Wang Congcong: An Analysis of the Climate Political Stances and Social-Ecological Transformation of the Radical Left Parties in Europe
In recent years, global capitalist countries have been universally experiencing a socio-political crisis. Multiple crises—economic, climatic, democratic institutional, and regional conflicts—pose a challenge to the capitalist system. Solutions to these crises differ according to the variances in historical context, depth of crisis, and social power relations within different countries. For instance, in most European countries and regions, political authoritarianism and neoliberalism have further deepened, while the new global political and economic situation has led to a constant shifting of the political issues concerning the European public. Looking at the 2019 European elections, the development of the European Union has shaped new areas of issue-conflict among European party families. During the European debt crisis, issues such as economic recession, unemployment, and public finance were political topics of universal concern to the public; after 2015, however, the issues of immigration and refugees gradually took center stage in the general elections of several countries. Simultaneously, the COVID-19 pandemic, the Ukraine crisis, and climate change have highlighted the importance of issues such as public health, energy and security, climate and ecology, and digitalization. The recent electoral victories of European Green parties and their participation in government in countries such as Germany, Austria, and Finland indicate, to a certain extent, that climate change and eco-environmental issues have become salient topics on the political agendas of both the EU level and individual European nations.
In the face of the increasingly severe global climate crisis and ecological challenges, mainstream political parties in Western countries hold different political preferences regarding emission reductions and eco-environmental issues. Taking Europe as an example, the European Greens hold the most radical policies regarding emission reductions, energy transition, and eco-environmental protection; the center-left Social Democrats and center-right Conservatives are also generally committed to emission reductions and renewable energy policies. Meanwhile, relevant research indicates that right-wing populist parties often hold a hostile attitude toward the climate change agenda, with their leaders and supporters frequently expressing various forms of climate skepticism. How European radical left parties view the global climate and ecological crises, and the similarities and differences between their political stances on climate change and energy transition compared to other parties, are questions worthy of in-depth exploration.
I. The Political Response of European Radical Left Parties to the Climate Crisis
In the realm of party competition in Western countries, traditional materialist issues such as the economy and the welfare state often occupy the bulk of the political agenda. Entering the mid-to-late 20th century, as Green parties became a nascent force in party maneuvering, they consistently pushed for the politicization of "new politics" issues—such as the eco-environment and climate change—making them themes of party competition. The degree of politicization of green issues and the political responses of traditional parties to these issues have varied significantly across different countries and time periods. For example, compared to Germany and the Netherlands—pioneers in environmental policy—the politicization of environmental issues by parties in the UK has been relatively limited. From the perspective of party competition, traditional parties initially often chose to ignore "new politics" issues or attempted to downplay the importance of eco-environmental topics. Over time, however, many existing parties shifted toward adaptive strategies, adjusting their environmental political stances by emphasizing different green policies. For European radical left parties, countering electoral competition from Green parties, striving for potential political allies, catering to the public's green political demands, innovating political ideology, and reshaping party identity are all important motivators for attending to "new politics" issues and responding to climate change and the eco-environmental crisis.
(1) Political responses of radical left parties at the organizational level
Facing competitive pressure from the European Greens and the increasing prominence of eco-environmental issues in electoral politics, European radical left parties have responded more actively than Social Democrats or center-right parties. Starting from the 1970s, and especially after the 1990s, "New Left" parties within the radical left party family—such as the Socialist Left Party (Norway), SYRIZA (Greece), the Left Bloc (Portugal), and the Left Party (Sweden)—were established one after another. They tend to build more inclusive organizational structures, actively intervene in new social movements, and pay closer attention to issues such as environmental protection, climate change, energy transition, and feminism, while tending to form political alliances or coalition governments with Green parties and other left-wing parties. In the 2019 European Parliament elections, six parties—Portugal's Left Bloc, Spain's Podemos, Denmark's Red-Green Alliance, Finland's Left Alliance, France Unbowed, and Sweden's Left Party—jointly established a left-wing progressive platform aimed at achieving a "red" and "green" Europe called "Now, The People," and released a common electoral manifesto titled A European New Green Deal Is Necessary. This "Red-Green" manifesto opposes tax havens and unequal trade, advocates for an end to EU militarization, and seeks to actively address climate change, hoping to provide an alternative to EU neoliberalism and right-wing nationalism. The "Now, The People" initiative proposes a European Climate Law to ensure that survival takes precedence over the competition rules and economic freedoms of the EU internal market. Furthermore, some radical left parties have created specialized task forces or network platforms involving eco-environmental protection, climate change, and energy transition; for example, the Left Party (Germany), while governing the city of Berlin in coalition with the Social Democrats and the Greens, created the "Berlin Energy Platform."
