Yuan Dongzhen: The Impact of the New Wave of Left-Wing Governance on the Socialist Movement in Latin America
In recent years, a new cycle of left-wing governance has emerged in Latin America, once again transforming the region’s political ecosystem and significantly improving the overall environment for the development of the Latin American socialist movement. This article intends to conduct a preliminary analysis of the characteristics of this new cycle of left-wing governance and its impact on the region’s socialist movement, and on this basis, explore the relationship between the development of Latin American left-wing forces and the regional socialist movement.
I. Characteristics of the New Cycle of Left-Wing Governance
The new cycle of left-wing governance in Latin America possesses distinct collective features, cyclical characteristics, and spillover effects. It has once again altered the region’s political ecosystem, facilitating the inclusive development of Latin American politics and providing new momentum for the unification of the region’s left wing.
(1) The new cycle of left-wing governance possesses distinct collective features and has once again altered the regional political ecosystem
In the process of contemporary Latin American political development, there has always existed a so-called "contagion effect"—that is, political developments in one country usually "infect" others, leading to identical or similar developments elsewhere, which in turn forms a regional political phenomenon.
Both the progression of the two cycles of left-wing governance in the 21st century and the alternation between left and right have exhibited relatively clear "contagion effects" and collective features. In December 1998, Hugo Chávez, leader of Venezuela’s emerging left-wing party, the Movement for the Fifth Republic, was elected president and began his administration in 1999. The effect of the rise and accession to power of left-wing forces in Venezuela rapidly spread to other Latin American countries, and the region’s left-wing forces began to rise as a collective. Following Venezuela, left-wing parties successively won general elections and took office in numerous countries, including Chile (2000), Brazil (2002), Argentina (2003), the Dominican Republic (2004), Uruguay (2004), Bolivia (2005), Ecuador (2006), Nicaragua (2006), Paraguay (2008), El Salvador (2009), and Peru (2011), forming a regional "Pink Tide" [1]. After 2015, the political and social consequences of the economic downturn in Latin America continued to ferment, triggering a regional turnover of governing parties characterized by the "retreat of the left and advance of the right." In 2015, the left-wing governing party in Argentina lost its position after 12 consecutive years in power, and a right-wing party began its administration in December of the same year. The alternation from left to right in Argentina’s governing party immediately produced a "contagion effect," triggering a regional right-wing resurgence and the emergence of a right-wing governance cycle. In July 2016, the term of Peru’s left-leaning Ollanta Humala government expired, and a right-wing party took power; in August of the same year, Brazil’s left-wing president Dilma Rousseff was ousted after being impeached by a right-wing controlled Congress; in 2017, Ecuador’s left-wing governing party, the PAIS Alliance, suffered a severe blow in the general election and nearly lost power; in December 2017, the center-left governing coalition in Chile lost the general election, and center-right coalition leader Sebastián Piñera was elected president, taking office in March the following year; in 2018, Brazil’s right-wing presidential candidate Jair Bolsonaro defeated the left-wing candidate; in 2019, the left-wing party in El Salvador, which had governed for ten consecutive years, lost power; in the same year, Evo Morales, leader of Bolivia’s left-wing Movement for Socialism (MAS) and then-president, resigned under pressure from right-wing forces, thereby interrupting the party’s nearly 14-year streak of consecutive governance.
Influenced by multiple internal and external factors, this right-wing governance cycle was short-lived, with left-wing parties returning to power in several Latin American countries just a few years later. In 2018, Mexico’s left-wing National Regeneration Movement (MORENA) won the general election and took office, providing great encouragement and incentive to the Latin American left, which was then at an overall low point. Subsequently, in 2019, Argentina’s left-wing party returned to power, and in 2020, Bolivia’s Movement for Socialism regained office through a general election after a brief loss of power. The effect of the return to power of left-wing parties in Argentina and Bolivia continued to spread. In 2021, left-wing parties successively won elections in Peru, Chile, and Honduras, replacing right-wing parties in government, while Nicaragua’s left-wing governing party won another election to remain in power. In 2022, a left-wing party won the Colombian general election and took office, overturning decades of right-wing rule in that country. The leader of the left-wing Workers’ Party (PT), Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, was elected president of Brazil in the October 2022 election and took office in January the following year. Following the return of Brazil’s left-wing party to power, the six most populous countries in Latin America were simultaneously governed by the left; the scale of left-wing governance even exceeded that of the first "Pink Tide" period initiated at the start of the 21st century. [1] This new cycle of left-wing governance in Latin America has a broad scope and significant political and social impact, not only changing the balance of domestic political forces in various Latin American countries but also once again altering the political ecosystem of the entire region.
