Marxism Research Network
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Xu Qinfa and Zhang Rui: An Analysis of the Practical Models of the Communist Party of Vietnam in Advancing State Governance

Marxism Abroad

Since its inception, the Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV) has emphasized the Party's leadership over the state and society, continuously exploring and refining a model of state governance under CPV leadership. As the practical model for the CPV’s advancement of state governance, and as the framework for the organization and operation of Vietnamese state power, "division of labor among three powers" (三权分工) is the product of integrating the Marxist-Leninist conception of state power with Vietnam’s specific conditions. The CPV’s "division of labor among three powers" differs from the Western capitalist "separation of powers" (三权分立). Between state powers, there is no separation or system of checks and balances; rather, while upholding the leadership of the CPV, it ensures that state power is unified and belongs to the people. In this model, state organs engage in division of labor, coordination, and supervision while exercising legislative, executive, and judicial powers. This model of state governance is adapted to the nature of Vietnam as a socialist state and is of great significance for Vietnam in maintaining its socialist direction, realizing the people’s status as masters of the country, and building a clean and strong political system—thereby ensuring a state governance system with the CPV at its core.

I. The Logical Rationale Behind the Communist Party of Vietnam’s Advancement of the State Governance Model

As the CPV’s practical model for advancing state governance, the "division of labor among three powers" reflects the CPV's inheritance and development of the Marxist-Leninist conception of state power. It consolidates the CPV’s practical experience in organizing and operating state power during the periods of revolution, construction, and Doi Moi [1], and is the result of the CPV’s creative application of theory to address the practical predicament of "peaceful evolution" [2].

(1) Theoretical Foundation: The Marxist-Leninist Conception of State Power

First, the people are the subject of state power. Starting from the historical materialist premise that the masses are the creators of history, Marx and Engels elucidated that the people are the subject of state power and that all power in the state belongs to the people. Marx emphasized the decisive role of the people in state activities, noting that the people are the actual embodiments of the state system: "Just as it is not religion that creates man but man who creates religion, so it is not the state system that creates the people, but the people who create the state system." The Paris Commune made the people's mastery of state power a reality. In summarizing its experience, Marx and Engels pointed out that the Commune represented and protected the interests of the masses, with power exercised directly by the people—"it was the people acting for themselves." They further noted that the Commune represented "the resumption of the state power by the masses of the people as their own living forces instead of as forces that controlled and subdued them," establishing a form of state power owned by the entire people. The CPV has inherited and developed the Marxist-Leninist view that state power belongs to the people, stating that all state power belongs to and originates from the people, which has become the normative teleology of the "division of labor among three powers" model.

Second, the dialectical unity between the unity of state power and the division of labor by function. Marxism-Leninism holds that the separation of powers is merely a form of power-sharing between different interest groups within the bourgeoisie, always serving to protect bourgeois interests. As Lenin pointed out: "This happens in all capitalist countries. The government is the clerk of the capitalist class. The clerks are well paid, and the clerks are themselves shareholders." although Marx opposed the separation of powers, he approved of the necessary division of labor within state power. This division is a "living and rational division" based on the persistence of unified state power; it is not a dismemberment of power itself, but a division of functions. The developmental direction of the principle of "unity of deliberation and execution" (议行合一) [3] is the concentration of power and the division of functions. Inheriting and developing this form of political organization, the CPV stipulates that on the basis of unified state power belonging to the people, various state organs divide labor and coordinate with one another—forming the basic logic of the "division of labor among three powers" model.

Finally, the prevention of the alienation of state power. When examining state power, Marx and Engels noted that while it arises from the need to maintain public interests and social order, state power tends toward alienation as it develops. It can gradually evolve to deviate from serving the masses and stand above the people, becoming a tool for a minority to seek profit. Engels pointed out: "With the passage of time, these organs—at the head of which is the state power—have transformed themselves from the servants of society into its masters in pursuit of their own special interests." To prevent this alienation, they advocated for placing state power in the hands of "responsible servants of society" and argued that society "must protect itself against its own deputies and officials, by declaring them all, without exception, subject to recall at any moment." Based on these views, the CPV proposes that state organs and their personnel must serve the people wholeheartedly and accept public supervision, and that state organs should also supervise one another. This has become the logical core of the "division of labor among three powers" governance model.