The European Left (Party of the European Left), a European transnational party, also pays considerable attention to the climate crisis and eco-environmental issues, with substantial discourse appearing in its party congress documents in recent years. For instance, at its Seventh Congress, the European Left emphasized the current economic, war, health, climate, and democratic/political crises facing Europe. It pointed out: "We are facing ecological challenges such as climate change and biodiversity loss, which fundamentally call into question our modes of production and consumption. However, the EU and European governments are unable to adequately respond to these challenges: the measures taken to address the climate crisis are far from enough." The European Left maintains several working groups focusing on different issues; among them, the Environment Working Group and the Network on Energy Transition and Industrial Policy primarily focus on the eco-environment, addressing climate change, and energy transition. For example, they conduct critical reflections on the European Green Deal, engage in active discussions on redistribution and democratization, and hold strategic debates on energy transition in the industrial sector. The Network on Energy Transition and Industrial Policy released its first working document, The Energy Crisis in 2022, at the European Forum in October 2022. The document criticized the negative impacts brought by the liberalization of European energy markets—namely rising energy prices and increased energy poverty—and called on the European Left to face the energy crisis head-on and provide solutions.
Additionally, the European United Left–Nordic Green Left (GUE/NGL) parliamentary group has also carried out much constructive work in the fields of climate change and energy policy. For example, it introduced the European Green Social New Deal in November 2019 and organized seminars on themes such as energy transition, climate justice, socio-ecological transformation, and green transportation. On December 11, the day the European Commission announced the European Green Deal, "transform! europe" [1] and the GUE/NGL group held a seminar in the European Parliament on a Socialist Green New Deal. Radical left MEPs and left-wing scholars at the meeting pointed out that while the European Green Deal clearly lacked focus on the welfare state and trade union rights, and remained unrelated to the radical left's vision of eco-socialism and feminist socialism, it nonetheless provided important inspiration for left-wing parties to formulate climate and energy policies.
(2) Political responses of radical left parties at the programmatic and policy levels
A party's program centrally embodies its political stance on relevant issues. Green political content—such as the eco-environment, climate change, and energy transition—has become an important component of radical left party programs. Since the 1990s, the focus of the new round of programmatic adjustment and innovation among European radical left parties has been on cultural issues; however, their willingness and ability to respond to left-liberal values or "new politics" issues remains fragmented, and their positioning on many political issues is influenced by the Social Democrats and the Greens. Since the working class was once the core constituency of left-wing parties, Social Democratic and radical left parties usually select those issues of greatest concern to the left-wing camp for their campaign manifestos, such as social justice, pensions and the welfare state system, the minimum wage, and workers' rights. At the same time, they also account for issues of high voter concern and importance raised by other parties, such as climate change and the refugee issue.
Taking electoral manifestos as an example, the issues of climate change and energy transition were highly prominent in the 2019 Spanish general election. In this election, United Left [2] and Podemos proposed achieving carbon neutrality by 2050 and reaching 100% renewable electricity generation. After the election, they also formulated a sustainable transportation plan in their governing program, aiming to increase public transport financing and financial subsidies for electric vehicles. Denmark's Red-Green Alliance [3] takes radical social transformation and green transition as its core political pursuits, committing to building an equal, democratic, and sustainable socialist society; socio-economic issues and climate politics are the most important issue areas in the party's political program. For instance, in the 2019 European elections, the Red-Green Alliance pointed out that current EU climate policies were insufficient to ensure the smooth fulfillment of obligations under the Paris Agreement and that more ambitious climate targets should be set, with Denmark acting as a vanguard and going further than the EU. Based on this, the Red-Green Alliance suggested that the EU's 2030 CO2 reduction target must be increased from 40% to at least 65%, and zero CO2 emissions should be achieved by 2040. Greece's SYRIZA also pays high attention to eco-environmental issues and emission reduction and energy policies at the European level. In the 2019 Greek elections, climate change and renewable energy were one of the five major policy areas in SYRIZA's campaign manifesto; the party hoped to achieve the EU's renewable energy targets through a radical green energy transition. In the 2019 European elections, The Left (Luxembourg) proposed an initiative to build a more just, ecological, and solidary Europe, emphasizing the necessity and importance of an ecological transition based on social justice. The European Left has also proposed a vision of a committed, ecological, and sustainable Europe in successive party congress documents and European election manifestos, aiming to address climate change and ecological challenges through new industrial and developmental models, and to achieve carbon neutrality by 2050.