(2) The new cycle of left-wing governance has distinct cyclical characteristics, contributing to the inclusive development of Latin American politics
The competition and alternating development between the Latin American left and right are both a core component and a major characteristic of modern Latin American political development. In the process of Latin American political development, left-wing and right-wing forces have grown in alternation, and the balance of power has gradually transitioned from an initial state of "strong right, weak left" to a basic equilibrium. Along with this increasingly balanced power dynamic, the alternation of left and right governance has increasingly become the norm in Latin American political development. The two sides have moved from an initial zero-sum competition marked by incompatibility to a non-zero-sum competition within the existing system. Whether the left is in power or the right is governing, both must to some extent account for the interests and demands of the other, thereby continuously enhancing the inclusivity of political development.
For a considerable period in the past, the positions of left-wing and right-wing forces in Latin American countries were sharply polarized. After the mid-19th century, two clearly demarcated camps, left and right, began to emerge in the Latin American region. In the second half of the 19th century, significant changes appeared in the social structure of Latin American countries, as a group of progressive or radical forces split from traditional conservative and liberal parties to become an important part of the left-wing camp. Communist parties and other socialist parties in Latin America, along with political organizations, social groups, mass organizations [2], and progressive intellectuals influenced by them, constitute the main forces of the left. The left is dissatisfied with the existing political and social order, advocating for social transformation and the redistribution of interests and power. Facing the rise of left-wing forces, conservative forces—represented by traditional large landowners, the Catholic Church, and the upper echelons of the military—sought to maintain their vested interests, adhered to traditional conservative political stances, and opposed political and social change, becoming the main forces of the right-wing camp. These forces, along with the parties, political and social organizations based upon them, and conservative individuals, formed a right-wing bloc in opposition to the left. The right-wing forces in Latin America are the dominators and primary beneficiaries of the traditional political, economic, and social order, while the left-wing forces are the challengers of vested interests. To protect their vested interests from impact, the right-wing forces have consistently sought to prevent any major or profound political and social transformation, standing in sharp opposition to the revolutionary or reformist stance of the left. [2]
With the basic equilibrium in the balance of power between the left and right since the start of the 21st century, the inclusivity of Latin American political development has been continually enhanced. For a long period in the past, right-wing forces in Latin America held a relative advantage, usually ignoring the left's interest claims and attempting to suppress its growth. Throughout the 20th century, at the regional level, the overall strength of the left remained weak compared to the right; it was largely suppressed by the right, and the region's political process was essentially dominated by right-wing forces. Entering the 21st century, the power balance transitioned from the former "weak left, strong right" toward a state of parity or general equilibrium. Neither the left nor the right has been able to—nor has the capacity to—achieve a total victory over the other through previous violent means or coercive methods; thus, mutual tolerance has gradually increased. Although both sides still maintain their basic stances, core interests, and primary demands, they have also begun to value the interests, rights, and demands of the other side. Ultimately, through compromise and consultation, they have reached a basic consensus on major issues such as the country’s fundamental institutions and basic national policies. Both sides have accepted a state of coexistence and competition within the framework of existing institutions, vying for control and leadership over national political and social life by participating in various regularly held elections, thereby continuously enhancing the inclusivity of Latin American political development.
(3) The new cycle of left-wing governance has a clear spillover effect, which is conducive to promoting the unification of Latin American left-wing forces
Under the current international and regional geopolitical landscape, the political phenomenon of the rise and governance of left-wing forces in Latin American countries has transcended national boundaries. it displays distinct regional characteristics and, to a greater or lesser degree, possesses the features of a struggle between global left-wing and right-wing forces at the regional level.
