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Wang Min and Yu Liangzao: Lenin's Socialist Value Orientation During the New Economic Policy Period

Marxism Abroad

Since the launch of Reform and Opening-up, the academic community has attached great importance to the study of Lenin's theories on the New Economic Policy (NEP). However, existing research has not paid sufficient attention to Lenin’s use of a socialist perspective to justify the NEP and his thought on advancing the NEP toward a socialist direction; there is a lack of profound exploration into Lenin's socialist value orientation during the NEP period. Clarifying the socialist value orientation that Lenin upheld throughout the entire process and chain of shifting, formulating, implementing, and advancing policy—thereby further highlighting the socialist stance of the NEP and forming a correct understanding of it—carries significant theoretical value and practical urgency.

I. Lenin’s Arguments for the Necessity and Correctness of the NEP from a Socialist Perspective

In documents such as the Materials for the Tenth Congress of the RCP(B), "The Fourth Anniversary of the October Revolution," "The New Economic Policy and the Tasks of the Political Education Departments," and his "Speech at the Plenary Session of the Moscow Soviet," Lenin profoundly analyzed the necessity and correctness of shifting policy and formulating/implementing the NEP from a socialist perspective.

(1) Proposing the policy shift and formulating the NEP with a focus on the development of the socialist cause

Lenin repeatedly emphasized in practice that Soviet Russia shifted its policy and formulated the NEP because its specific national conditions dictated that it must have its own particular path of transition to socialism. The lessons learned during the period of the Civil War [1] demonstrated that radical policies and measures—namely, those designed to respond to wartime conditions—could not facilitate a normal transition to socialism. Following the end of the Civil War, it was necessary to shift policy and formulate new policies adapted to Soviet Russia's national conditions in order to complete the task of transitioning to socialism. To elucidate the theoretical significance of this policy shift, Lenin pointed out in his report on substituting the tax in kind for surplus-grain appropriation: "In a country where the small-peasant producers constitute the majority of the population, the realization of the socialist revolution must be carried out through a series of special transitional measures which would be entirely unnecessary in developed capitalist countries where wage-workers in industry and agriculture constitute the majority." In developed capitalist countries where large-scale industrial and agricultural production predominate, the working class is highly mature, and such class conditions create the prerequisites for a direct economic, political, and social transition to socialism. In Soviet Russia, however, where small-peasant producers predominated, the transition to socialism required a series of special transitional measures different from those of developed capitalist countries. To adapt to this need, the Tenth Congress of the RCP(B) [2] made the decision to shift policy and formulate the NEP.

In his report, Lenin further argued that the transition to socialism in a country like Soviet Russia required two conditions. "The first condition is timely support from the socialist revolution in one or several advanced countries." "The second condition is a compromise between the proletariat, which exercises its dictatorship or holds state power, and the majority of the peasantry." Regarding the progress of socialist construction at that time, although Soviet Russia had done some work regarding the first condition, much effort was still required to make it a reality. Based on this objective reality, Lenin emphasized in his report: "Until the revolution breaks out in other countries, only an agreement with the peasantry can save the socialist revolution in Russia." In his view, the attitude of the working class toward the peasantry—or rather, the relationship between the working class and the peasantry—was the key factor determining whether Soviet Russia could complete the task of transitioning to socialism. Transitioning to socialism required Soviet Russia to make concessions to the peasantry and adopt new policies conducive to establishing and consolidating the worker-peasant alliance; this gave rise to the need to shift policy and formulate the NEP. Lenin was acutely aware that Soviet Russia’s exploration of the cause of socialist construction had no precedent or experience to reference, and that correctly assessing the existing worker-peasant relationship and adjusting current policies accordingly was the breakthrough point for Soviet Russia to advance the socialist cause according to its national conditions. In June 1921, Lenin clearly stated at the Third All-Russia Food Conference that the NEP "can establish an alliance between the two basic classes—the working class and the peasantry—which serve as the pillars of Soviet power, and only such an economic alliance can guarantee the victory of the entire socialist construction of our country." Here, Lenin elucidated the relationship between the NEP and the establishment of new worker-peasant relations, the consolidation of the worker-peasant alliance, and the advancement of the socialist cause. Based on this understanding, he defined the NEP as a special method for Soviet Russia's transition to socialism. From the facts above, it can be seen that Lenin proposed the policy shift and the formulation of the NEP based on the long-term development of Soviet Russia's socialist cause, which contained within it a clear and firm socialist value orientation.