(2) Historical Progression: Summary of Experience in Leading the Organization and Operation of State Power

First, the embryonic stage of the "division of labor among three powers" model. In 1945, the Democratic Republic of Vietnam was established. Under the direct leadership of Ho Chi Minh, the first Constitution was adopted in 1946, outlining the organization and operation of state power. Firstly, it stipulated that all state power belongs to the entire Vietnamese people, regardless of race, gender, wealth, class, or religion. While the people retained the right to vote on matters concerning the nation's destiny and the right to be consulted on constitutional amendments after their revision by the National Assembly, they delegated state power to the National Assembly. Secondly, it instituted a division of labor: the National Assembly was the highest organ of state power; the Government was the highest administrative organ; and the Courts were the judicial organs. Thirdly, it established mechanisms for inspection and supervision between state organs. For example, the Standing Committee of the National Assembly had the power to supervise and criticize the Government. The President, as head of state and head of government, bore no responsibility except for high treason; however, the National Assembly could establish a special tribunal to prosecute the President, Vice President, or cabinet officials for treason. Thus, even though the Democratic Republic of Vietnam was short-lived, the model for organizing state power was initially established, laying a solid foundation for consolidating the new regime and resisting French colonial aggression.

Second, the period of convoluted development of the "division of labor among three powers" model. Following the liberation of northern Vietnam in 1954, the country entered a 21-year period of division between North and South. To adapt to new circumstances, Vietnam promulgated the Constitutions of 1959 and 1980. Both were born during the Cold War confrontation led by the US and the USSR. Socialist countries, led by the Soviet Union, practiced highly centralized political systems. The CPV "took the Soviet Union as its teacher," drawing on its experiences. Consequently, while the 1959 and 1980 Constitutions mentioned the principle of democratic centralism and some division of labor, state power was organized according to the principle of high centralization. Under this principle, all state power belonged to the people, but the people exercised this power through the National Assembly and People’s Councils at all levels, with state power concentrated in these bodies. This highly centralized system was of great significance for the North’s socialist construction and the struggle for national reunification, but it also revealed certain drawbacks. For instance, the people, as the subject of state power, were unable to offer opinions on major national issues or supervise state power, leading to potential risks of power abuse and corruption.

Finally, the period of the formal formation of the "division of labor among three powers" model. The 2001 Constitutional Amendment stated that all state power belongs to the people based on the alliance of the working class, peasantry, and intellectuals. It affirmed that state power is unified, but that state organs engage in division of labor and coordination in exercising legislative, executive, and judicial powers—marking the first time these principles were written into the Vietnamese Constitution. The Platform for National Construction in the Period of Transition to Socialism (2011 Revision) added a state power supervision mechanism for the first time, further refining the organization and operation of the state. The 2013 Constitution, based on the construction and perfection of a Vietnamese socialist Rechtsstaat [4], fully formed and perfected the "division of labor among three powers" model: "The Socialist Republic of Vietnam is mastered by the people; all state power belongs to the people based on the alliance of the working class, the peasantry, and the intelligentsia. State power is unified, with the delegation of labor, coordination, and supervision among state agencies in the exercise of legislative, executive, and judicial powers."

(3) Contemporary Genesis: Reflections on Countering "Peaceful Evolution"

Since the Mid-term National Conference of the 7th CPV Central Committee identified "peaceful evolution" as one of the "four risks" [5], subsequent Party Congresses and Central Committee resolutions have emphasized the need to resolutely oppose all "peaceful evolution" activities, viewing it as the primary means used by hostile forces to attack the Vietnamese socialist regime. With the implementation of a multi-directional and diversified foreign policy, Vietnam's international influence has risen significantly, but it also faces strong impacts in the political and ideological spheres, with the threat of "peaceful evolution" intensifying.

In recent years, Vietnam has taken large strides in political reform, making significant progress in political democratization. This has been accompanied by a hodgepodge of propositions, leading to various social trends of thought. For example, some oppose and negate Marxism-Leninism, Ho Chi Minh Thought, and the leadership of the CPV, calling for pluralism and a multi-party system. Others oppose and negate socialist democracy and the socialist Rechtsstaat, demanding the "separation of powers" in an attempt to subvert the Vietnamese socialist system. The separation of powers is a political system characteristic of Western capitalist countries, represented by the United States. Some extremists in Vietnam regard the separation of powers as an embodiment of modern political civilization and a panacea for preventing power alienation, corruption, and inefficiency. Negating the principle that state power belongs to the people and that the people exercise power through state organs under CPV leadership, they propose that Vietnam should also adopt a "separation of powers" system to erode public confidence in the Vietnamese socialist system.

