Wang Ximan, Xue Lijun: The Party of Labour of Austria's Exploration of the Path to Socialist Revolution
The Party of Labour of Austria (PdA) is a product of the combination of the Austrian workers' movement with scientific socialism, as well as a product of the unification of multiple forces within the country that adhere to Marxism-Leninism. Due to dissatisfaction with the decision of the 33rd National Congress of the Communist Party of Austria (KPÖ) to revise the party constitution, pivot toward democratic socialism, and join the Party of the European Left, some party members announced their withdrawal in 2005 and established the "Communist Initiative." This initiative attracted Marxist-Leninist forces within the Social Democratic Party of Austria and, with the support of the Communist Youth Organization, the Communist Student Association, and organizations of migrants and ethnic minorities, reorganized in 2009 into the "Communist Trade Union Initiative – International," which upholds Marxism-Leninism. On this basis, the Party of Labour of Austria was registered with the Austrian Ministry of Interior in February 2013, becoming a legal political party. In the decade since its founding, the PdA has held five consecutive national congresses, continuously enriching and developing its revolutionary theory of socialism and exploring the path to socialism under the guidance of this theory.
I. The Process and Conditions for the Emergence and Development of the Party of Labour of Austria's Theory of Socialist Revolution
Engels once pointed out: "The real content of all epoch-making systems is formed by the needs of the period in which these systems were produced." The PdA's theory of socialist revolution is a revolutionary theory gradually formed under specific conditions based on particular needs.
(1) The process of the emergence and development of the theory of socialist revolution
The PdA's theory of socialist revolution is a continuation of the theoretical and practical explorations carried out by the country's Marxist-Leninist forces to conduct socialist struggle and rebuild a revolutionary party of the working class. As the only communist party in Austria currently guided by Marxism-Leninism, the PdA clearly proposed its theory of socialist revolution from its inception to provide theoretical guidance for the domestic exploration of a path to realizing socialism. In October 2013, the PdA held its First National Congress, which discussed and adopted important documents regarding the conduct of socialist revolution in Austria, such as the Declaration of the Founding and Basic Principles of the Party of Labour of Austria and the Statutes of the Party of Labour of Austria. It formally proposed that its strategic task "is to carry out socialist revolution and construction in Austria," formulated a program for socialist revolution, clarified the goal of establishing an anti-monopoly alliance for socialist revolution, and laid the basic theoretical framework for the Austrian socialist revolution.
The Second National Congress of the PdA in 2016 proposed plans to expand inter-party relations and actively integrate into the international communist movement, highlighting the need to strengthen international communist solidarity. In 2018, the Third National Congress, based on a profound analysis of the new changes in capitalism and an exposure of its essence, proposed specific conceptions for a future socialist society, further deepening the general vision of socialism found in its founding declaration.
The Fourth National Congress in 2019 clarified the guiding significance of Marxism-Leninism for the Austrian socialist revolution, pointed out the strategic and long-term nature of the domestic socialist revolution, and focused on deploying party-building efforts based on a summary of experiences and lessons. The Fifth National Congress in 2022 analyzed the current unfavorable factors for conducting socialist revolution domestically, addressed issues such as the timing of the revolution and the maturation of conditions, and further clarified the direction and tasks of party building. Thus, the PdA's theory of socialist revolution has been further enriched and developed.
(2) Conditions for the emergence and development of the theory of socialist revolution
1. Background of the era: The nature of the current era and new changes in capitalism From the perspective of the nature of the era, although the Drastic Changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe [1] caused a massive setback for the world socialist movement, the world today is still in a period of transition from capitalism to socialism. The PdA believes: "We live in an era of human transition from capitalism to socialism; even the temporary setbacks of 1989–1991 cannot change this nature." From its perspective, although the aspiration to achieve the liberation of all humanity with the Russian October Revolution as the starting point of world revolution was not directly realized, the victory of the revolution and the historical contributions of socialist construction in the Soviet Union cannot be denied. "As the first stage of communist society, socialism is full of difficulties and contradictions; it is not a sudden paradise." "Socialist revolution, socialist construction, and a classless society are inevitable requirements for the survival of humanity and the continuation of civilization today, because capitalism represents a path of barbarism and poses a challenge to the species survival of humanity."