(2) Regarding the NEP as a "roundabout" way of advancing toward socialism

The method of transitioning to socialism suited to Soviet Russia’s specific national conditions, which Lenin led the RCP(B) in exploring through practice, was the NEP. This policy exhibited the characteristic of advancing in a "roundabout" manner. In Lenin's view, the method of transition to socialism depends on whether the domestic economy is dominated by socialized large-scale relations of production or by small-scale production. Soviet Russia, dominated by small-scale production, lacked the foundation for large-scale production in both industry and agriculture; therefore, a direct transition to socialism was impossible, and a "roundabout" approach was necessary. In summarizing the experiences and lessons of Soviet Russia's economic construction, he further specified the method Soviet Russia should adopt: "Since the direct attack [3] failed, we shall turn to a roundabout way, to the method of siege and sapping." The "siege and sapping" here refers to the "roundabout" transition to socialism through the NEP. During the Civil War, the proletariat adopted direct "frontal assault" methods against capitalism, such as banning free trade and nationalization. The implementation of the NEP shifted away from the previous stance of direct "frontal assault" and turned instead to restoring free trade and permitting the development of capitalist elements. In essence, this "roundabout" way of advancing was merely a "strategic retreat" undertaken to achieve the conditions for the transition to socialism. Lenin provided specific explanations on this issue in several meeting speeches in October 1921. He noted that the Japanese army's capture of Port Arthur in 1904 went through two different stages: the first stage involved a violent offensive which did not achieve victory, while the second stage involved a protracted siege that eventually took the fortress. Lenin used this historical fact to illustrate that the proletariat’s struggle against capitalism can also change from "frontal assault" to "siege," especially after a period of "frontal assault." To achieve greater victory or to place oneself in a more favorable position, one may switch from "frontal assault" to "siege." The implementation of the NEP was a "strategic retreat" in which the proletariat, after assessing the situation, replaced "frontal assault" with "siege." However, this "retreat" was only a return to existing positions to accumulate strength for "advancing" toward socialism and to prepare for future battles to win greater victories.

In October of the same year, Lenin objectively pointed out in "The Fourth Anniversary of the October Revolution" that Soviet Russia had suffered failures and made mistakes in its quest to lay the economic foundation for the edifice of socialism. But he simultaneously noted: "We are now correcting many of our mistakes with the 'New Economic Policy'; we are learning how to continue building the socialist edifice in a small-peasant country without making these mistakes." At the end of February 1922, Lenin encouraged everyone in "Notes of a Publicist" not to be discouraged by temporary difficulties, "for despite the economic ruin, poverty, backwardness, and famine, we have begun to move forward in the economic field that creates the conditions for socialism." Lenin believed that one must dare to admit mistakes in work and recognize the necessity of a "strategic retreat," but one must not lose heart; rather, one should strengthen confidence and, through the implementation of the NEP, create better conditions for future development and lay the economic foundation for building the socialist edifice. In November 1922, Lenin pointed out at the Fourth Congress of the Communist International that Soviet Russia "had to use roundabout methods" for economic construction, the purpose of which was to establish a socialist system through Soviet power. It is evident that the NEP was merely "using a 'new roundabout method' to carry out the entire transition." Not only did it not change Soviet Russia's direction of socialist development, but it also presented a developmental trend and a bright prospect of "advancing" toward socialism. Clearly, when Lenin expounded on the NEP and its "roundabout" way of advancing, he very affirmatively and clearly demonstrated his socialist value orientation.