The Vietnamese Party and State emphasize that Western-style democratic theories, such as the multi-party system and the separation of powers, are erroneous, extreme, and politically opportunistic. They argue that the principle of checks and balances within the separation of powers would seriously damage Vietnam’s model of state organization and the principle of democratic centralism, and that it does not suit Vietnam's national conditions. Nguyen Phu Trong [6] has repeatedly emphasized that Vietnam does not practice the separation of powers, noting that the National Assembly is the highest organ of state power, and that other state organs are created by, report to, and are supervised by the National Assembly. In 2016, the Resolution of the 4th Plenary Session of the 12th CPV Central Committee pointed out that opposing and negating socialist democracy and the socialist Rechtsstaat, while demanding "separation of powers" and "civil society," are manifestations of "self-evolution" and "self-transformation" [7]. The Regulations on Disciplining Party Members for Violations promulgated in 2017 stipulate that CPV members who demand the implementation of "separation of powers," "civil society," or "multi-party pluralism" will be expelled from the Party. The system of "separation of powers" in Western capitalist countries is closely linked to a whole set of institutions, such as the bourgeois multi-party system. To replicate the separation of powers would be to implement "total Westernization" in the political system, which would undoubtedly negate the Vietnamese socialist system and the CPV's leadership, violating the fundamental principles of the Vietnamese Constitution and the common will of the Vietnamese people. To counter the advocacy of "separation of powers" by hostile elements, the CPV has inherited and developed Marxism-Leninism and Ho Chi Minh Thought, and based on Vietnam’s specific realities, proposed the "division of labor among three powers" model of state governance with Vietnamese characteristics.

II. Basic Principles of the Communist Party of Vietnam’s Advancement of the State Governance Model

In the process of advancing state governance, the Communist Party of Vietnam organically integrates Party leadership, state administration, and the people's status as masters of the country. It persists in the CPV’s "overall leadership" over state power, follows the fundamental principle that state power is unified in the people, and operates according to a mechanism where state organs engage in division of labor, coordination, and supervision in the exercise of legislative, executive, and judicial powers.

(1) Fundamental Guarantee: Persisting in the CPV’s "Overall Leadership"

Under the leadership of the CPV, the Vietnamese people achieved national liberation and unification, and the cause of Doi Moi has achieved great success. Practice has proved that the leadership of the CPV is the decisive factor in all victories of the Vietnamese revolution. As the sole ruling party in Vietnam, the CPV is the leading force of the state and society, possessing comprehensive leadership over state power. Persisting in the CPV’s "overall leadership" over state power is the fundamental guarantee for ensuring that the CPV always maintains leadership over state governance and consistently moves in the direction of socialist development and the "division of labor among three powers" model.

As a socialist country led by a Communist Party, Vietnam’s state power cannot be led by any force outside the CPV. The CPV is a political party organization, not a state organ of power; thus, it does not directly exercise state power but rather exercises "general leadership" over state organs of power. Lenin emphasized that "the task of the Party is to exercise general leadership over the work of all state organs," rather than engaging in trivial or frequent intervention in specific affairs. Party leadership consists of leading and supporting the people in mastering state power in accordance with correct theories, lines, principles, and policies. It is a core leadership over state power and social affairs, not a microscopic or all-encompassing management of every detail. "The state is precisely this kind of administrative apparatus differentiated from human society" dedicated specifically to the work of management; state organs exercise state power and organize the management of the state and society in accordance with the Party's principles and lines. The CPV achieves political leadership over state power by formulating correct lines, principles, and policies and transforming them into the state's will through statutory procedures, while state organs operate according to the Constitution and laws. It achieves organizational leadership by selecting and recommending outstanding Party members to hold positions in state organs, leveraging their vanguard and exemplary roles. It achieves ideological leadership by strictly maintaining ideological trends, using Marxism-Leninism and Ho Chi Minh Thought to educate and cultivate state public servants, thereby forging a cadre force of both ability and political integrity [8] loyal to the Party, the state, and the people.