From the perspective of the historical process of capitalist development, "contemporary capitalism is imperialism or monopoly capitalism," and its internal fundamental contradictions have diversified. These contradictions worsen with the outbreak of global capitalist economic crises and manifest in different forms. The richest 1% of the world's population owns 50% of the world's total wealth, while the poorest 75% own only 3%; 800 million people suffer from long-term malnutrition annually, and 3.5 million children die from it; contaminated water leads to disease or death for 1.8 million people every year; greenhouse gas damage to the Earth's atmosphere is becoming increasingly severe... These are all the bitter fruits triggered by the capitalist economic crisis since 2008 and serve as evidence that capitalism is destroying the foundations of human existence at an accelerating pace. Furthermore, the continuous escalation of local turmoil and military conflicts since the 21st century is the result of imperialist competition for markets, resources, transport routes, spheres of influence, and geostatestic positions. Therefore, the PdA believes "capitalism means destruction and war," and only by transcending capitalism will humanity have a future.
From the perspective of the laws of human social development, "the intensification of the crises of capitalism and imperialism further highlights the realism and necessity of socialism." The nature of the current era and the new changes in capitalist development pose a series of urgent new problems for the realization of socialism in Austria, such as the configuration of revolutionary forces and the formulation of specific tactics, all of which the PdA must answer while exploring the path to socialism.
2. Internal basis: New changes in domestic economic and political development From the end of World War II to the 1990s, the state-owned sector of the Austrian economy accounted for about 45% of the total national economy. The degree of nationalization was relatively high among developed countries. The government provided necessary protection, such as preferential loan subsidies, to small and medium-sized enterprises and maintained high levels of fiscal expenditure on social insurance—including retirement, pensions, healthcare, and accidents—resulting in high social welfare and stable economic operations. After the 1990s, especially after joining the European Union, Austria followed market liberalization and privatization reforms, privatizing a large number of state-owned enterprises and reducing the corporate income tax from 34% to 25%. This significantly reduced national fiscal revenue; however, as the aging population increased social welfare expenditures, income taxes had to be continuously raised, and annual social security spending accounted for about 28% of GDP. This increased the fiscal deficit, with national debt reaching approximately 60% of GNP. The privatization of state-owned enterprises further intensified the exploitation of the working masses by capitalists, while the drastic cuts in welfare spending further lowered the quality of life for workers. In 2018, at the 20th International Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties, the PdA stated: "In the past 25 years, most state-owned enterprises in Austria have been privatized, and public fiscal expenditures for employment, healthcare, and pensions have dropped significantly. Currently, the conditions for further privatization of state-owned enterprises and even larger reductions in social security public spending are ripe, and the new bourgeois government is launching its final offensive."
Austria is a country where the crisis of bourgeois rule is evident. Regardless of its form, the bourgeois state is fundamentally a machine for the capitalists to rule and oppress the working class. Since the 1990s, whether through center-left or center-right coalition governance, Austria has been committed to maintaining capitalist rule in various ways and strongly opposes any genuine alternative. Nevertheless, the ruling system of the Austrian bourgeoisie has become very fragile. Voter turnout in Austria is low, and elected parties and governments have little democratic legitimacy; rampant problems such as corruption and the destruction of civil rights reflect the low governance level of the authorities. The so-called "social democracy and social partnership" have also been discredited due to the government's suppression of trade unions, the degeneration of the democratic socialist labor aristocracy, and the indifference of the working masses toward unions. When misleading information, lies, and false promises do not work, the ruling class does not hesitate to roll out emergency regulations and deploy police, agents, and the military for suppression. All of this proves the profound crisis of bourgeois rule; it is simply that the time has not yet come when "the lower classes do not want to live in the old way and the upper classes cannot carry on in the old way." [2]
Austria is also a country with prominent national contradictions. First, due to the privatization of state-owned enterprises and market liberalization reforms, "many large enterprises in Austria are controlled by foreign capital," which aggravates the contradiction between domestic and foreign capital. Second, Austria itself occupies a subordinate position within the capitalist system, and its monopoly capital exists in a relationship of dependence and competition with more powerful monopoly capital. Since the Drastic Changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, Austrian capitalism has gained considerable benefits. For example, Austrian banks play an important role in Central and Eastern Europe; Austria joined NATO's "Partnership for Peace" program and sent troops to join NATO's garrisons in Kosovo and Bosnia and Herzegovina, where its financial capital also plays a leading role. However, as a small capitalist power, Austria can only attach itself to large capitalist powers and act in concert with them.