(3) Full confidence that NEP Russia would become Socialist Russia

In November 1922, Lenin delivered an important speech at the Plenary Session of the Moscow Soviet, noting: "We have won a very definite diplomatic situation, a diplomatic situation recognized by the whole world." After the victory of the October Revolution, Lenin not only led the RCP(B) in using revolutionary means to counter the military attacks of Western capitalist countries against the Soviet regime but also actively engaged in diplomatic mediation with them through peaceful means, signing trade agreements with some Western nations. For example, in March 1921, Soviet Russia signed the Provisional Trade Agreement with Britain, which was of positive significance for Soviet Russia's foreign trade development, domestic economic recovery, and the improvement of the international environment. In April 1922, the Soviet Russian government sent a delegation to the international economic conference held in Genoa, Italy. During the conference, the Soviet delegation signed the Treaty of Rapallo with the German delegation, achieving normalization of diplomatic relations and insisting on mutual economic benefit, thereby breaking the isolation and blockade of Soviet Russia by the Western imperialist camp. Based on these facts, Lenin judged at the Moscow Soviet plenary session that this diplomatic situation created favorable conditions for Soviet Russia to continue implementing the NEP. By the time of this session, the policy had been in effect in Soviet Russia for over a year and a half. The favorable turn in the international economic environment further promoted the development of Soviet Russia's foreign trade and injected new vitality into the implementation of the NEP, facilitating its continued promotion.

Domestically, socialism was being "dragged into everyday life" through the practice of the worker and peasant masses, and socialist elements were becoming increasingly active. People’s lives improved significantly after more than a year of the NEP, thereby mobilizing the enthusiasm and cohesion of the masses to participate in Soviet Russia's economic construction. Based on this new economic and political situation brought about by the NEP, Lenin pointed out: "Socialism is no longer a matter of the distant future, or an abstract picture, or an icon." He meant that socialist elements already existed in the daily lives of the Soviet people. This understanding was an affirmation and praise of the thriving development of Soviet Russia's socialist cause brought about by the implementation of the NEP. Lenin thus concluded: "If we all work together, not tomorrow, but in a few years, we shall solve this task at all costs, and then NEP Russia will become Socialist Russia." Thus, based on the conditions created by the improved international economic environment and the practical results achieved by the domestic implementation of the NEP, Lenin looked forward to the bright prospects of socialism in Russia, expressing his determination to continue the NEP and his confidence in moving toward socialism, reflecting his firm socialist value orientation.

II. Lenin's Advancement of NEP Practice through Socialist Principles and Thought

Lenin not only used a socialist perspective to justify the necessity and correctness of the NEP and helped the entire Party form a correct understanding of it, but he also integrated socialist principles and thought into the various measures of the NEP, continuously advancing its practice.

(1) Prioritizing the improvement of peasants' living and production conditions

In the process of advancing the specific measures of the New Economic Policy (NEP), Lenin required the RCP(B) [4] to prioritize the improvement of the living and productive conditions of the peasantry. Regarding the rationale for this requirement, Lenin provided a detailed exposition in The Tax in Kind in April 1921, noting that this was necessary to consolidate the worker-peasant alliance and Soviet power, and to advance Soviet Russia’s transition to socialism. Lenin emphasized: "To increase the production and harvest of grain and the collection and transport of fuel, it is essential to improve the condition of the peasantry and raise their productive forces." Lenin's logic was that national construction required grain and fuel, conditions which were inseparable from the labor of the peasants; by improving their living and productive conditions, one could stimulate their enthusiasm and initiative for agricultural production, thereby helping to resolve the shortage of raw materials facing national construction. Lenin further pointed out: "The proletariat, as the leading and ruling class, must know how to direct policy in such a way as to solve first of all the most urgent and 'vexing' task. The most urgent thing now is to take measures that can immediately raise the productive forces of peasant economy. Only in this way will it be possible to improve the condition of the workers and strengthen the alliance between the workers and peasants, and to strengthen the dictatorship of the proletariat." In his view, the proletariat as the leading class must view and handle problems from a political perspective, regarding the consolidation of the worker-peasant alliance and Soviet power as the primary political task, which necessitated the improvement of the peasants' living and productive conditions.

