-wing forces from inside and outside the region. First, the São Paulo Forum: In 2019, the 25th São Paulo Forum condemned U.S. sanctions against progressive Latin American governments and called for progressive forces in Latin America to strengthen solidarity and support the regional integration process. In April 2022, the Forum held a Central American and Caribbean regional meeting, condemning the "neocolonialism" and "Monroe Doctrine" pursued by the U.S. in the region, voicing support for the Cuban Revolution and the left-wing governments of Nicaragua and elsewhere. Second, the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (hereafter "the Alliance"). In May 2019, the 18th Political Council meeting of the Alliance supported Venezuela in its opposition to U.S. interference, supported Cuba in its opposition to the U.S. blockade, condemned the U.S. for reviving the "Monroe Doctrine," and called for strengthening Latin American integration. In 2020, the Alliance held a series of video conferences, reiterating its opposition to U.S. hegemonism and emphasizing the defense of national sovereignty. In May 2022, the 21st Summit of the Alliance condemned the U.S. for creating division in Latin America, and opposed unilateral sanctions against Venezuela and Nicaragua, as well as the economic, trade, and financial blockade against Cuba. Third, the Puebla Group: Founded in July 2019, the group is primarily composed of former left-wing political figures from Latin America and related regions. Its main purpose is to contain the regional right-wing conservative forces and coordinate the actions of left-wing and progressive leaders. In November 2022, the Puebla Group held its eighth meeting, focusing on the development of Latin American left-wing progressive forces and regional integration, seeking to formulate a new agenda for left-wing and progressive forces under the special political conditions of Latin America, and voicing support for the region's left-wing ruling parties and governments. The strengthened coordination and cooperation among Latin American left-wing parties and organizations have, to a certain extent, promoted the unification of left-wing forces in the region and brought a favorable influence to the development of the Latin American socialist movement.
II. The Impact of the New Round of Left-Wing Governance on the Latin American Socialist Movement
The new round of left-wing governance has improved the overall environment for the development of Latin American socialist movements. To a certain extent, it has alleviated the pressure on the practical explorations of Latin American "Socialism of the 21st Century," represented by Venezuela, and has facilitated Communist parties in various Latin American countries becoming parties in government. This is conducive to promoting the struggle against capitalism in the Latin American region and has produced a positive impact on the development of Latin American socialist movements.
(I) Conducive to improving the overall environment for the development of Latin American socialist movements
From the perspective of the history of political development in Latin America, the right wing in the region does not identity with socialist concepts and opposes practical socialist exploration; during periods of right-wing rule, Latin American socialist development encounters difficulties and obstructions. Conversely, the propositions of the region’s left wing coincide significantly with socialist propositions, and the left may even sympathize with practical socialist exploration. During periods of left-wing governance, the overall environment for Latin American socialist development is typically relatively favorable. Consequently, the rising phases of Latin American socialist development largely coincide with the regional cycles of left-wing governance, while low ebbs in socialist development usually accompany cycles of right-wing rule.
As previously mentioned, from the end of the 20th century to the first 15 years of the 21st century, left-wing parties held power in many Latin American countries, resulting in a period of left-wing governance lasting over a decade. Along with the collective rise and governance of the left, a political and social environment favorable to socialist development emerged in the Latin American region. Many left-wing parties possessed a certain degree of "de-neoliberalization" orientation, advocating for alternatives to neoliberalism and exploring new paths of development; some left-wing parties also attempted to make certain degrees of correction to the neoliberal model during their time in power. Some left-wing governing parties and their leaders themselves possessed a certain degree of socialist leaning, with some even publicly raising socialist slogans and propositions in an attempt to advance the practice of "socialist construction" within their own countries. Among these, the "Socialism of the 21st Century" advocated by left-wing governing parties in countries such as Venezuela, Bolivia, and Ecuador was representative, exerting significant socio-political influence and playing an important role in driving socialist development across the entire region. Starting in 2015, a tide of alternation in governing parties occurred in Latin America characterized by the "retreat of the left and advance of the right," and the overall environment for the development of the region’s socialist movement trended toward the unfavorable. In particular, the practice of Latin American "Socialism of the 21st Century" promoted by left-wing governing parties in countries like Venezuela encountered new difficulties and resistance, dealing a certain negative blow to the region’s socialist development.