The development of Austria's political, economic, and social spheres, as well as the evolution of class and national contradictions, have presented the PdA with new tasks, goals, and requirements for the reliance on specific forces in the socialist revolution. These all require the PdA to derive correct conclusions based on the basic principles of Marxism-Leninism and a concrete analysis of national conditions.
3. Subjective conditions: Revolutionary tradition and revolutionary spirit Austria possesses a glorious revolutionary tradition. First, it has a long history of labor movements dating back to the 1860s; the working class began to mature politically at the end of the 19th century and was relatively adept at handling class struggle. Second, Austrian working-class parties were established early; for instance, the Social Democratic Workers' Party of Austria was born in 1889, accumulating rich experience and achieving notable results in leading parliamentary struggles and labor movements. Third, the localization [3] of Marxism in Austria occurred early; before World War I, a unique school of Marxism represented by Max Adler, Otto Bauer, Rudolf Hilferding, and Karl Renner was formed, actively carrying out the great struggle for socialism. The Communist Party of Austria, founded in 1918, proposed "Socialism with Austrian Characteristics" in the 1980s, further realizing the Austrianization of Marxism. The PdA, which split from the KPÖ, is the successor to the fine traditions of the past revolutionary left, and its theory of socialist revolution is an effort to uphold the fundamentals and break new ground regarding "Socialism with Austrian Characteristics."
From its founding to its current development, the PdA has formed a unique revolutionary spirit. First is the conviction in victory. It consistently upholds the guiding position of Marxism-Leninism, always "fighting for political change," never wavering in its socialist convictions, never abandoning internationalist principles, and never compromising with the bourgeoisie. it persists in struggling against various forms of opportunism, revisionism, and reformism; "it adheres to class struggle, opposes 'class reconciliation', and thereby prevents itself from becoming an appendage of capitalism." Second is the spirit of struggle. It consistently opposes capitalism, imperialism, fascism, and militarism, fighting for the realization of socialism. It has not been discouraged or retreated when revolutionary conditions were immature, demonstrating a fighting posture of being brave to revolutionize. Third is the spirit of practical action. It is a party composed of working people and maintains a high sense of responsibility toward the working class and the masses. Starting from the fundamental interests of the people, it issues statements and organizes marches several times a year on realistic issues of concern to the masses, opposing the reactionary policies and actions of the bourgeois government through practical action.
II. The Main Content of the Party of Labour of Austria's Exploration of the Theory of Socialist Revolution
the PdA's theory regarding socialist revolution has rich connotations, including the essence of the socialist revolution, specific revolutionary programs, the forces to be relied upon, forms of revolutionary organization, methods of struggle, and the vision for a future society.
First, the Party of Labour of Austria (PdA) contends that the primary social contradiction in Austria is the conflict between the nation and foreign imperialism, as well as the contradiction between domestic monopoly capital and the working class and other social strata. "Austria plays a subordinate role in the imperialist pyramid, yet the position of domestic finance and monopoly capital should by no means be underestimated." "Two paths lie before the Austrian people: either the hopeful path of socialism or the bloody and barbaric path of capitalism." The Austrian working class and the masses face two historical tasks: first, to oppose imperialism and achieve genuine national independence; second, to oppose monopoly capital and achieve genuine people's democracy. Reformist paths such as democratic socialism are non-viable "because they either remain within the framework of capitalism or create contradictions themselves." The essence of the socialist revolution is to destroy the foundations of capitalist rule and create the prerequisites for the working class and its allies to seize political power. Given the current state of capitalist development in Austria, "the two core elements of the socialist revolution are: the political power of the organized working class and the socialization of the means of production."
Second, the PdA has proposed a three-part program for conducting the socialist revolution: nationalization of production in the economic sphere, democratization of decision-making in the political sphere, and class solidarity in the social sphere.