The implementation of the tax in kind and the permission of free trade, as core components of the NEP, were the specific methods for improving the peasants' living and productive conditions. Lenin believed: "The correct policy of the proletariat exercising its dictatorship in a small-peasant country is to exchange for grain the manufactured goods the peasant needs. Only such a food policy corresponds to the tasks of the proletariat, and only such a policy can strengthen the foundations of socialism and lead to its complete victory." The implementation of the tax in kind was the transition to such a food policy; it not only ensured that peasants had grain for daily production and life but also left them with surplus grain that could be used for exchange. At the same time, the implementation of the tax in kind "is connected with freedom of trade after the tax has been paid, or at least with freedom of trade in local economic circulation." Lenin proposed that free circulation and free trade should be permitted within a certain scope, allowing them to form a positive interaction with the implementation of the tax in kind. Practice proved that the policies of the tax in kind and free trade protected the vital interests of the peasants, increased their enthusiasm for labor, and secured the supply of grain and fuel required for Soviet Russia's industrial development, playing an important role in consolidating the worker-peasant alliance and Soviet power and promoting the transition to socialism.

(2) Implementing the GOELRO Plan and the System of Concessions

Based on the principle that establishing socialism requires a high level of productive forces, and proceeding from the reality of Soviet Russia's backward productive forces, Lenin placed the development of productive forces in an important position. He explored specific paths to improve social productive forces, such as the implementation of the GOELRO plan [5] and the system of concessions. The GOELRO plan was elevated to a national law after being reviewed and approved by the Ninth All-Russian Congress of Soviets in December 1921. In June 1921, Lenin pointed out at the Third Congress of the Communist International: "The only material basis for socialism can be a large-scale machine industry capable of reorganizing agriculture as well. But we must not stop at this general principle; we must make it concrete. Large-scale industry based on the latest technology and capable of reorganizing agriculture is the electrification of the whole country." His meaning was that in a small-peasant country like Soviet Russia, large-scale machine industry was the only possible economic base for socialism, and the concretization of modern large-scale industry was the electrification of the entire country. Furthermore, Lenin had a clear understanding of the long-term nature of realizing the GOELRO plan; at the Tenth Congress of the RCP(B), he proposed: "It will take at least decades to achieve the electrification of a large country," advocating for a gradual approach and opposing impetuosity and adventurism.

The implementation of the system of concessions was another path explored by Lenin and the RCP(B) to develop productive forces. Soviet Russia’s large-scale industrial production was originally quite backward, and coupled with the destruction of war, many industrial enterprises tasked with social production had suspended operations. To promote the development of productive forces, Lenin and the RCP(B) decided to implement a system of concessions, leasing out some enterprises that the Soviet government was temporarily unable to operate to foreign capitalists. In April 1921, in his report on concessions to the Communist group at the All-Russian Central Council of Trade Unions, Lenin pointed out: "We have only one object: to take advantage of the capitalists' greed for profits and the rivalry between the trusts, so as to create conditions for the existence of the Socialist Republic in the midst of capitalist encirclement." Here he clarified the original intention of the concessions system: to create the social productive conditions for the transition to socialism by flexibly utilizing capitalism to develop large-scale social production. Subsequently, Lenin stated in The Tax in Kind: "The transition from concessions to socialism is a transition from one form of large-scale production to another form of large-scale production." He believed that formulating and implementing the concessions policy would allow some large state-owned enterprises that the country originally could not support to resume production, facilitating large-scale production and thereby raising the level of social productive forces. This was an intermediate link and an innovative measure for Soviet Russia, where small-scale production was the primary mode of production, to transition toward socialism.

(3) Advocating for the Development of Commerce by the Soviet Power

Through the ongoing practice of the NEP, Lenin formed ideas regarding the development of commerce, advocating that the Soviet power should establish normal economic links between urban and rural areas and normal economic exchanges with Western countries through the development of commerce, thereby laying the material foundation for the transition to socialism. In October 1921, the direct exchange of the consumer cooperatives was replaced by private buying and selling and monetary circulation. This led Lenin to realize: "We are now in the position of having to retreat a little further, not only to state capitalism, but to the state regulation of commerce and money circulation." He believed that in the face of the tremendous development of private buying and selling and monetary circulation, only by having the Soviet power regulate and develop commerce could Soviet Russia recover normal economic relations while retaining the initiative, thereby creating conditions for the development of large-scale industry. In a speech in November 1921, Lenin also pointed out: "In the chain of historical events, in the transitional forms of our socialist construction in 1921–1922... commerce is the very 'link' which we, the proletarian state power, we, the leading Communist Party, 'must grasp with all our might.'" He believed that in the process of transition to socialism and communism, one must be adept at grasping the key tasks according to the differences in historical stages. In the historical stage of 1921–1922, the key task to be grasped was the development of commerce. For Soviet Russia, where small-scale production accounted for a large proportion, the development of commerce would not only allow Russia to disintegrate the original scattered state of the small-peasant economy by strengthening urban-rural economic links, further activating agriculture and creating conditions for large-scale production and industry that could meet the needs of the peasant and worker masses, but also build a bridge for normal economic and trade relations between Soviet Russia and Western countries. This would further open up the situation for foreign trade in the process of promoting normal economic relations. Progress in these two areas would lay the material foundation for the transition to socialism, thereby achieving the goal of building socialism.