Furthermore, many radical left parties have released specialized climate or energy reports to articulate their climate positions. For example, Sinn Féin in Northern Ireland released a specialized report in 2021 titled Tackling the Climate Crisis: Sinn Féin’s Energy Policy, which focused on explaining the party's ambitious "decarbonization" strategy for Northern Ireland's energy system—namely, achieving carbon neutrality through a just transition by 2050 at the latest. Norway's Socialist Left Party also passed a specialized Climate Politics report in 2021, detailing the party's climate political goals and implementation plans, committing to cutting Norway's CO2 emissions by 70% by 2030 and ensuring a just green transition. The Red-Green Alliance in Denmark has similarly formulated specialized programs on housing policy, feminist politics, green politics, and EU policy, among which the Green Program explicates the party's vision for a "Red-Green" social future: the construction of a sustainable socialist society. The Red-Green Alliance is committed to transforming Denmark within several decades into a country with minimal impact on climate and environment—one that enjoys welfare, equality, and a high quality of life—through a democratic, "red," and "green" transition. As an eco-socialist party, Left Unity in the UK jointly released the Eco-Socialist Alliance COP26 Statement in November 2021 along with "Green Left," "Anti-Capitalist Resistance," and several other organizations.
II. Socio-Ecological Transformation and the "Red-Green" Political Vision of the Radical Left
European radical left parties collectively critique the neoliberal character of the current European Union’s ecological transition plans and the "European Green Deal." In their place, they have proposed a "Left Green New Deal" based on leftist traditions, which places emphatic focus on the social, equitable, and popular [4] nature of the ecological transition. These parties hope to use socio-ecological transformation to achieve a systemic, fundamental, and comprehensive restructuring of the economic development model, aimed at realizing public ownership of the social means of production and ultimately responding effectively to the climate and economic crises.
The emergence of the theory of socio-ecological transformation represents a theoretical response to Europe’s multiple crises by radical left think tanks—such as non-governmental organizations like Germany’s Rosa Luxemburg Foundation—and critical scholars like Ulrich Brand, a professor of socio-ecological critique in Austria. As a comprehensive theory, socio-ecological transformation explains the roots of global multiple crises through an emancipatory lens, critically examines mainstream solutions and their underlying developmental logic, and proposes a strategic vision for a brand-new political, economic, and cultural framework. The discourse of socio-ecological transformation has been adopted by many radical left parties and incorporated into their party platforms. At its Sixth and Seventh Congresses in 2019 and 2022, the Party of the European Left (EL) explicitly defined the radical left’s alternative as "socio-ecological transformation." For instance, at its Sixth Congress, the party made socio-ecological transformation the core of the leftist project, proposing that economic, ecological, and social sustainability should replace capitalist competition and austerity policies. At the Seventh Congress, it again emphasized that the key to establishing a democratic, social, ecological, and peaceful European alternative is socio-ecological transformation. The theoretical construction of socio-ecological transformation by radical left parties is primarily manifested in the following three aspects:
(1) Critical reflection on the root causes of the climate and ecological crises
European radical left parties generally view the capitalist system as the root of the climate crisis. They argue that the capitalist development model, aimed at profit maximization and infinite growth, has led to severe socio-ecological consequences. Furthermore, "green capitalism"—which aims to repair the mechanisms of capitalist development and maintain the daily practices of dominant political, economic, and cultural structures—cannot truly reach the roots of the crisis. For example, in the view of the Left (déi Lénk) in Luxembourg, the primary cause of the global climate and ecological crisis is the capitalist system, which limitlessly enslaves humanity and nature in the pursuit of economic growth and profit targets; so-called "green growth" is merely a propaganda strategy serving multinational corporations and the ultra-wealthy. The Red-Green Alliance (Enhedslisten) in Denmark pointed out in the basic program adopted at its 25th Congress in 2014 that humanity is in the midst of systemic crises, including financial, energy, food, climate, and environmental crises. They argued that capitalism is destroying the earth's ecological foundations, that capitalism’s growth-oriented economy is ecologically unsustainable, and that its social consequences are unequal. On November 17, 2023, the "Now the People!" (Maintenant le Peuple) alliance stated in a political declaration titled United for Solidarity, Climate, Justice and Peace: "The effects of climate change in Europe have become more obvious, with a series of climate disasters... these crises once again demonstrate the absurdity and danger of the current European neoliberal treaties; the direction the EU is taking is leading us directly into a dead end." They critique the E.U.’s ultra-liberal logic of placing corporate interests above the rights of people and workers, calling for an alternative project that truly combats global warming and protects nature while guaranteeing the interests of the working class.