The first is the nationalization of production in the economic sphere. The PdA believes: "Transforming private ownership of the means of production into public ownership, controlled by the working class in power and planned according to social needs, is the economic production model of a socialist state." The key to nationalization is resolving the issue of ownership of the means of production, "especially turning all banks, insurance companies, and the most important enterprises—particularly foreign-funded enterprises—into public ownership." It is necessary to ensure the working class enjoys full democratic rights, that social groups cooperate fully, that minimum wages are raised, and that the social security, education, and training systems for workers are improved. Enterprises should formulate policies oriented toward the interests of the masses, taking "the first step toward a planned economy guided by the needs of the people." The PdA believes that large state-owned companies can serve as anti-monopoly bastions for the working class, gradually breaking through the constraints and limitations of the capitalist system. However, the role of nationalization can only be fully realized under conditions where democratic politics are mature and revolutionary anti-monopoly forces are growing.
The second is the democratization of decision-making in the political sphere. "Broadening the democratic participation of the working class and its allies and ensuring they possess thorough political decision-making power are fundamental conditions for achieving a socialist society." The PdA exposes the hypocritical nature of bourgeois democracy as formal rather than substantive: bourgeois rulers arbitrarily set electoral barriers through various means, and overt or hidden corruption deprives the masses of their right to vote, seriously hindering the process of democratic development. This hypocritical bourgeois democracy is erasing the fruits of struggle achieved by the workers' movement over many years. Therefore, under capitalist rule, the state and society cannot achieve true democratization. The PdA advocates for thorough democratization of decision-making: establishing direct democracy; creating mechanisms for democratic participation in representative bodies, factories, administrative and educational institutions, and the military; abolishing the privileges of politicians and political parties; reducing the salaries of parliamentarians and administrative officials to match workers' wages; prohibiting collusion between government and business; and striking against "invisible corruption." It resolutely defends national and political independence and the Austrian people's right to national self-determination.
The third is class solidarity in the social sphere. The PdA believes that the ruling class in capitalist countries is fundamentally incapable of and unwilling to promote social solidarity because they refuse to yield their vested interests to the people. A progressive state has an obligation not only to provide basic social security for laborers, the unemployed, and their families but also to ensure the masses can enjoy free or affordable basic public services, especially in healthcare, childcare, elderly care, education and training, mobility, career development, transportation, communications, and leisure. Economic manipulation and notions of privilege should not exist in the fields of social security and public services. "Building a fraternal community and a solidary society is one of the core tasks of a socialist state." "If this can be achieved and consolidated, it will strengthen unity within the working class and the concept of community."
Third, the PdA emphasizes that the prerequisite for conducting socialist revolution and construction is having a revolutionary workers' party guided by Marxism-Leninism. In the socialist revolution, the decisive factors are the Party's leadership and the unity of the working class. The main force of the revolution is the working class as the leading class, along with other exploited people who depend on wages for survival, such as the urban and rural middle strata, small self-employed individuals, peasants, intellectuals, and immigrants. It is necessary to actively win over members of other parties that represent workers' interests and to maintain close contact with youth groups to give full play to their active role.
Fourth, the PdA calls for the establishment of an anti-monopoly alliance to fight for democracy, social progress, national independence, and peace. On the premise of consensus and seeking common ground while reserving differences [4], and on the basis of maintaining ideological and organizational independence, an alliance should be built with all socialists, communists, revolutionary and left-wing progressive organizations, and all organizations that uphold democracy, social progress, pacifism, and anti-fascism. This alliance also includes social strata such as small farmers, merchants, freelancers, and intellectuals who oppose imperialism and monopoly in practice.
Fifth, the PdA believes there are currently two methods of struggle: intra-parliamentary struggle and extra-parliamentary struggle. On the one hand, while bourgeois democratic representative institutions are certainly not tools for conducting socialist revolution, "they are platforms for class struggle," and this platform should be fully utilized. On the other hand, "the improvement of the working class's working and living conditions cannot be achieved by begging the ruling class or through social partnership negotiations; it can only be realized by forcing the ruling class to make concessions through the extra-parliamentary workers' movement... We must not harbor any illusions: without a strong extra-parliamentary movement, at most only partial positive measures can be implemented." Extra-parliamentary struggle is extremely important and serves as an essential guarantee for parliamentary struggle.