Western capitalist countries generally adopt two-party or multi-party systems to realize the separation of powers between different interest groups within the bourgeoisie, maintaining capitalist relations of production and the interests of the bourgeois dictatorship. The "division of three powers" model of national governance, while upholding the unified leadership of the CPV, is committed to establishing "a political system where power truly belongs to the people, comes from the people, and serves the interests of the people." It aims to realize "a society truly for human development, rather than a society that exploits and tramples on human dignity for profit; a society where economic development goes hand in hand with social fairness and justice, rather than increasing the gap between rich and poor and social inequality; a society full of benevolence, solidarity, and mutual assistance, moving toward progressive and humanistic values, rather than an unfair society characterized by the 'law of the jungle' [9] that only serves the private interests of a few individuals and factions."

(2) Value Aim: State Power is Unified and Belongs to the People

Nguyen Phu Trong pointed out: "Building socialist democracy and ensuring that power truly belongs to the people is an important and long-term task of the Vietnamese revolution." In the process of leading the revolution, construction, and Doi Moi [10], the CPV has always adhered to a people-centered approach, continuously expanding democracy to ensure that state power is unified and belongs to the people, and ensuring that the people are the supreme and sole subject of state power. The "division of three powers" model is a rational division of labor, close coordination, and supervision of power based on the premise that state power is unified and belongs to the people, fully embodying Vietnam’s people-centered ideology.

Ho Chi Minh always emphasized that the people are the subject of state power and it must be ensured that power belongs to the people: "Our state is a democratic state; all interests are for the people, and the work of reform and construction is the responsibility of the people. From the communes to the central government, all are elected by the people; groups from the central level to the communes are organized by the people. In short, power and strength are in the hands of the people." From 1946 to 2013, successive constitutions have affirmed that the true and highest subject of Vietnamese state power is the people. The unity of Vietnamese state power first signifies the unity of the source of state power; whether it be legislative, executive, or judicial power, all originate uniformly from the people and are the exercise of power bestowed and authorized by the people. Secondly, the unity of state power signifies the unity of the political goals to be achieved. Although legislative, executive, and judicial powers have different functions and authorities, their political goal is unified: "to ensure and continuously promote the people's right to be masters of the country... to achieve a wealthy people, a strong country, democracy, justice, and civilization."

In the process of building socialist democracy and a socialist rule-of-law state, Vietnam has promulgated many principles, policies, and legal documents to promote socialist democracy and effectively guarantee the people's exercise of state power. According to the 2013 Constitution, to ensure state power belongs to the people, the people exercise state power through direct democracy and through representative democracy via the National Assembly, People's Councils at all levels, and other state organs. Direct and representative democracy are the most basic and important forms for the Vietnamese people to exercise state power. Direct democracy refers to the people, as the subject of state power, exercising that power themselves. The 2013 Constitution provides forms for Vietnamese citizens to exercise direct democracy, including: citizens aged eighteen and over having the right to vote in national referendums; the need to solicit public opinion when the Constitutional Drafting Committee drafts the Constitution; the power of voters to recall deputies to the National Assembly or People's Councils who have lost the people’s trust; and the right of citizens to participate in state and social management and submit proposals. Representative democracy refers to the people authorizing their state power to state organs or individuals. Vietnamese representative democracy is reflected in the election of deputies to the National Assembly and People's Councils, who perform state and social management functions on behalf of the voters, remain responsible to the people, and are subject to their supervision.

(3) Practical Form: Division, Coordination, and Supervision among State Organs

The 13th National Congress of the CPV noted: "The mechanism of division, coordination, and supervision of power among state organs in the exercise of legislative, executive, and judicial powers has become increasingly clear and has made positive progress." This affirms the effectiveness of the "division of three powers" model. The division, coordination, and supervision of state power is the practical form of the CPV’s advancement of national governance, aimed at the horizontal allocation of state power under CPV leadership to improve the efficiency of state management and maximize the prevention of the alienation of state power.

Various state organs reasonably divide labor when exercising legislative, executive, and judicial powers to clarify the responsibilities and tasks of each, thereby performing state management functions more effectively. The division of state power is carried out on the basis of upholding CPV leadership over state power. The purpose of this division is not to create a separation between various state organs, but to ensure that each organ independently fulfills its duties, represents the people in exercising state power, and gives full play to its responsibilities in exercising statutory authority. The 2013 Constitution divides state power into three types: legislative, executive, and judicial. The National Assembly, as the highest representative organ of the state, exercises legislative power, representing and ensuring that the common will of the people is reflected in law. The Government, as the highest executive organ of the state, exercises enforcement power and is the organizer of the implementation and management of state policies. The People's Courts, as judicial organs, exercise judicial power, protecting the common will of the state by adjudicating acts that violate the Constitution and the law.