Furthermore, based on their leftist political stance, European radical left parties particularly emphasize that the issue of climate change involves social redistribution between different countries and between the Global North and South, and they advocate for the realization of climate justice. In the view of radical left parties, current global climate policies are failed and unjust. On one hand, the consumption of the earth's resources is unjust both spatially and in terms of user groups: wealthy regions consume more natural resources than poor regions, the rich more than the poor, and men more than women. On the other hand, the impacts of climate change and environmental destruction are unbalanced; the populations that have caused the least damage to the climate and ecosystems and have the lowest capacity to resist shocks are the most affected, and poor countries suffer more from ecological disasters than wealthy ones. The Left (Die Linke) in Germany points out that climate protection and social justice are inseparable. Without social justice, the major transformation to a carbon-neutral economy cannot succeed; without climate justice, there will be no social justice now or in the future, because the climate crisis first affects those who are socially vulnerable. Based on this, European radical left parties call for Europe to take on more responsibilities and obligations for emission reductions at the international level and to become a leader in addressing climate change and achieving carbon neutrality goals. The "The Left in the European Parliament – GUE/NGL" parliamentary group and the parties of the "Now the People!" platform have all called for Europe to formulate a climate law that prioritizes survival over market competition rules, propose more binding emission reduction targets, and revise "Nationally Determined Contributions" (NDCs) to comply with the 1.5°C temperature limit promised in the Paris Agreement.
(2) Constructing an alternative "Red-Green" vision for the future
The most prominent feature of the European radical left's socio-ecological transformation plan is its aim to create a new model of prosperity and development based on meeting people's actual needs—one that transcends the laws of capitalist development and neoliberal energy models—thereby creating an attractive mode of production and lifestyle. That is to say, "transformation" in the radical left’s perspective has a different direction and logic: namely, solving the series of problems brought about by the capitalist profit orientation and its expansion. For example, the Red-Green Alliance in Denmark pointed out that a socialist economy should not be for-profit, but should be built on common property, democracy, and people's actual needs, and produced in a way that respects the global environmental space. The European radical left’s socio-ecological transformation plan emphasizes the combination of ecological and social needs. From the ecological dimension, responding to the climate and ecological crises necessitates profound changes to current modes of production and lifestyles to achieve ecological sustainability, economic equity, and the democratic reconstruction of the relationship between nature and society. From the social dimension, in the process of ecological transformation and the green industrial revolution, it is also necessary to reshape power structures, adjust the distribution of social wealth, and fully guarantee individual and collective social rights.