Since 2020, the Latin American left has ushering in a new round of governance, once again changing the region's political ecosystem and providing a relatively favorable regional environment for Latin American socialist development. Whether in terms of the social base, policy preferences, or policy propositions of the Latin American left, there is a certain degree of convergence with socialist propositions; the ideologies or concepts of Latin American left-wing governors also have certain overlaps or intersections with socialist propositions. Therefore, the growth of the Latin American left—and particularly its ascension to power—is not only conducive to the dissemination of socialist thought in the region but also to the advancement of practical socialist exploration. Generally speaking, the primary social base of the Latin American left is the lower-middle social strata, possessing an anti-elitist political preference, favoring the expansion of the degree and scope of political participation, and holding certain populistic tendencies [2]. Latin American socialism also advocates for expanding the degree of political participation for all strata and advancing the development of political democracy. The Latin American left generally supports a certain degree of state intervention in the economy and emphasizes social equity, which also tallies well with socialist propositions. In foreign policy, the left has a certain degree of "de-Americanization" orientation, opposing U.S. intervention in regional affairs and favoring the integrated development of Latin America; realizing autonomous development and opposing U.S. hegemonism happen to be the basic positions of Latin American socialism as well. Without a doubt, the new round of left-wing governance in Latin America is conducive to improving the overall environment of the region's socialist movement and provides a relatively favorable regional environment for countries like Venezuela to continue exploring Latin American "Socialism of the 21st Century."
(II) Conducive to alleviating the pressure on Latin American socialist exploration
Throughout the process of political development in the Latin American region, it is not difficult to see that during periods of right-wing governance, the difficulty of practical socialist exploration typically increases, whereas during left-wing governance, the environment for such exploration becomes relatively favorable.
As noted above, after 2015, an alternation of governing parties occurred in Latin America where the "left retreated and the right advanced." Latin American politics turned to the right, the number of left-wing governments continuously decreased, and the difficulty of practical socialist exploration in countries such as Venezuela, Bolivia, and Ecuador increased. In particular, Venezuela, as the primary standard-bearer of Latin American "Socialism of the 21st Century," became increasingly isolated, and internal and external pressures grew to an unprecedented level. First, right-wing forces within and outside the region intensified their encircling attacks on the "Socialism of the 21st Century" in countries like Venezuela, attacking socialism for having "destroyed this oil-rich country and led the people into poverty," causing suffering, corruption, and decay, and calling for "resistance against socialism and the disasters it brings." Second, Latin American right-wing governors actively cobbled together regional political blocs against left-wing governments in Venezuela and elsewhere, increasing the resistance to practical socialist exploration in the region. In 2017, over a dozen Latin American countries governed by the center-right, along with Canada, formed the "Lima Group" targeted at Venezuela; this group did not recognize the legitimacy of the Maduro government, instead supporting the Venezuelan opposition fostered by the United States. In March 2019, South American countries then under right-wing rule—including Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Paraguay, and Peru—established the Forum for the Progress and Integration of South America (Prosur), which also aimed to oppose left-wing governments in Venezuela and elsewhere. Finally, after coming to power, the Latin American right intensified its efforts to suppress left-wing governments. In late 2015, the right-wing Argentine government began accusing Venezuela of disrespecting freedom and called for sanctions. Driven by the right-wing governments of Argentina and Brazil, Mercosur [3] indefinitely suspended Venezuela's membership in 2017. During the administration of Jair Bolsonaro’s right-wing government, Brazil adopted a hostile stance toward Venezuela and Cuba. In January 2019, the right-wing government of Colombia announced its recognition of Venezuelan opposition leader Juan Guaidó as "interim president," leading to the severance of diplomatic relations between Venezuela and Colombia. In November 2019, the right-wing interim government of Bolivia broke ties with the Maduro government in Venezuela and severed ties with Cuba the following January. Under the suppression of Latin American right-wing governments, the external environment for left-wing governments in Venezuela and elsewhere deteriorated and the difficulty of survival increased, leading to unprecedented difficulties for the practical exploration of "Socialism of the 21st Century."