Various state organs coordinate with each other when exercising legislative, executive, and judicial powers to ensure collaboration. Each state organ carries out work within its own scope of authority, both performing its specific duties and forming a unified entity of coordinated and cooperative operation. To ensure the unity of state power, state organs increase coordination and cooperation when exercising power, forming a powerful synergy for governing the country and avoiding states of isolation, fragmentation, or opposition. Coordination among state organs further promotes more full and effective fulfillment of their respective duties. For example, in the legislative field, laws are passed by the National Assembly, but are typically drafted by the Government; the Standing Committee of the National Assembly collects public opinions in advance and submits them to the National Assembly for approval; and finally, the President promulgates the law. The President frequently coordinates closely with the National Assembly and the State Council [11]; when deciding on major national issues, the President announces the important decisions of the National Assembly or its Standing Committee.

Various state organs exercise supervision over one another when exercising legislative, executive, and judicial powers to ensure that state organs or individuals authorized by the people exercise state power correctly and serve the country and the people more effectively. From the day of its birth, state power has always moved in the direction of self-negation, a phenomenon known as the "alienation of state power." The alienation of power manifests in various forms, such as abuse of power, bureaucratism, and corruption; to overcome this, effective supervision of state organs is required. The 13th National Congress of the CPV emphasized the need to "further clarify the roles, positions, functions, tasks, and powers of state organs in exercising legislative, executive, and judicial powers on the basis of the rule of law, ensuring that state power is unified, the division of labor is clear, coordination is close, and supervision of state power is strengthened." Supervision is an important way to prevent the alienation of state power. The National Assembly exercises supreme supervision over state activities; deputies have the right to interpellate [12], conduct confidence assessments, and hold votes of confidence regarding state organs and public officials elected or approved by the National Assembly. The Government has the right to manage and supervise all activities of state organs in terms of national administrative management to prevent and punish corruption. People's Courts have the power to try any violator of the law, including National Assembly deputies and members of the government, according to the principle of independent trial and adherence only to the law.

III. The Practical Value of the CPV’s Advancement of the National Governance Model

The "division of three powers" model under CPV leadership is a product of Vietnam’s construction of a socialist rule-of-law state and socialist democratic politics. It plays an important role in firming up Vietnam’s socialist direction, realizing the people’s status as masters of the country, and building a clean and powerful political system.

(1) A Key Measure to Firmly Uphold the Direction of Vietnamese Socialist Development

Nguyen Phu Trong noted: "The Communist Party of Vietnam, from its inception and throughout the process of revolutionary struggle, has always maintained that socialism is the goal and ideal of the CPV and the Vietnamese people, and that moving toward socialism is the objective requirement and inevitable path of the Vietnamese revolution." This reiterates that Vietnam will continue to uphold the leadership of the Communist Party and unswervingly move toward socialism. The "division of three powers" model is a key measure by which the Vietnamese Party and state firm up this developmental direction.

As Vietnam’s Doi Moi and international integration have deepened, the influence of Western models of democratic politics has moved from the economic to the political sphere. Some radicals in Vietnam have proposed abandoning the socialist path and breaking away from CPV leadership, attempting to use Western forms of democratic politics such as multi-party systems and the separation of powers to shake the socialist direction and the Party's leadership. In this context, the Vietnamese Party and state—guided by Marxism-Leninism and Ho Chi Minh Thought, grasping the objective reality of Vietnam’s national construction, summarizing historical experience, and drawing upon the essence of political civilizations from around the world—proposed the "division of three powers" model suited to Vietnam's national conditions. This reaffirms that only by upholding CPV leadership over state power and adhering to the socialist direction can state power be truly guaranteed to belong to the people. The "division of three powers" model is linked to Vietnam’s socialist party system; it is a practical model of national governance under the persistent leadership of the CPV, reflecting the nature of Vietnam as a socialist rule-of-law state that belongs to, comes from, and is for the people. The emphasis on division, coordination, and supervision among state organs facilitates the efficient operation of state power, prevents the alienation of power, and maintains the organization and operation of state organs under CPV leadership, laying the political foundation for upholding Party leadership and the socialist direction.