First, a new economic development model. European radical left parties hope to create a new development model that completely transcends capitalist economic structures—a new industrial production model that can meet human needs, is highly resource-efficient, and can break away from dependence on fossil fuels. In the view of radical left parties, responding to the climate crisis, the depletion of natural resources, and ecological disasters requires fundamental social change and the reorganization of production organization and energy modes. Radical left parties are committed to creating environmental public services, developing free public transport, strengthening public water resource management, and protecting biodiversity. Simultaneously, they hope to reduce energy use, improve energy efficiency, and implement a comprehensive energy transition strategy to gradually replace traditional fossil fuels and nuclear energy with renewable energy, while placing the energy transition under public control. Comparatively, European radical left parties place more importance on democratic planning and value orientations within the ecological transition, arguing that long-term environmental and social considerations should replace short-term profit and growth requirements, and that public investment should serve public services and ecological interests rather than profit. For example, the Party of the European Left pointed out at its Seventh Congress: "The Left Green New Deal requires strong public control over the banking sector to lead the process toward a sustainable economy," and "the European Central Bank must be placed under democratic control, and public funds and super-profits must be redirected toward public services and ecological transformation." In the 2022 parliamentary elections, the French Communist Party also called for public services to become a lever for socio-ecological transformation and a tool for change that promotes equality and liberation, hoping it can challenge the rule and dominance of capital, build a fairer and more just tax system, and achieve ecological and social transformation by constructing a new model of production and consumption. Overall, European radical left parties support green public investment plans, arguing that current barriers to such investments within the EU's economic governance mechanisms should be removed, the liberal development logic of the European energy market should be overcome, and large-scale public investment in renewable energy projects should be launched.
Second, public ownership of energy. European radical left parties particularly emphasize the public nature of natural resources and the public ownership of energy. They oppose the privatization of renewable energy and hope to achieve public control over energy production and supply, as well as the nationalization and socialization of energy companies, ensuring that people’s rights are fully protected during the energy transition. In the view of radical left parties, energy transition and green development should prioritize social justice, eliminate energy poverty, and ensure that everyone can afford the price of renewable energy. This means that the energy transition should prioritize the interests of the people and the rights of workers, rather than corporate interests or market competition. For instance, United Left (Izquierda Unida) in Spain pointed out that the ownership and public management of strategic natural resources such as water, energy, air, and soil are crucial to prevent them from becoming commodities. The Socialist Left Party (Sosialistisk Venstreparti) of Norway believes that Norway's energy policy should not be dominated by market forces; the energy sector should be subject to government regulation and more powerful democratic control. In the green transition, the state should seek more public ownership and public funding to ensure that sustainable investments benefit the people and society. The Left-Green Movement (Vinstrihreyfingin – grænt framboð) of Iceland also emphasizes sustainability, safety, and responsibility in the energy transition. On one hand, the primary task of all energy production is to take preventive measures and protect nature; on the other hand, the state must guarantee fairness in energy payments, and electricity pricing must consider all costs while ensuring reasonable energy prices for households and businesses.
Third, achieving a just transition. In the view of European radical left parties, responding to climate change inevitably leads to profound social change, and socio-ecological transformation must be radical and fair. Consequently, they advocate for a "just transition," meaning that the resolution of the climate crisis must occur simultaneously with the realization of social justice; the burden of sustainable development must not be shifted onto relatively less-affluent social groups. Radical left parties call on the EU to use just transition as a policy tool to retrain workers, solve unemployment through training and education, and formulate sustainable work plans for the future. The Socialist Left Party of Norway pointed out that a popular and fair green transition should be achieved, meaning Norway must base its green transition on a strong welfare state, investing in more emerging industries and redistributing funds to ensure that as the economy and society are restructured, job opportunities are provided for everyone willing to work, achieving shared and sustainable development. Spain's United Left and Podemos have also called for the approval of climate change and energy transition laws that create new jobs while achieving emission reduction targets in energy, transport, industry, and urban areas. In their view, ensuring the fairness and justice of the transition from traditional energy to renewable energy models is particularly important—especially the formulation of comprehensive socio-economic recovery plans after the closure of coal-fired power plants, the promotion of investment in innovation and green technology, and the provision of necessary labor skills training to meet the employment needs of affected regions. The Left in Germany is also committed to achieving a fair and just ecological transition—that is, ensuring secure jobs and stable incomes for everyone during the green transition toward renewable energy and a sustainable economy, and in the process of achieving ecological mobility and climate protection.