Since 2020, as left-wing parties in many Latin American countries have successively returned to power, they have improved relations with Venezuela and other nations, noticeably improving the external environment for the practical exploration of "Socialism of the 21st Century." In November 2020, upon taking office, the left-wing Bolivian President Luis Arce announced the restoration of diplomatic relations with Venezuela. In July 2021, after taking power, the left-wing Peruvian government changed its policy toward Venezuela and restored normal diplomatic relations with the Maduro government. In August 2022, after Gustavo Petro assumed the Colombian presidency, he restored diplomatic relations with Venezuela, with both sides pledging to comprehensively upgrade bilateral relations. In January 2023, after Lula assumed the Brazilian presidency, he quickly restored relations with the Venezuelan government, which had been interrupted during the Bolsonaro administration. As the left returned to power in multiple Latin American countries, the regional political blocs cobbled together by right-wing forces to oppose left-wing governments also successively collapsed. In 2021, the left-wing Argentine government announced its withdrawal from the Lima Group, which subsequently disintegrated. In 2022, the left-wing Chilean government announced its withdrawal from Prosur, and the organization gradually faded away thereafter. The successive improvement of relations with left-wing governments in Venezuela and elsewhere by the Latin American left upon taking power has alleviated the external pressure on their socialist practical exploration. Consequently, in January 2022, Maduro stated: "Socialism is our path, and better times are gradually arriving."
(III) Motivating Communist parties in many Latin American countries to become parties in government
The new round of left-wing governance in Latin America and the changes in the regional political ecosystem it has caused are conducive to the development and growth of Communist party forces in the region. Communist parties in Brazil, Chile, Colombia, and many other countries have all become important parties in government, and their political influence has further expanded.
The Communist Party of Brazil (PCdoB) is the second-largest Communist party in Latin America after the Communist Party of Cuba and an important political ally of the Workers' Party (PT). During the Workers' Party's governance from 2003 to 2016, PCdoB leaders served as the federal Minister of Science and Technology and Minister of Defense; from 2005 to 2007, a member also served as the president of the Chamber of Deputies. During the right-wing Bolsonaro administration from 2019 to 2022, the PCdoB maintained significant political and social influence, holding 1 seat out of 81 in the Senate and 12 seats out of 513 in the Chamber of Deputies, and possessing one governorship and 81 mayoral positions nationwide. The PCdoB continued to achieve impressive results in the 2022 general election, securing 6 seats in the Chamber of Deputies. After Lula took office as president in January 2023, the PCdoB maintained its status as an important party in government, with party president Luciana Santos serving as the federal Minister of Science and Technology.
The Communist Party of Chile (PCCh) is one of the most influential Communist parties in Latin America. The PCCh was suppressed during the Pinochet military government; after the military returned power to the people, the PCCh restored its legal status in 1990 and subsequently won seats in the National Congress for the first time in the 2009 general election. The PCCh joined a center-left alliance in 2013, supporting Socialist candidate Michelle Bachelet for the presidency. After Bachelet won and took office in March 2014, a PCCh leader served as the Minister of Women and Gender Equity in the central government. In the previous Congress (2018–2022), the PCCh held 9 seats in the Chamber of Deputies. In the 2021 general election, the PCCh supported Gabriel Boric, the candidate of the left-wing alliance "Approve Dignity" (Apruebo Dignity), for the presidency. Since Boric won and took office in March 2022, the PCCh has become an important party in government, holding 3 out of 24 ministerial positions in the central government: Camila Vallejo serves as Minister Secretary-General of Government, Jeannette Jara as Minister of Labor and Social Forecast, and Flavio Salazar as Minister of Science, Technology, Knowledge, and Innovation. In the new Congress (2022–2026), the PCCh holds 12 out of 114 seats in the Chamber of Deputies and 2 out of 59 seats in the Senate.