To prevent the growth of Latin American left-wing forces, right-wing forces within and outside the region have strengthened their cooperation, subjected the rise of the Latin American left to increasing external pressure. In February 2022, the "Madrid Forum," hosted by Spain’s far-right Vox party and its subordinate think tank, the Disensus Foundation (Fundación Disenso), held its first regional meeting in Bogotá, the capital of Colombia, with dozens of right-wing politicians from European and Latin American countries in attendance. Under the slogans of "democracy and freedom," right-wing forces from inside and outside the region attempted to join hands to prevent the further expansion of Latin American left-wing forces—specifically opposing and attempting to block left-wing presidential candidates in Colombia and Brazil from winning the 2022 elections, opposing the São Paulo Forum composed of Latin American left-wing forces, and opposing the left-wing governments of countries such as Cuba, Venezuela, and Nicaragua. Right-wing conservative forces in the United States have also continuously enhanced their interaction with Latin American right-wing conservative forces in an attempt to suppress the development of the Latin American left. In 2021, far-right and conservative figures from the U.S. provided advice to Brazil’s right-wing President Bolsonaro on his administration and traveled to Brazil to "offer strategies" for winning the 2022 election to remain in power. The Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) is the oldest conservative organization in the U.S. and claims to be the world’s largest and most influential gathering of conservative forces; opposing the Latin American left-wing movement has been a basic theme of its recent meetings. [3] In recent years, this institution has increased the intensity and scale of its activities in Latin America, frequently holding meetings in the region.
To respond to the challenges of right-wing forces, Latin American left-wing parties and organizations have also continuously strengthened coordination and cooperation to voice support for the region’s left-wing governments. Currently, the three most important regional left-wing organizations in Latin America are all striving to voice support for and assist left-wing parties and governments in the region, while opposing the hostility and encirclement of regional left-wing forces by right-wing forces from inside and outside the area. First is the São Paulo Forum. In 2019, the 25th São Paulo Forum condemned U.S. sanctions against progressive governments in Latin America and called on progressive forces in the region to strengthen unity and support the process of regional integration. In April 2022, the São Paulo Forum held a Central American and Caribbean regional meeting, condemning the "neocolonialism" and "Monroe Doctrine" pursued by the U.S. in the region, and voicing support for the Cuban Revolution and left-wing governments such as Nicaragua. Second is the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (hereafter referred to as "the Alliance"). In May 2019, the 18th Political Council meeting of the Alliance supported Venezuela against U.S. intervention, voiced support for Cuba against the U.S. blockade, condemned the U.S. for reviving the "Monroe Doctrine," and called for the strengthening of Latin American integration. In 2020, the Alliance held a series of video conferences, reiterating its opposition to U.S. hegemonism and emphasizing the defense of national sovereignty. In May 2022, the 21st Summit of the Alliance condemned the U.S. for creating divisions in Latin America and opposed its unilateral sanctions against Venezuela and Nicaragua, as well as the economic, trade, and financial blockade against Cuba. Third is the Puebla Group. Established in July 2019, the group is primarily composed of former left-wing political figures from Latin America and related regions. Its main purpose is to contain the regional right-wing conservative forces and coordinate the actions of left-wing and progressive leaders. In November 2022, the Puebla Group held its eighth meeting, focusing on the development of Latin American left-wing progressive forces and regional integration, attempting to formulate a new agenda for left-wing and progressive forces under the specific political conditions of Latin America, and voicing support for left-wing governing parties and governments in the region. [4] The strengthening of coordination and cooperation among Latin American left-wing parties and organizations has, to a certain extent, promoted the unification of left-wing forces in the region and has also brought positive influence to the development of the Latin American socialist movement.
II. The Impact of the New Cycle of Left-Wing Governance on the Latin American Socialist Movement
The new round of left-wing governance has improved the overall environment for the development of Latin American socialist movements. To a certain extent, it has alleviated the pressure on the practical exploration of Latin American "21st-century socialism," represented by Venezuela. It has also promoted communist parties in various Latin American countries to become parties participating in government [3], which is conducive to advancing the struggle against capitalism in the region and has had a positive impact on the development of the Latin American socialist movement.
(1) Conducive to improving the overall environment for the development of the Latin American socialist movement
From the perspective of Latin American political history, the region's right wing does not identify with socialist ideas and opposes practical explorations of socialism. During periods of right-wing rule, the development of socialism in Latin America encounters difficulties and obstructions. Conversely, the propositions of the region's left wing highly coincide with socialist advocacies and even show sympathy toward socialist practical explorations. During left-wing governance, the overall environment for the development of socialism in Latin America is usually relatively favorable. Consequently, the rising periods of Latin American socialist development mostly coincide with the cycles of left-wing governance, while low ebbs usually accompany right-wing cycles.