(3) Building a progressive alliance for socio-ecological transformation
An emancipatory social science typically possesses three basic tasks: a systematic critique of the existing world, an envisioning of viable alternatives, and an understanding of the obstacles to and possibilities for transformation. From the perspective of the European radical left, social-ecological transformation also includes a conceptualization of the transformative steps required to realize a "red-green" future vision. Their fundamental consensus is that without widespread alternative participation, an emancipatory social-ecological transformation will remain a "castle in the air." In their view, the primary force for achieving social-ecological transformation is a diverse political alliance with the green-left at its core; therefore, the strategic heart of the project lies in establishing broad social movements and party alliances. On one hand, radical left parties emphasize participation in government and struggles within parliament; on the other, they also value extra-parliamentary struggle, believing that the realization of radical left political goals must rely on social mobilization by trade unions and social movements, as well as mass participation in other fields. For example, the Left Party of Sweden (Vänsterpartiet) points out that the success of a leftist strategy is inseparable from broad popular participation, and thus supports the unity and cooperation of all democratic leftist forces, both parliamentary and non-parliamentary. To achieve social-ecological transformation, the Left Party of Sweden needs to strengthen cooperation between the labor movement, trade unions, and environmental movements at both national and international levels, conducting long-term social mobilization and public opinion propaganda [5].
To further strengthen exchange and solidarity among progressive political, social, civic, and ecological forces at the European level and to formulate common joint initiatives, the Party of the European Left (EL) proposed at its Fifth Congress the establishment of an annual "European Forum of Left, Green and Progressive Forces." As a platform for political dialogue and joint initiatives, this forum demonstrates the potential and possibility of uniting broad social forces to carry out alternative projects; meanwhile, discussions regarding common policies also help to strengthen leftist forces in Europe. The 2023 European Forum of Left, Green and Progressive Forces was held in Spain in November, with discussions covering social progressive struggles, feminism, peace, energy and climate change, and ecological alternatives of the radical left. The Party of the European Left calls for consolidating and expanding this forum by formulating proposals and concrete lines of action, as well as strengthening cooperation with social, green, and feminist progressive forces and social movements. Furthermore, the Party of the European Left advocates for a concrete movement of "breaking away" [6] from the capitalism and productivism that dominate Europe, based on respecting people's sovereignty and social progress and guaranteeing everyone’s rights in the ecological and energy transition. This aims to achieve a new integration and cooperation between European peoples and nations, constructing a new social bloc [7] and a new political majority.
III. An Analysis of European Radical Left Climate Political Positions in Comparative Perspective
Overall, the New Left parties within the European radical left party family pay high attention to ecological environment and climate change issues. They advocate for solving climate change through international cooperation in global climate governance and have proposed ambitious climate policy goals. In the view of European radical left parties, the European Green Deal has not broken free from the logic of neoliberalism and the supremacy of profit. Therefore, they hope to create a new development model to address climate change through social-ecological transformation or by practicing a "Left Green New Deal," achieving carbon neutrality goals through an energy transition that embodies social justice. As organizations with strong historical political orientations, the ideological and organizational characteristics of parties guide their responses to new political issues. That is to say, ideological patterns rooted in political cleavages and party family characteristics are the prisms through which we observe how parties handle new issues. The response of European radical left parties to climate politics or green political issues is also constrained by their deep-rooted ideologies and political leanings; they tend to emphasize the social dimensions of emission reductions and energy transition. What are the similarities and differences in climate and energy policies between European radical left parties and the European Greens, Social Democrats, Conservatives, and far-right parties? Taking the radical left parties of Germany and Sweden as primary examples, the following examines the positioning and policy stances of representative parties on climate change and energy policy based on their latest election manifestos.