It must be emphasized that the future and direction of commerce in Soviet Russia was socialism. As the programmatic document of Marxism, The Communist Manifesto profoundly revealed the enslavement and alienation of human beings by capitalist commercial activities. Taking this as a warning, Lenin and the RCP(B) prudently controlled the development of commercial elements in the early period of the NEP to prevent them from undermining the socialist cause. As the NEP continued, Lenin deepened and developed his understanding of commerce and its role in laying the material foundation for socialism, proposing that Soviet Russia must develop commerce. In commemorating the fourth anniversary of the October Revolution, he pointed out: "A wholesale merchant seems to be an economic type as remote from communism as heaven is from earth. But that is precisely one of those contradictions which, in actual life, lead from a small-peasant economy via state capitalism to socialism." Here Lenin actually pointed out the future and direction of development—socialism. He believed that it was precisely commerce, which seemed so distant from socialism, that propelled Soviet Russia toward the direction of socialism; this was the conclusion Lenin drew based on Russia's national conditions and the practice of the people.

(4) Proposing a Cultural Revolution in Soviet Russia

Based on the principle that establishing socialism requires a high level of social civilization, Lenin proposed carrying out a cultural revolution in Soviet Russia to raise the cultural level of the people and the overall civilization of society. In October 1921, in The New Economic Policy and the Tasks of the Political Education Departments, he listed raising the cultural level as one of the most urgent tasks for Soviet Russia, stating: "The cultural level must be raised by means of the ability to read and write... so that the peasant can use this ability to improve his farming and his state." Lenin believed that by improving the cultural level of the worker and peasant masses, their ability to participate in the practice of socialist construction would be enhanced. In March of the following year, at the Eleventh Congress of the RCP(B), Lenin said: "Economically and politically, the NEP fully ensures us the possibility of building the foundation of a socialist economy. It is 'only' a matter of the cultural forces of the proletariat and its vanguard." Here he emphasized the importance of cultural construction in the cause of socialist construction in Soviet Russia, especially the importance of the cultural literacy of the proletariat and Communists and its leading role in cultural construction.

Lenin further elaborated his understanding of Soviet Russia's cultural construction in documents such as Pages from a Diary and On Cooperation. In January 1923, in Pages from a Diary, he specifically discussed cultural tasks and conditions: "We are not doing enough, or rather, we are doing nothing at all, to place the schoolteacher on the level that is essential; and without that, there can be no culture, neither proletarian nor even bourgeois." Lenin pointed out that the role of teachers in raising the national cultural level and carrying out socialist cultural construction should be brought into play by elevating their status. At the same time, Lenin also advocated for increasing the proportion of primary education funding within the overall national budget. In the same year, in On Cooperation, Lenin clarified his views on socialist cultural construction as the theory of cultural revolution, believing that to enable the Russian population to achieve the level of civilization required to participate in cooperatives, "a whole historical epoch" of raising the cultural level of the entire mass of the people was needed. In his view, because the masses—especially the peasantry—had a low cultural level, it was difficult for them to have a correct understanding of socialism, let alone know how to participate in the practice of socialist construction. Therefore, a cultural revolution had to be carried out; this was the task that Soviet Russia needed to complete in the cultural sphere to transition to socialism.