As previously mentioned, from the end of the 20th century to the first 15 years of the 21st century, left-wing parties held power in many Latin American countries, leading to a period of left-wing governance lasting over a decade. With the collective rise and governance of the left, a political and social environment favorable to socialist development emerged in the region. Many left-wing parties possessed a degree of "de-neoliberalization" orientation, advocating for alternatives to neoliberalism and exploring new paths of development; some left-wing parties even attempted to make certain corrections to the neoliberal model during their time in power. Some left-wing governing parties and their leaders themselves possessed a certain degree of socialist inclination, with some openly proposing socialist slogans and programs in an attempt to advance the practice of "socialist construction" within their countries. Among these, the "21st-century socialism" advocated by left-wing governing parties in countries such as Venezuela, Bolivia, and Ecuador was representative, exerting significant political and social influence and playing a major role in pushing forward the development of socialism throughout the region. Starting in 2015, a wave of alternating governing parties occurred in Latin America where "the left retreated and the right advanced." The overall environment for the development of the region's socialist movement became unfavorable. In particular, the practice of "21st-century socialism" promoted by left-wing parties in countries like Venezuela encountered new difficulties and resistance, dealing a negative blow to the region's socialist development.
Since 2020, the Latin American left has ushered in a new round of governance, once again transforming the region's political ecosystem and providing a relatively favorable regional environment for the development of Latin American socialism. Whether in terms of social base, policy preferences, or policy advocacies, the Latin American left shares a degree of consistency with socialist propositions. There is also overlap or intersection between the ideologies or concepts of Latin American left-wing rulers and socialist claims. Therefore, the growth of the Latin American left—especially its rise to power—is not only conducive to the dissemination of socialist thought but also to the advancement of socialist practical exploration. Generally speaking, the primary social base of the Latin American left is the lower-to-middle social classes; it possesses an anti-elitist political preference, favors expanding the degree and scope of political participation, and has a certain populist [4] inclination. Latin American socialism also advocates for expanding the political participation of all classes and promoting the development of political democracy. The Latin American left generally supports a degree of state intervention in the economy and emphasizes social equity, which also aligns well with socialist propositions. In terms of foreign policy, the left has a certain "de-Americanization" tendency, opposing U.S. intervention in regional affairs and supporting Latin American integration. Achieving autonomous development and opposing U.S. hegemonism is precisely the basic position of Latin American socialism. Without a doubt, the new round of left-wing governance in Latin America is conducive to improving the overall environment for the regional socialist movement and provides a relatively favorable environment for countries like Venezuela to continue exploring "21st-century socialism."
(2) Conducive to alleviating the pressure on Latin American socialist exploration
An overview of the political development process in Latin America reveals that during right-wing governance, the difficulty of socialist practical exploration usually increases, whereas during left-wing governance, the environment for such exploration becomes relatively favorable.
As previously mentioned, after 2015, Latin America saw a rotation of governing parties characterized by "the left retreating and the right advancing." Latin American politics turned to the right, the number of left-wing governments decreased, and the difficulty of socialist practical exploration increased in countries like Venezuela, Bolivia, and Ecuador. In particular, Venezuela, as the primary standard-bearer of "21st-century socialism," became increasingly isolated, facing unprecedented internal and external pressure. First, right-wing forces both within and outside the region intensified their siege of "21st-century socialism" in countries like Venezuela, attacking socialism for having "destroyed this oil-rich country and led the people into poverty," causing misery, corruption, and decay, and calling for "resistance against socialism and the disasters it brings." Second, Latin American right-wing rulers actively patched together regional political blocs opposed to left-wing governments such as Venezuela’s, increasing the resistance to socialist practical exploration. In 2017, over a dozen Latin American countries governed by the center-right, along with Canada, formed the "Lima Group" targeted at Venezuela. This group refused to recognize the legitimacy of the Maduro government and instead supported the Venezuelan opposition backed by the United States. In March 2019, South American countries then under right-wing rule—including Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Paraguay, and Peru—established the Forum for the Progress and Development of South America (Prosur), which also aimed to oppose left-wing governments such as Venezuela’s. Finally, upon taking power, the Latin American right intensified its encirclement and suppression of left-wing governments. At the end of 2015, immediately after the right-wing Argentine government took office, it began accusing Venezuela of disrespecting freedom and called for sanctions. Driven by the right-wing governments of Argentina and Brazil, Mercosur indefinitely suspended Venezuela’s membership in 2017. During the administration of Jair Bolsonaro’s right-wing government, Brazil adopted a hostile stance toward Venezuela and Cuba. In January 2019, the right-wing Colombian government announced its recognition of opposition leader Juan Guaidó as "interim president," leading to the severance of diplomatic ties between Venezuela and Colombia. In November 2019, the right-wing interim government of Bolivia broke off relations with the Maduro government and severed ties with Cuba the following January. Under the encirclement of right-wing Latin American governments, the external environment for left-wing governments such as Venezuela’s deteriorated and the difficulty of survival increased, causing "21st-century socialism" to encounter unprecedented difficulties.