Sixth, the PdA believes that future socialism needs to "satisfy the material lives of all people by planned increases in productive forces, adhere to a sustainable development model, abolish the system of capitalist exploitation, eliminate class differentiation, end war, and continuously raise socialist consciousness." Beyond these universal principles, there is no "finished" socialist product to be copied; Austrian socialism will be realized based on a scientific analysis of its own prerequisites and specific characteristics. Future socialism will implement a planned economy based on public ownership of the means of production and guided by the needs of the people. It will establish a democratic regime founded on the working class and its allies, and build a modern society that meets the material and cultural needs of the masses on the premise of highly developed productive forces—a society without overwork, hardship, unemployment, poverty, or fear; a society where the masses fully possess healthcare, education, and cultural security; and a society without exploitation, war, or misery, where the people's future is secured.
Seventh, while the PdA "seeks to realize socialism in Austria, it pledges to contribute to the overthrow of capitalism worldwide as part of the international workers' movement." The PdA fully affirms the leading role and outstanding contributions of Communist Parties worldwide in their exploration of socialist theory and practice, and advocates for drawing lessons and summarizing experiences from both the history and reality of socialism. It advocates for strengthening the unity and cooperation of international socialist forces and taking common action against imperialism, while emphasizing that each country should independently explore a socialist development path suited to its own characteristics. It also advocates for a resolute struggle against various forms of opportunism and reformism, strongly opposes the theoretical propositions of the Party of the European Left, and emphasizes that adherence to Marxism-Leninism is its essential characteristic and the fundamental reason it can undertake and fulfill its mission.
III. THE PRACTICE OF THE PARTY OF LABOUR OF AUSTRIA IN EXPLORING THE PATH OF SOCIALIST REVOLUTION
Under the guidance of socialist revolutionary theory, the PdA has carried out Party building, conducted intra- and extra-parliamentary struggles, strengthened the unity of the international communist movement, and actively prepared for the realization of socialism, achieving some results.
(1) Building an Independent and Combatant Marxist-Leninist Workers' Party
Regarding guiding ideology, the PdA emphasizes that Marxism-Leninism is the guide to action for the whole Party and stresses that it "must clearly distinguish itself from opportunism, revisionism, and reformism." In its practice of ideological and political education, the PdA—through regularized Party spirit [5] education and periodic thematic education—continuously affirms its position of "adhering to communism and opposing the anti-communist forces' falsification and slander of history." For example, the theme of its 2018 internal ideological education was "100 Years of the Austrian Communist Movement." In ideological propaganda, it emphasizes expanding the combativeness and influence of Party media. Its central organ, Arbeit (Labour), published 5–6 times a year, serves as a medium for revolutionary action, functioning for internal organization and external propaganda; its electronic version, Arbeit-Zeitung Online, also exerts influence as an important supplement to the central organ. Its official website, "Party Work Network" (Parteiarbeit.at), serves as a window for communication with the outside world and a platform for conducting economic, political, and ideological struggle. Its theoretical journal, Unity and Struggle, has published nine issues to date and is the main front for the Party's theoretical construction.
Organizationally, the PdA emphasizes its independence and combativeness. Its Party Constitution clearly stipulates that members of the Party are not allowed to concurrently hold membership in another political party. It develops full members, special members, honorary members, and youth members according to different criteria. The entire Party must obey decisions made by the Party Central Committee based on programmatic principles and the Party Constitution; resolutions of the Party Congress are the prerequisite for the organizational work of the entire Party, and Party cadres must undergo regular education and training. After its founding, the PdA grew rapidly, with its organization quickly expanding to other administrative regions. Within less than four months of its establishment, it had established independent party organizations in five Austrian states: Salzburg, Vienna, Lower Austria, Burgenland, and Carinthia, expanding to the remaining four states in the following year. The establishment of an effective top-down organizational system has efficiently expanded the Party’s influence.
The PdA emphasizes tempering the revolutionary style and spirit of the entire Party. "Joining the Party of Labour of Austria means a self-commitment to the class struggle for socialist revolution; one must have a sense of strict discipline, a spirit of sacrifice and dedication, and a serious and firm attitude—disregarding personal gains or losses when necessary and always putting the Party’s work first."
The PdA focuses on cultivating independent youth and trade union organizations. Founded in October 2022 under the leadership of the PdA, the Youth Front of the Party of Labour of Austria is a communist youth organization guided by Marxism-Leninism and composed primarily of young workers and students. It is another powerful force in the Austrian communist movement, following the Communist Youth of Austria (KJÖ) and the Communist Student Association (KSV).