(5) Strengthening the Leadership and Self-Building of the RCP(B)

Lenin advocated for strengthening the leadership and self-building of the RCP(B) to consolidate its ruling position, maintain its advanced nature, and ensure that the NEP and various undertakings in Soviet Russia advanced along the track of scientific socialism. On the basis of adhering to the general principles of scientific socialism regarding strengthening Party leadership, Lenin strengthened the centralized and unified leadership of the RCP(B) according to the reality of Soviet Russia. The Resolution on Party Unity adopted at the Tenth Congress of the RCP(B) mentioned: "At the present time, when a number of circumstances are increasing the wavering among the petty-bourgeois population of the country, it is particularly necessary to maintain the unity and solidarity of the ranks of the Party, to ensure the complete mutual trust of Party members, and to ensure truly harmonious work that truly embodies the unity of the will of the proletarian vanguard." In this resolution, Lenin regarded adhering to the centralized and unified leadership of the Party as the basic content of the RCP(B)’s self-building. He advocated for resolutely safeguarding the RCP(B)’s status as the vanguard of the proletariat in the practice of leading Soviet Russia’s transition to socialism and resolutely dissolving all factional groups that weakened the Party or undermined its unity. This centralized leadership was intended to counter the wavering of the domestic petty-bourgeois population and continuously consolidate the Party's ruling position. Furthermore, Lenin actively promoted the implementation of democratic centralism in Soviet Russia, providing an institutional guarantee for the centralized and unified leadership of the Party.

For the RCP(B) to consistently maintain its advanced nature, consolidate its governing status, and exert its leading role, it needed to continuously strengthen its own self-building. To this end, under Lenin’s leadership, the RCP(B) conducted several explorations centered on Party building, forming a series of highly targeted insights and measures, particularly regarding the issue of bureaucracy within the Party. For instance, at the 11th Congress of the RCP(B), Lenin emphasized: "We can only govern if we correctly express what the people are conscious of. Otherwise, the Communist Party will not lead the proletariat, the proletariat will not lead the masses, and the whole machine will fall apart." He believed that as a proletarian party, maintaining close ties with the masses and overcoming bureaucratic tendencies to detach from them were requirements for winning the people’s trust and support and for consolidating the Party’s governing status. In March 1923, in Better Fewer, But Better, Lenin clearly proposed a criterion for improving Party and state organs: "Better a smaller number, so long as the quality is higher." He argued that truly establishing Socialist Soviet organs required recruiting "workers who are heart and soul for socialism" and "people who have knowledge, education, and training." The former supported socialism and were loyal to the Party's cause but were relatively lacking in cultural and managerial knowledge; the latter were relatively scarce in Soviet Russia at the time. Therefore, in the aforementioned work, he further proposed innovating state organs through strengthening study and emphasizing practical application. In short, Lenin’s thoughts and practices regarding strengthening the leadership of the RCP(B) and its self-building provided a solid political guarantee that the New Economic Policy and various undertakings in Soviet Russia would always advance on the track of scientific socialism.

III. Practical Enlightenments of Lenin’s Thoughts and Practices on Adhering to the Socialist Value Orientation

Presently, the CPC Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core is leading the Chinese people in a courageous advance on a new journey toward comprehensively building a great modern socialist country and achieving the Second Centenary Goal [6]. Lenin’s thoughts and practices on adhering to the socialist value orientation during the NEP period still hold a cross-temporal reference value for the CPC and the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics under its leadership.

(1) Adhering to the leadership of the Party and emphasizing the foundational status of ideological building in Party building