Since 2020, as left-wing parties in multiple Latin American countries have successively returned to power, they have improved relations with countries like Venezuela. The external environment for the practical exploration of "21st-century socialism" has markedly improved. In November 2020, upon his inauguration, the left-wing Bolivian President Luis Arce announced the restoration of diplomatic relations with Venezuela. In July 2021, after taking office, the left-wing Peruvian government changed its policy toward Venezuela and restored normal diplomatic relations with the Maduro government. In August 2022, after Gustavo Petro took office as President of Colombia, he restored diplomatic ties with Venezuela, with both sides pledging to comprehensively upgrade bilateral relations. In January 2023, after Lula assumed the Brazilian presidency, he quickly restored relations with the Venezuelan government, which had been severed during the Bolsonaro administration. As the left returned to power across the region, the regional political blocs patched together by right-wing forces to oppose left-wing governments also collapsed. In 2021, the left-wing Argentine government announced its withdrawal from the Lima Group, which subsequently disintegrated. In 2022, the left-wing Chilean government announced its withdrawal from Prosur, and the organization gradually faded away. The successive improvement of relations by left-wing governments with Venezuela and others has alleviated the external pressure on socialist practical exploration. Consequently, in January 2022, Maduro stated: "Socialism is our path, and better times are gradually arriving."
(3) Promoting communist parties in many Latin American countries to become parties participating in government
The new round of left-wing governance and the resulting changes in the regional political ecosystem have been conducive to the growth of communist forces in Latin America. Communist parties in Brazil, Chile, Colombia, and other countries have become important parties participating in government, further expanding their political influence.
The Communist Party of Brazil (hereafter "PCdoB") is the second-largest communist party in Latin America after the Communist Party of Cuba and is a vital political ally of the Workers' Party (PT). During the PT's rule from 2003 to 2016, PCdoB leaders served as the federal Minister of Science and Technology and Minister of Defense, and from 2005 to 2007, a member served as the President of the Chamber of Deputies. During the Bolsonaro right-wing government (2019–2022), the PCdoB maintained significant political and social influence, holding one of the 81 seats in the Senate and 12 of the 513 seats in the Chamber of Deputies, as well as one governorship and 81 mayoral positions nationwide. In the 2022 general election, the PCdoB continued to achieve impressive results, securing six seats in the Chamber of Deputies. After Lula took office in January 2023, the PCdoB continued its status as an important party participating in government, with Party President Luciana Santos serving as the federal Minister of Science and Technology.
The Communist Party of Chile (hereafter "PCCh") is one of the most influential communist parties in Latin America. The PCCh was suppressed during the Pinochet military government. After the return to civilian rule, the PCCh restored its legal status in 1990 and subsequently won seats in the National Congress for the first time in the 2009 general election. In 2013, the PCCh joined the center-left coalition to support Socialist Michelle Bachelet's presidential bid. After Bachelet’s victory and inauguration in March 2014, a PCCh leader served as the Minister of Women in the central government. In the previous Congress (2018–2022), the PCCh held nine seats in the Chamber of Deputies. In the 2021 election, the PCCh supported Gabriel Boric, the candidate of the left-wing "Approve Dignity" coalition, for president. Following Boric’s victory and March 2022 inauguration, the PCCh became an important party participating in government, holding three of the 24 ministerial posts in the central government: Camila Vallejo as Minister General Secretariat of Government, Jeannette Jara as Minister of Labor and Social Security, and Flavio Salazar as Minister of Science and Technology. In the new Congress (2022–2026), the PCCh holds 12 of the 114 seats in the Chamber of Deputies and 2 of the 59 seats in the Senate.