(2) Struggling for Democracy and Socialism Inside and Outside Parliament
On the one hand, the PdA has strengthened its links with mass organizations and led various forms of mass movements. The PdA has established close ties with organizations representing youth, trade unions, students, women, anti-fascists, immigrants, and ethnic minorities. The Communist Youth of Austria and the Communist Student Association were close allies of the PdA from its inception, and the Party has always maintained in-depth exchange and close cooperation with these two organizations. In 2019, the PdA and the Communist Youth jointly hosted the 15th Meeting of European Communist Youth Organizations. At the same time, the PdA focuses on important occasions—such as traditional holidays, anniversaries of major events, and significant domestic or international incidents—to carry out various propaganda, commemorative, or protest activities. These expose the greed and oppression of imperialism, guide the masses to reflect on capitalism, and stimulate their resonance with socialist ideals. Every year on May 1st, International Workers' Day, the PdA organizes mass rallies, parades, and demonstrations, with the number of people responding to the call increasing year by year.
On the other hand, the PdL’s parliamentary struggles have also achieved certain results. In January 2020, the PdL made a breakthrough in the municipal elections in Lower Austria, successfully entering a municipal council for the first time. In the town of Neusiedl an der Zaya, located in the Gänserndorf district of Lower Austria, the PdL received 5.4% of the vote, winning one of the 19 seats on the municipal council. Armin Kolařík, a 30-year-old worker and member of the Party's Central Committee, served a five-year term on the council. Party Chairman Tibor Zenker stated: "This seemingly small victory is actually a major step forward for the Party... We are now on the political map of Austria; we must use this platform to defend the interests of the working class and to encourage, mobilize, and organize the working class in the struggle against capitalism and imperialism."
(3) Striving to be an active participant in the international communist movement The PdL strengthens ties with other communist parties and organizations through multiple channels, enhancing inter-party exchanges and practicing the spirit of internationalism. In terms of developing bilateral relations, the PdL has in recent years established bilateral relations based on mutual trust and respect with the Communist Party of the Peoples of Spain, the Communist Party (Italy), the German Communist Party, the Communist Party of Sweden, the New Communist Party of Yugoslavia, the Communist Party of Turkey, the Communist Party of Venezuela, the Communist Party of Mexico, the Communist Party of Cuba, and the Communist Party of Greece (KKE). At the PdL's Third National Congress in 2018, fifteen foreign communist and workers' parties or communist organizations attended to offer congratulations, illustrating the progress the Party has made in developing relations with other communist parties and organizations. Since 2018, it has held formal talks respectively with the Communist Party of Greece, the Communist Party (Italy), the Socialist Workers' Party of Croatia, the New Communist Party of Yugoslavia, and representatives of the Cuban embassy and consulates in Austria, while actively declaring solidarity with or supporting the struggles of communist parties in various countries. It frequently issues joint statements with fraternal parties, such as the June 18, 2019 "Joint Statement of Communist and Workers' Parties on the Escalation of Tensions and Dangers Caused by the US War against Iran," co-signed with 34 other communist parties.
In terms of developing multilateral exchanges, the international conference hosted by the PdL to commemorate the 100th anniversary of the victory of the Russian October Revolution was attended by more than ten fraternal parties—including the Portuguese Communist Party, the Communist Party of Venezuela, the Communist Party of Mexico, the Communist Party of Australia, the Communist Party of Sweden, the Communist Party (Italy), the New Communist Party of Yugoslavia, the Communist Party in Denmark, and the Communist Party of Greece—or received congratulatory letters from them. It was a founding member of the "Initiative of Communist and Workers' Parties" established in 2013, and in December 2020, it was successfully elected as a member of the organization's new Secretariat. It has participated in every International Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties (IMCWP) since 2018, actively taking part in the drafting and translation of relevant documents, and has become a formal member of the meeting. Its volume of postings on the official website "SolidNet" ranks 43rd among 121 communist parties, workers' parties, and communist organizations, making its influence clearly evident. It also actively participates in the European Communist Meetings and various international seminars hosted by the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia in Prague, the Communist Party of Greece in Athens, and others.
IV. Relevant Evaluations and Analyses After ten years of development, the PdL has achieved certain results in political struggles both at home and abroad and possesses a degree of political discourse power. The progressiveness it has displayed and the difficulties it faces in exploring the path of socialist revolution are also a portrait and microcosm of the explorations undertaken by European communist and workers' parties since the beginning of the 21st century.