Looking at leftist parties in Germany, the Left Party (Die Linke), the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD), and the Alliance 90/The Greens (Bündnis 90/Die Grünen) all consistently support ambitious carbon neutrality and "decarbonization" goals. All hope to expand the development of renewable energy and promote the utilization of hydrogen and climate-friendly transportation. Relatively speaking, the climate and energy policy goals of the Left Party and the Greens are more radical than those of the SPD. For example, the Left Party and the Greens proposed achieving carbon neutrality by 2030 and 2040, respectively, while the SPD set this goal for 2050; the Left and the Greens hope to phase out coal by 2030, while the SPD’s coal phase-out date is 2038. Regarding energy policy, the Left Party, the SPD, and the Greens all advocate for accelerating renewable energy development and vigorously developing hydrogen. The Left Party and the Greens proposed achieving 100% renewable electricity by approximately 2035 and 2040, respectively. Swedish leftist parties have a strong consensus on climate goals, all being committed to achieving net-zero emissions in Sweden and breaking dependence on fossil fuels. The Swedish Social Democratic Party (S) proposed achieving net-zero carbon dioxide emissions by 2045, striving to build the world's first fossil-free welfare state, and hoping to lead climate change at the EU and global levels. Regarding energy policy, the Swedish Left Party and the Swedish Green Party (Miljöpartiet) proposed transforming Sweden into a fossil-free welfare state by 2035 and 2030, respectively. In the view of the Swedish Left Party, a successful climate policy requires a fair perspective that combines "red" and "green"—that is, a climate and energy policy where climate and environmental efforts are integrated with social justice policies. Based on a leftist political stance, the Swedish Left Party calls on Sweden to financially assist poor countries in transitioning to more sustainable and climate-resilient societies, while also advocating for a large-scale state green investment plan for fossil-free industries.
The center-right Christian Democratic Union of Germany (CDU) and the Free Democratic Party (FDP) are also committed to emission reductions and energy transition. The CDU hopes to achieve carbon neutrality by the middle of the 21st century while raising Germany's 2030 national emission reduction target from 55% (relative to 1990 levels) to at least 65%. In comparison, the CDU emphasizes carbon neutrality based on an ecological and social market economy [8], aiming to achieve coordinated development of climate/environmental protection and the economy through technological innovation, thereby realizing "climate prosperity." as a representative of liberal parties, the FDP’s climate and energy stance is similar to that of the CDU, committing to climate protection and energy transition through market mechanisms. For example, both call for extending the European Union Emissions Trading System (EU ETS) to all sectors and regions and strengthening the construction of the European aviation emissions trading system. In the field of energy policy, both hope to significantly reduce energy taxes. As a typical representative of far-right parties, Alternative for Germany (AfD) holds a negative and skeptical stance toward mainstream climate goals, hoping to terminate the Paris Agreement and opposing the German government's 2050 carbon neutrality goals and measures. In the AfD's view, the expansion of renewable energy is not only an economic disaster but will also bring a heavy burden to the state, nature, and individual lives; the German government's carbon neutrality goals are leading to a thorough restructuring or "Great Transformation" [9] of industry and society, which largely threatens people's freedom.
Sweden's right-wing parties generally support emission reductions and EU climate goals. For example, the Swedish Centre Party (Centerpartiet) and the Moderate Party (Moderaterna) proposed achieving carbon neutrality by 2040 and 2045, respectively. In terms of energy policy, as non-fossil energy currently accounts for a high proportion of electricity production in Sweden, both left-wing and right-wing parties hope Sweden can continue to advance the energy transition and expand the use of renewable energy. However, regarding support for and continued use of nuclear energy, there are clear policy divergences among Swedish parties. The Swedish Left Party and the Green Party strongly oppose the continued use of nuclear energy, arguing that nuclear construction cycles are long, expensive, and pose significant safety risks; conversely, solar and wind energy are by far the cheapest and safest renewables. The Swedish Social Democratic Party points out that nuclear energy is an important component of Sweden's power production and hopes for a gradual phase-out of nuclear power under conditions of continuous expansion of renewable energy use, improved energy efficiency, and increased flexibility of the power system. The basic stance of the Swedish Centre Party on nuclear power is that its construction should not receive state aid—the market decides whether to invest in new nuclear power, and enterprises must independently bear the costs. Sweden's right-wing parties generally support the development of nuclear energy, especially the Moderate Party and the Sweden Democrats (Sverigedemokraterna). In the view of the Moderate Party, Sweden's long-standing low-emission power production benefited from hydropower and nuclear energy; based on considerations of electricity supply security and stability, existing nuclear power should be retained and next-generation nuclear power invested in. The Moderate Party suggests changing the goal of 100% renewable energy use by 2040 to 100% "fossil-free" energy, creating long-term conditions for the development of nuclear power. Compared to the AfD, the Sweden Democrats do not deny the impact of human activity on climate change and are confident in human innovation in managing and responding to it. At the same time, they point out the contradictions in Swedish climate policy—low carbon dioxide emissions coupled with high costs—and thus call for the implementation of effective climate policies from a clear global perspective, meaning exports must become a key focus of Sweden's climate strategy.