(2) An Effective Way to Realize the People's Status as Masters of the Country

Nguyen Phu Trong pointed out: "The essential difference between a socialist rule-of-law state and a capitalist rule-of-law state is that the capitalist rule of law is essentially a tool to protect and serve the interests of the bourgeoisie, while the rule of law in a socialist system represents and exercises the people’s right to be masters, serving as a tool to guarantee and maintain the interests of the majority of the people." Compared to the falsity and deceptiveness embodied in the separation of powers in Western capitalist countries, the "division of labor" (among powers) possesses a popular and authentic character. It consistently maintains that all power belongs to the people and fundamentally safeguards their interests, thereby assisting the people in exercising their right to be masters of the country.

The Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV) has consistently maintained that the people are the center and the primary subject of the Vietnamese revolution, the Renovative (Doi Moi) [13] cause, and construction efforts; all principles and policies of the Party and State must truly stem from the legitimate and justifiable requirements, aspirations, and rights and interests of the people. "All lines of the Party, and all policies, laws, and activities of the State, are for the well-being of the people, taking the people's happiness as the goal of struggle." This signifies that the people are the beneficiaries of the Party’s guidelines and policies and the State’s laws and regulations; all policies and regulations of the Party and State must serve the people. According to the provisions of the Vietnamese Constitution, all State power belongs to the people and is concentrated in the people rather than in the National Assembly. The power exercised by various State organs originates from the mandate of the people; therefore, the organization and operation of State organs must serve the people and ensure the people's right to be masters [14]. State organs and their cadres and public officials must respect the people, be responsible to the people, serve the people, and accept supervision by the people. The 13th National Congress of the CPV emphasized that all work of the Vietnamese Party and State must earnestly implement the ideology of taking the people as the foundation, truly respect and give play to the people’s right to be masters, and adhere to the principle that "the people know, the people discuss, the people do, the people check, the people supervise, and the people enjoy." [15] It must effectively implement direct democracy, representative democracy, and especially grassroots democracy. Ho Chi Minh pointed out: "Whatever is beneficial to the people, we must strive to do; whatever is harmful to the people, we must strive to avoid." This emphasizes that the Vietnamese Party and State consistently adhere to a people-centered position, with the fundamental pursuit of maintaining and realizing the interests of the broad masses of the people.

(III) The Inevitable Requirement for Building a Clean and Strong Political System

The report of the 13th National Congress of the CPV pointed out that Vietnam must "build a clean and strong Party and political system, consolidate the people's confidence in the Party, the State, and the socialist system... maintain a peaceful and stable environment, and strive to build our country into a developed nation along a socialist orientation by the mid-21st century." The "division of three powers" [16] national governance model, as an important measure for building and improving the Vietnamese socialist democracy and the socialist rule-of-law state, will assist Vietnam in building a clean and strong political system.

In the process of political renovation, Vietnam has faced problems such as low efficiency in the organization and operation of state organs, corruption, waste, negative phenomena, and serious internal instances of "self-evolution" and "self-transformation," [17] which are inconsistent with Vietnam's goal of building a clean and strong Party and political system. Building a clean and strong political system in Vietnam requires, under the leadership of the CPV, the establishment of streamlined, efficient, and people-oriented state organs, the improvement of the state power supervision mechanism, and a resolute determination to prevent and punish corruption and internal "self-evolution" and "self-transformation." The "division of three powers" national governance model emphasizes that, while adhering to the CPV's leadership over national governance and the principle that state power is unified and belongs to the people, there must be a clear division of labor regarding the functions and tasks of various state organs. This ensures that state organs can maintain close coordination and mutual supervision during operation, fully exert their state management functions, and curb the alienation of state power and "self-evolution" or "self-transformation," thereby making the operation of state organs clearer and more efficient.

On the one hand, the "division of three powers" national governance model guarantees the unity of the people's will and state power, ensures the effectiveness of Party and State decision-making, and facilitates the pooling of the people's aspirations to accomplish major tasks of an overall and forward-looking nature. In recent years, the results achieved by Vietnam in fighting the COVID-19 pandemic fully demonstrated the superiority of the Vietnamese socialist system and the superiority of the "division of three powers." On the other hand, under the leadership of the CPV, the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of the state organs have their own operational and mutual coordination mechanisms as well as supervision mechanisms. This has improved the operational efficiency of state organs and effectively prevented the alienation of state power, thereby maintaining the maximum unity and stability of Vietnam's national laws, regulations, guidelines, and policies.