During the NEP period, Lenin focused on strengthening the centralized and unified leadership of the RCP(B), taking powerful measures to consolidate and strengthen the Party’s leadership position, ensuring that the NEP and various Russian undertakings moved steadily toward a socialist direction. On the New Era’s new journey, adhering to and strengthening the centralized and unified leadership of the CPC is the political guarantee for ensuring that the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics consistently advances in the correct direction. The Report to the 20th CPC National Congress emphasized: "The key to building a modern socialist country in all respects and advancing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation on all fronts lies in the Party." On the new journey of the New Era, the Party’s leadership must be implemented in all fields, aspects, and links of governance, and be carried out and reflected in the specific practice of building a great modern socialist country, consistently exerting the Party’s role as the core of leadership. The Report to the 20th National Congress also pointed out: "We must persist in comprehensively and strictly governing the Party, further advance the new great project of Party building in the New Era, and lead social revolution through the Party's self-revolution." Strengthening Party building is an inherent requirement for the Party to maintain its advanced nature and long-term governing status. As a vital component of Party building, ideological building plays a crucial role in promoting firm ideals and beliefs, unified ideological understanding, and synchronized action across the whole Party, occupying a foundational position in the systematic project of Party building. At the critical moment when Soviet Russia faced economic and political crises, Lenin’s adherence to the socialist value orientation helped the entire RCP(B) unify its understanding of the NEP, firming up confidence in the transition to socialism and belief in the realization of the communist ideal, creating a powerful appeal among the broad membership and the masses. On the New Era’s new journey, the entire Party must further strengthen the lofty ideal of communism and the common ideal of socialism with Chinese characteristics at the ideological level, using Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era to solidify the soul, replenishing the "calcium" of the spirit [7], and remaining clear-headed and determined on the "new road of rushing for the exams" [8]. Supported by Party leadership and Party building, we must continuously inject powerful momentum into building a great modern socialist country and realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

(2) Adhering to the supremacy of the people and unswervingly taking the path of common prosperity for all

During the NEP period, Lenin prioritized improving the living and production conditions of the peasantry and explained what socialism is based on the practices of the masses, reflecting the historical responsibility of the RCP(B) as a Marxist party. This inspires Chinese Communists to keep their original aspiration and founding mission firmly in mind, remember their goals of struggle, actively respond to the people’s longing for a better life, and unswervingly follow the path of common prosperity for all. The CPC must, in the new stage of development, steadily resolve the problem of unbalanced and inadequate development, continuously consolidate and expand the achievements of poverty alleviation, and enable the people to satisfy their needs for a better life on the basis of enjoying more equitable development opportunities. Lenin led the RCP(B) to push forward various undertakings in Soviet Russia in a direction conducive to the interests of the people and socialist construction, proposing a series of principles and requirements: necessitating that the RCP(B) focus on the people’s livelihoods; highly affirming the socialist elements created by the people through their daily practice; and maintaining that all policies adopted by the RCP(B) must pass the test of the broad masses. All these reflected Lenin’s respect for and guidance of the people’s subjectivity. For the CPC, promoting common prosperity for all must fully stimulate the enthusiasm, initiative, and creativity of the masses in participating in the practices of modernization, broadly concentrating the collective wisdom of the masses, and taking the people's satisfaction as the fundamental standard for evaluating the CPC and the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

(3) Adhering to the "Two Combinations" and opening up a new situation for the development of socialism with Chinese characteristics

As a powerful ideological weapon for proletarian parties to understand and transform the world, Marxism has pointed the direction for the development and progress of human society. During the NEP period, Lenin consistently held high the banner of Marxism, combining it with the reality of Soviet Russia to realize the Russianization of Marxism. He led Soviet Russia through the transition to the NEP and, based on changes in objective conditions, continuously enriched its content system and innovated the specific methods of transitioning to socialism, ensuring that various undertakings in Russia moved toward a socialist direction. This provides important inspiration for the CPC in promoting the sustainable development of socialism with Chinese characteristics. On June 2, 2023, Xi Jinping delivered an important speech at the Symposium on Cultural Inheritance and Development, emphasizing that "opening up and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics on the profound foundation of more than 5,000 years of Chinese civilization, and combining the basic tenets of Marxism with China’s specific realities and fine traditional culture, is the only way." This profoundly revealed the great significance of the "Two Combinations" [9] for the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Only by adhering to the "Two Combinations," exerting the power of Marxist truth, responding to the practical needs of modernization, and drawing nourishment from fine traditional Chinese culture, can we provide a powerful ideological guarantee and spiritual strength for the continuous development of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics. On the New Era’s new journey, we must integrate the basic tenets of Marxism with China’s specific realities, fully exerting the role of Marxism in providing theoretical guidance and value orientation in China’s New Era; we must integrate the essence of Marxist thought with the cream of fine traditional Chinese culture, promoting future-oriented innovations in theory and institutions to open up a new situation for the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

(Author's affiliation: School of Marxism, Shandong Normal University) Online Editor: Tong Xin Source: Contemporary World and Socialism, Issue 6, 2023