The Communist Party of Colombia (PCC) joined the "Decentes" alliance of left-wing forces in the 2018 general election, holding one seat in the Chamber of Deputies for the 2018–2022 term and winning three mayoralties. In the 2022 general election, the PCC campaigned within the left-wing "Historic Pact" (Pacto Histórico) alliance and obtained one seat each in the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies. In June 2022, Historic Pact candidate Petro was elected president and took office in August; PCC leader Inés Ramírez was appointed Minister of Labor in the new government.
Furthermore, the Communist Party of Venezuela (PCV) and the Communist Party of Uruguay (PCU) were once important parties in government and still maintain significant influence in their respective national political lives. The PCV was once a political ally of the governing Fifth Republic Movement and the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV); PCV members held positions in government and the public sector, including ministerial roles. In recent years, disagreements between the PCV, the Maduro government, and the PSUV on certain issues have gradually deepened. In the 2020 parliamentary elections, the PCV parted ways with the "Great Patriotic Pole" led by the governing party and formed an electoral alliance with other left-wing parties, winning one seat in the National Assembly and some seats in municipal councils. In November 2022, the PCV held its 16th Congress, focusing on updating the party's program and political line in an attempt to continue expanding the party's influence. The PCU is a member of the left-wing Broad Front (Frente Amplio) alliance, which governed for 15 consecutive years from 2005 to 2020, during which the PCU was an important party in government. Although the Broad Front lost power in 2020, the PCU still maintains significant influence in national politics; in the current parliament (2020–2024), the party holds 2 out of 30 seats in the Senate and 6 out of 99 seats in the Chamber of Deputies. In May 2022, the PCU held its 32nd Congress, formulating a strategy looking toward 2024 based on the new situation.
(IV) Conducive to further promoting the struggle against capitalism in the Latin American region
Regardless of how the situation in Latin America changes or how the balance of political power shifts, maintaining a critique of capitalism and carrying out struggles against it has remained a consistent and vital practical activity for the region's Left. The new round of Left-wing governance in Latin America has further pushed Left-wing forces in the region to launch struggles against capitalism.
Left-wing parties in Latin America, including various Communist Parties, have conducted sustained critiques of capitalism and called for struggles against it. In December 2020, the 26th National Congress of the Communist Party of Chile pointed out that the legitimacy crisis of the neoliberal model is broader and deeper than ever before, the negative consequences of "barbaric capitalism" are becoming increasingly evident, and social contradictions and fragmentation are further intensifying. In June 2021, the 9th National Congress of the Communist Party of Paraguay focused its discussions on the crisis of capitalism, the balance of power between exploiters and the exploited, and the prospects for socialist revolution, asserting that capitalism is in a structural crisis and that a way out must be sought through socialism and revolutionary means. In October 2021, the 15th National Congress of the Brazilian Communist Party proposed that capitalist rule has caused catastrophic consequences and that democratic forces should strengthen unity to open a path for national reconstruction guided by democracy.
Regional organizations and conferences of the Latin American Left have also called for the struggle against capitalism. The 2020 video conference of the São Paulo Forum [4] emphasized that socialist thinking has gained new life in the "backyard of imperialism"; in 2021, the Forum announced through its official website that it remains highly necessary to carry out struggles against neoliberalism and imperialism in Latin America. The seventh meeting of the Puebla Group [5] in 2021 pointed out that although the neoliberal development model has been widely prevalent in Latin America, it has been heavily questioned over the past 30 years and is no longer in line with the current trend. In 2019, Cuba initiated and hosted an international conference titled "Struggle for Democracy, Against Neoliberalism, and for Anti-Imperialist Solidarity," which noted that neoliberalism threatens not only humanity but the entire globe, emphasizing that "our struggle is resistance"; the 2021 meeting proposed that capitalism and imperialism are the root causes of inequality in Latin America.
Important representatives and intellectuals of the Latin American Left have also frequently called for struggles against capitalism. Many Latin American Left-wing scholars believe that the inherent limitations of capitalism are becoming increasingly apparent, and that capitalism is the root of many current global governance problems. It lacks the capacity to solve the various problems and challenges it generates; therefore, the people of Latin America should carry out struggles against capitalism and achieve a transcendence of it. Álvaro García Linera, a famous Bolivian Left-wing theorist and former Vice President, believes that neoliberalism is "a mode of capitalism" whose essence is plunder, and that capitalism is not only outdated but can be defeated. Many leaders of Left-wing parties in Latin America have also called for struggles against capitalism. Evo Morales, Chairman of Bolivia's Movement for Socialism (MAS), emphasized that neoliberal policies have failed; Nicolás Maduro, President of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV), criticized the ill effects caused by the capitalist model and emphasized the need to break through the shackles of capitalism.