The Colombian Communist Party (hereafter "PCC") joined the "Decentes" coalition of left-wing forces in the 2018 election, holding one seat in the Chamber of Deputies from 2018 to 2022, in addition to winning three mayoralties. In the 2022 election, the PCC joined the left-wing "Historic Pact" coalition and won one seat each in the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies. In June 2022, Historic Pact candidate Gustavo Petro was elected president and took office in August; PCC leader Inés Ramírez became the Minister of Labor in the new government.
Furthermore, the Communist Party of Venezuela (PCV) and the Communist Party of Uruguay (PCU) were once important parties participating in government and still hold significant influence in their respective national political lives. The PCV was once a political ally of the governing Fifth Republic Movement and the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV); PCV members held positions in government and the public sector, including ministerial posts. In recent years, disagreements between the PCV and the Maduro government and the PSUV have deepened. In the 2020 parliamentary elections, the PCV broke away from the "Great Patriotic Pole" led by the governing party and formed an electoral alliance with other left-wing parties, winning one seat in the National Assembly and several seats in municipal councils. In November 2022, the PCV held its 16th Congress, focusing on updating the party program and political line in an attempt to continue expanding its influence. The PCU is a member of the left-wing coalition "Broad Front" (Frente Amplio), which ruled for 15 consecutive years from 2005 to 2020, during which the PCU was consistently an important party participating in government. Although the Broad Front lost power in 2020, the PCU maintains significant influence; in the current parliament (2020–2024), the party holds two of the 30 Senate seats and six of the 99 seats in the Chamber of Deputies. In May 2022, the PCU held its 32nd Congress, formulating a strategy for 2024 based on the new situation.
(4) Conducive to further promoting the struggle against capitalism in Latin America
No matter how the situation in the Latin American region shifts or how the balance of political forces fluctuates, the continuous critique of capitalism and the development of anti-capitalist struggles have remained vital practical activities for the region's Left. The new round of Left-wing governance in Latin America has further pushed the region's Left-wing forces to carry out struggles against capitalism.
Left-wing parties in Latin America, including various Communist Parties, have conducted sustained critiques of capitalism and called for anti-capitalist struggles. In December 2020, the 26th National Congress of the Communist Party of Chile pointed out that the legitimacy crisis of the neoliberal model is broader and deeper than ever before, the negative consequences of "savage capitalism" [5] are increasingly apparent, and social contradictions and social fractures have further intensified. In June 2021, the 9th National Congress of the Communist Party of Paraguay focused its discussions on the crisis of capitalism, the balance of power between the exploiters and the exploited, and the prospects for socialist revolution, asserting that capitalism is in a structural crisis and that a way out should be sought through socialism and revolutionary methods. In October 2021, the 15th National Congress of the Brazilian Communist Party (PCdoB) proposed that capitalist rule has caused catastrophic consequences and that democratic forces should strengthen their unity, using democracy as a guide to open a path for national reconstruction.
Regional organizations and conferences of the Latin American Left have also called for the mobilization of struggles against capitalism. The 2020 video conference of the São Paulo Forum [6] emphasized that socialist ideas have regained a new lease on life in "imperialism’s backyard"; in 2021, the Forum announced through its official website that it remains highly necessary to carry out struggles against neoliberalism and imperialism in the Latin American region. The 7th meeting of the Puebla Group [7], held in 2021, pointed out that although the neoliberal development model has been widely prevalent in Latin America, it has also faced intense questioning over the past 30 years and is no longer in line with the current trend. In 2019, Cuba advocated and convened an international conference themed "For Democracy, Against Neoliberalism, and Solidarity Against Imperialism," which noted that neoliberalism threatens not only humanity but the entire globe, emphasizing that "our struggle is resistance"; the 2021 session of this meeting proposed that capitalism and imperialism are the root causes of inequality in the Latin American region.