(1) The progressiveness of the PdL’s exploration of the path of socialist revolution The PdL’s exploration of the path of socialist revolution embodies the development of socialist revolutionary theory since the 21st century. Marx once pointed out: "Socialism cannot be realized without revolution. Socialism needs this political act insofar as it needs to destroy and dissolve the old." Following the drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, as anti-communist forces in Europe became increasingly rampant and populism continued to rise, it is highly commendable that the PdL has been able to inherit the revolutionary tradition of the working-class struggle against capitalism, fascism, and colonialism, and to establish a revolutionary working-class party that believes in Marxism-Leninism. As Lenin said, "Without revolutionary theory there can be no revolutionary movement." The PdL’s exploration of the path of socialist revolution vividly reflects the new atmosphere and dynamics of the development of socialist revolutionary theory in the 21st century.
The PdL adheres to the Sinicization [6] (indigenization) of Marxism. Although the PdL split from the Communist Party of Austria (KPÖ), from the perspective of upholding the fundamentals and breaking new ground, its socialist revolutionary theory is a creative transformation of the "Socialism with Austrian Colors" [7] proposed by the KPÖ in the 1980s. Both adhere to Marxism-Leninism, a view of the era that advances with the times, social class analysis methods, ideas of socialist democracy, theories regarding the particularity and universality of socialism, proletarian internationalism, and anti-imperialist and anti-monopoly thought. It soberly recognizes that the current domestic situation in Austria is not conducive to socialist revolution; therefore, the Party’s most important task for the immediate future remains strengthening ties with the working class, educating, supporting, and mobilizing the working class, cultivating its socialist consciousness, and promptly "organizing the most conscious groups into fighting units." The PdL also emphasizes that although the working class is currently on the defensive, as they accumulate experience in the struggle for democracy and socialism, achieve local victories, and improve their level of organization, they will surely regain the initiative when the revolutionary conditions are ripe. "When the rulers face a conscious, organized, and militant working class capable of truly taking large-scale action, it is possible for them to make concessions and compromises." As the working class and the masses’ demands for world peace, social security, and democratic progress grow increasingly intense, the revolutionary forces of class struggle will gradually be strengthened. "This is a long and arduous road, but it is indispensable." [8]
The PdL is a nascent force in Europe for anti-imperialism, anti-monopoly, and the defense of socialism. In its view, the EU and NATO are "imperialist alliances and important tools for monopolists to aggress against and oppress the people." Therefore, the PdL explicitly opposes their monopoly policies and interventionist activities, actively supports the socialist struggles of communist and workers' parties in all countries, resolutely opposes anti-communist forces, fascism, and militarism, denounces reformism and opportunism, supports the struggles of the world's people against imperialism and interventionism, defends the interests of the working class and the masses under capitalist rule, and struggles relentlessly to improve their working and living conditions.
(2) Problems facing the PdL’s exploration of the path of socialist revolution The PdL is young, its strength is weak, and its struggle experience is insufficient. Having fewer than a thousand members constrains the PdL’s ability to function as a fighting bastion [9] and limits its influence; a lack of financial capital makes it difficult for Party organs to operate efficiently and restricts the development of organizational activities both inside and outside the Party; while its relatively radical theoretical propositions have unified a portion of Austria's communist forces, its criticisms of other left-wing parties such as the KPÖ are detrimental to internal unity and external alliance-building.
Its grasp of national conditions is insufficiently thorough, and the connection between the theory and practice of socialist revolution is inadequate. Some scholars believe: "The market economy and the social partnership system are the two most important factors in Austria's economic development." This means that the PdL's advocacy against the EU and other economic cooperation organizations, and its opposition to social partnership and the market economy, lack appeal at present. Because Austria has never established a socialist system, and given the deep-seated Austrian notion that "it will be alright" [10] and a "subservient national character," [11] cultivating public confidence in socialism and formulating pragmatic policies that the public truly recognizes are problems that the PdL needs to focus on solving at present.
Under extremely difficult domestic and international conditions, the PdL has adhered to the truth, dared to explore, and struggled tenaciously, creating a set of unique socialist revolutionary theories. This is quite rare for a young Marxist-Leninist party. However, there are still many deficiencies in its socialist revolutionary theory, which must be continuously tested, developed, and perfected through practice.