III. Conclusion
The development of Left-wing forces in Latin America is closely linked to the development of the region's socialist movement. The development of the socialist movement is an important component of the growth of the Latin American Left and serves as one of the key hallmarks of the Left's expansion in the region. Although not all Latin American Leftists advocate for or explicitly propose socialist slogans, the propositions of the region's Left share commonalities, similarities, overlaps, and intersections with socialist propositions. Most Left-wing forces in Latin America not only do not oppose but actually agree with socialist concepts and propositions; moreover, some Left-wing parties and leaders are themselves advocates of socialism. Left-wing parties and Left-wing political and social organizations constitute the important political, organizational, and social foundation for the development of Latin American socialism. The continuous growth of Left-wing forces in Latin America not only provides a more favorable environment and conditions for the development of the socialist movement but also provides it with a more solid political foundation and more powerful momentum.
The building of socialist parties determines to a large extent the developmental status of the Latin American socialist movement. Left-wing parties are the primary practitioners of socialist ideas and practices in Latin America; Left-wing parties, especially those with socialist inclinations, exert a significant influence on the development of the movement. The experience of Latin American countries shows that when the ideological, political, and organizational building of socialist parties is robust, it greatly promotes the development of the socialist movement; conversely, it has a negative impact. For example, many Left-wing parties (such as Ecuador's PAIS Alliance and Bolivia's Movement for Socialism), including socialist parties, are still immature in their self-construction: their theoretical systems are not sufficiently complete, their organizational structures are not sound, and their cadre ranks are not rationally structured. Many parties were founded by charismatic leaders, and the rise and fall of the party depends excessively on the leader as an individual—situations where "the party perishes when the person leaves" [6] are not uncommon. Some parties lack strong and effective collective leadership, which easily leads to a lack of internal supervision and creates risks for the emergence of clientelism, bureaucratism, and nepotism. These defects in socialist party building inevitably cause damage to the development of the Latin American socialist movement.
The fierce struggle between the Left and the Right, as well as the relatively frequent alternation of power between the two, has a cyclical impact on the development of the Latin American socialist movement. The coexistence and competition of the Left and the Right are key elements and distinctive features of political development in Latin American countries; the cycles of "the Left advancing while the Right retreats" and "the Left retreating while the Right advances" occur periodically. The alternation of power between Left and Right parties is increasingly becoming the norm in the political development of Latin American countries. Under a political environment of multi-party competition and frequent alternations of power, the development of the Latin American socialist movement faces many uncertainties. To a certain extent, this determines that the socialist movement in the region can only develop incrementally, and the practical exploration of socialism will proceed in a wave-like fashion.
The development of the Latin American socialist movement can hardly escape the constraints of external factors. Its development has not only been obstructed by domestic Right-wing and conservative forces but has also long encountered powerful external resistance. Right-wing conservative forces in the United States and Europe have always held a hostile attitude toward the Latin American socialist movement. The United States, in particular, has long regarded Latin America as its traditional sphere of influence. To maintain its hegemony and interests, it has consistently pursued a strategy of "pulling the Right and hitting the Left" in the region, attempting to divide and disintegrate Left-wing forces to the maximum extent and contain the growth of the socialist movement. In recent years, conservative forces in the US, Europe, and Latin America have united to support Right-wing opposition groups in countries like Venezuela and Bolivia, even attempting to topple Left-wing governments. The hostility and obstruction of external forces have become major impediments to the development and practical exploration of socialism in Latin America, and these obstacles are unlikely to be cleared in the short term.
(Institutional Affiliations: University of Chinese Academy of Social Sciences; Institute of Latin American Studies, CASS) Online Editor: Tong Xin Source: Contemporary World and Socialism, Issue 3, 2023