Key representatives and intellectuals of the Latin American Left have also frequently called for anti-capitalist struggles. Many Latin American Left-wing scholars believe that the inherent limitations of capitalism are manifesting more and more clearly, and that capitalism is the source of many of the world's current governance dilemmas. They argue it lacks the capacity to solve the various problems and challenges it generates; therefore, the people of the Latin American region should carry out struggles against capitalism and achieve a transcendence of it. Álvaro García Linera, the renowned Bolivian Left-wing theorist and former Vice President, believes that neoliberalism is "a mode of capitalism" whose essence is plunder, and that capitalism is not only outdated but can be defeated. Leaders of many Left-wing parties in Latin America have also called for anti-capitalist struggle: Evo Morales, President of the Movement for Socialism (MAS) in Bolivia, emphasized that neoliberal policies have failed; Nicolás Maduro, President of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV), criticized the ill consequences caused by the capitalist model and stressed the need to break through the shackles of capitalism.
III. Conclusion
The development of Left-wing forces in Latin America is closely linked to the development of the socialist movement in the region. The development of the socialist movement is an important component of the growth of the Latin American Left and serves as one of the key markers of the expansion of the region's Left-wing strength. Although not all Latin American Leftists advocate for or explicitly raise socialist slogans, there are points of commonality, similarity, overlap, and intersection between the region’s Left-wing propositions and socialist propositions. Most Left-wingers in Latin America not only do not oppose but actually endorse socialist concepts and propositions; moreover, some Left-wing parties and leaders are themselves advocates of socialism. Left-wing parties as well as political and social organizations constitute the vital political, organizational, and social foundation for the development of socialism in Latin America. The continuous growth of Left-wing forces has not only provided a more favorable environment and conditions for the Latin American socialist movement but has also endowed it with a more solid political foundation and stronger momentum.
The construction of socialist parties largely determines the developmental state of the Latin American socialist movement. Left-wing parties are the primary practitioners of socialist thought and practice in Latin America; these parties, especially those with socialist inclinations, exert a significant influence on the movement's trajectory. Experience from Latin American countries shows that when the ideological, political, and organizational construction of socialist parties is vigorous, it will greatly promote the development of the socialist movement; conversely, it will have a negative impact. For instance, many Latin American Left-wing parties, including socialist ones (such as Ecuador’s PAIS Alliance [8] and Bolivia’s Movement for Socialism), are not yet sufficiently mature in their own construction—their theoretical systems are not exhaustive, their organizational structures are not fully sound, and their cadre ranks are not optimally structured. Many parties were founded by charismatic leaders, and the rise or fall of the party depends excessively on the individual leader, leading to the frequent phenomenon of the "party perishing once the person leaves" [9]. Some parties lack strong and effective collective leadership, which easily leads to a lack of intra-party supervision and creates risks for the emergence of clientelism, bureaucratism, and nepotism. These defects in socialist party construction inevitably damage the development of the Latin American socialist movement.
The fierce struggle between the Left and Right, along with the relatively frequent alternation of governing parties between the two, exerts a cyclical influence on the development of the Latin American socialist movement. The coexistence and competition of the Left and Right are core elements and distinctive features of political development in Latin American countries. The cyclical occurrence of "the Left advancing as the Right retreats" and vice versa has made the alternation of power between Left and Right parties an increasingly normal feature of Latin American political development. In a political environment and atmosphere of multi-party competition and frequent turnover of governing parties, the development of the Latin American socialist movement faces many uncertainties. This determines to a certain extent that the region's socialist movement can only develop in a gradualist manner, and its practical socialist explorations will advance in a wave-like fashion.
The development of the Latin American socialist movement finds it difficult to completely escape the constraints of external factors. Its development has faced obstruction not only from domestic Right-wing and conservative forces but also from powerful external resistance over the long term. Right-wing conservative forces in the United States and Europe have consistently maintained a hostile attitude toward the Latin American socialist movement. The United States, in particular, has long regarded Latin America as its traditional sphere of influence. To maintain its hegemony and interests, it has consistently pursued a strategy of "pulling the Right and hitting the Left" [10] in the region, attempting to divide and disintegrate Latin American Left-wing forces to the greatest extent possible and contain the growth of the socialist movement. In recent years, conservative forces from the U.S., Europe, and Latin America have united to support Right-wing oppositions in countries like Venezuela and Bolivia, even attempting to subvert the Left-wing governments of these nations. The hostility and obstruction of external forces constitute a major resistance to the development and practical exploration of socialism in Latin America, and this resistance is difficult to eliminate in the short term.
(Author’s Units: University of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences; Institute of Latin American Studies, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences) Online Editor: Zhang Jian Source: Contemporary World and Socialism (当代世界与社会主义), Issue 3, 2023.