From the comparative analysis of the climate and energy policies of the major parties in Germany and Sweden, it can be seen that along the left-right political dimension, leftist parties demonstrate higher levels of concern and goal-seeking in energy and climate policy than right-wing parties, and are more committed to climate governance cooperation at the EU or international levels. Additionally, both the center-left Social Democrats and the center-right Conservatives generally support emission reductions and energy transition, but their political stances are relatively moderate, usually staying consistent with national or EU-level CO2 reduction or carbon neutrality targets. Within the right-wing camp, energy policy is also a divisive issue; not all far-right parties oppose the energy transition, and they may adopt a relatively moderate stance on energy transition in specific contexts. The AfD exhibits strong climate skepticism, opposing greenhouse gas reductions, renewable energy development, and coal phase-outs, whereas the Sweden Democrats overall support national climate goals, but also support nuclear energy development out of considerations for energy security and national competitiveness.
IV. Conclusion
From a theoretical perspective, the European radical left’s socio-ecological transformation constitutes a theoretical response to the representative discourse of green-left transformation within American and European academia in recent years. Focusing on the critique and reflection of the capitalist system’s economic, political, cultural, social, and natural relations, as well as the logic of capitalist development and its structural contradictions, it provides an alternative blueprint and practical vision based on a green-left horizon that differs from mainstream neoliberal politics. As an interpretive and descriptive theory, the discourse of socio-ecological transformation favored by the radical left helps us more comprehensively and profoundly understand the reality and limitations of the "green capitalism" dominated by Western countries, as well as the European radical left’s systemic reflection on resolving the current climate, economic, and institutional crises of capitalism. Political parties generally maintain relative stability in their ideology and core political issues; new party identities do not always replace old ones, but are more often layered upon them. In terms of ideological re-interpretation and the shaping of party identity, some New Left [10] parties have successfully forged a "Red-Green" party image that combines ecologism with socialism. European radical left parties aim to shape a new development model that is both socially and ecologically sustainable, achieving public ownership of natural resources and renewable energy as well as a just transition in the process of responding to the climate crisis and solving ecological environment problems. Beyond external factors such as socio-economic conditions, public demands, and party systems, the European radical left’s response to the climate-ecological crisis and green political issues is clearly influenced by internal factors such as political ideology, historical origins and cultural heritage, internal factions and dominant coalitions, and party goals. Within the left-wing political camp, European radical left parties should further highlight the characteristics of "Red-Green" politics—specifically, how they distinguish themselves from the ecological modernization and "Green New Deal" programs of Social Democratic and Green parties, especially in the context of Social Democratic parties undergoing a partial "greening" and Green parties striving to demonstrate their governance capabilities in the economic sphere.
From a practical perspective, although most radical left parties have incorporated ecological environment and climate politics into their political programs or agendas, and the European United Left–Nordic Green Left (GUE/NGL) [11] parliamentary group has released a left-wing climate political manifesto, it remains true that as a whole, convincing the public of the European radical left’s socio-ecological transformation plan still faces many difficulties and challenges. On the one hand, the specific proposals on climate and energy issues from various national radical left parties, the Party of the European Left, and other left-wing movements and political alliances have failed to achieve effective integration; there are differences in the degree of focus and importance placed on climate political issues by radical left parties in different countries and of different types. On the other hand, the influence of European radical left parties on mainstream politics and policy is relatively limited, and the socio-ecological transformation plan requires more practical testing. Therefore, European radical left parties need to further articulate a discourse of socio-ecological transformation and a "Red-Green" future vision based on left-wing political stances, and on this basis, formulate more pragmatic and consistent alternative solutions to deal with the climate, economic, and political crises.
(Author’s Affiliation: School of Marxism, Peking University) Web Editor: Tongxin Source: Contemporary World and Socialism, No. 1, 2024.