Yuan Qun and Teng Yan: The Concepts of Socialism Among Nepalese Communists
Since its emergence in 1949, the Nepalese communist movement has been propelled by communist forces represented by the Communist Party of Nepal (CPN), the CPN (Maoist Centre), the CPN (Unified Marxist-Leninist), and the Communist Party of Nepal formed by the merger of the CPN (Maoist Centre) and the CPN (UML) (hereinafter referred to as the "new CPN"). These forces have actively explored a socialist path suited to their national conditions and achieved major historical successes. This article sorts through and analyzes the socialist outlook of Nepalese communists from four dimensions—why socialism must be built in Nepal, what kind of socialism to build, how to build it, and the prospects for Nepalese socialism—striving to objectively understand and grasp the developmental trajectory, current status, and future prospects of socialism in Nepal.
I. Why Socialism Must Be Built in Nepal
The exploration of the socialist path by Nepalese communists began under the influence of Marxism during the height of the democratic movement against the feudal autocratic rule of the Rana family [1], following the surge of the world socialist movement and the Indian national independence movement in the first half of the 20th century. On September 15, 1846, the Rana family, led by the military officer Jung Bahadur Rana and relying on the support of British colonialists, launched a coup to seize the premiership and all military and political power, rendering the King a mere puppet. From then on, the Rana family began a 105-year period of autocratic family rule over Nepal. During their reign, Nepalese society remained almost stagnant, and the people yearned for social change. On April 22, 1949—the 79th anniversary of Lenin's birth—five Nepalese communists in exile in India, including Pushpa Lal Shrestha, launched the Communist Party of Nepal in Calcutta. Their mission was to oppose the Rana family’s autocratic regime, feudalism, and imperialism, and to achieve socialism. On April 24, 1949, the CPN issued its first leaflet, exposing the reactionary nature of the Rana regime and pointing out that under the leadership of the Soviet Union, democratic forces worldwide were continuously growing by challenging reactionary powers. Under the leadership of the Communist Party of China, the Chinese people had achieved victory. The great victory of the Chinese Revolution also influenced Nepal and spread to Burma, Malaya, Indochina, and Telangana in India. In those places, under the leadership of Communist Parties, revolutionary people's regimes were being established and laws were being implemented; even the atomic bomb could not stop the revolutionary enthusiasm of the people. The CPN ultimately put forward slogans to "overthrow the feudal ruling system," "escape the influence of foreign imperialism and the Indian bourgeoisie," "establish a workers' and peasants' regime," and "establish a socialist system in Nepal." From November 1950 to February 1951, under the leadership of the Nepali Congress and the Communist Party of Nepal, the Nepalese people launched a democratic struggle against the Rana autocracy, forcing the family to surrender power and proclaiming the end of their dictatorship.
After the overthrow of the Rana family's autocratic rule, Nepal began implementing a multi-party parliamentary system under the leadership of the King. On December 15, 1960, King Mahendra dissolved the cabinet of B.P. Koirala (Nepali Congress) and the parliament on the grounds of government inefficiency. On December 16, 1962, Nepal implemented the non-party Panchayat system [2], characterized mainly by the King personally assuming all state powers and banning all political party activities. With the implementation of the Panchayat system and the deterioration of Sino-Soviet relations, the Communist Party of Nepal underwent multiple splits. In February 1990, the United Left Front—composed of seven communist parties represented by the CPN (Marxist) (CPN-M) and the CPN (Marxist-Leninist) (CPN-ML)—joined forces with the Nepali Congress to launch a movement to restore democracy. This forced the royal family to lift the ban on parties and end the non-party Panchayat system. On January 6, 1991, the CPN (M) and the CPN (ML) merged into the CPN (Unified Marxist-Leninist) (CPN-UML). In January and February 1993, at its Fifth National Congress, the CPN (UML) pointed out that Nepalese society was currently suffering from the exploitation and oppression of feudalism, bureaucrat-comprador capitalism [3], and imperialism. As the party of the Nepalese proletariat and working class, the CPN (UML) was committed to ending poverty, material deprivation, and all forms of exploitation and inequality to build a progressive, developed, wealthy, and prosperous country. To this end, the party maintained a firm belief that scientific socialism and communism were the ultimate goals.
On November 23, 1990, the CPN (Fourth Convention), CPN (Mashal), and the CPN (Peasant Organization) merged to form the CPN (Unity Centre). In March 1995, the faction of the CPN (Unity Centre) led by Prachanda changed the party's name to the CPN (Maoist). In the same month, in the report "Strategy and Tactics of Armed Struggle in Nepal" adopted at its third expanded meeting, the CPN (Maoist) pointed out that Nepal was a semi-colonial and semi-feudal society. It stated that "the contradiction between the Nepalese people and feudalism, bureaucrat-comprador capitalism, imperialism, and Indian expansionism is the fundamental contradiction of Nepalese society." Therefore, only by destroying feudalism and bureaucrat-comprador capitalism and resisting imperialist interference in Nepal could social progress be promoted and national wealth and strength achieved. This determined that Nepal must take the socialist road. In December 2017, the Left Alliance formed by the CPN (Maoist Centre) and the CPN (UML) won the general election and took power. On May 17, 2018, the CPN (Maoist Centre) and the CPN (UML) merged into the new Communist Party of Nepal. In the "Interim Political Report of the Communist Party of Nepal" released that day, the new CPN pointed out: "The main characteristic of today's communist and leftist movements is the goal of national independence and the liberation of the working class. Only by replacing the financial monopoly of capitalists, developing national industrial capital, and achieving economic self-reliance and independence can we lay the foundation for the socialist revolution. The alternative to liberation from the crisis caused by global financial capitalism is to build socialism with national independence. The current crisis further proves the necessity and rationality of socialism."
II. What Kind of Socialism to Build in Nepal
On April 5, 1949, the Nepali version of the Manifesto of the Communist Party, translated by Pushpa Lal Shrestha, was published. In the introduction, he noted: "Because Marxism is the scientific way to enlighten the working class, it has begun to take root as the labor movement develops worldwide. The Soviet Union is not the only case of studying Marxism before us today. Now, to our north, independent China is also spreading Marxist ideology to us. Furthermore, the victory of people's liberation movements led by Communist Parties in various colonies and semi-colonies has inspired us to embark on the socialist path guided by Marxism." After the founding of the CPN, the vigorous development of Soviet socialism and the impending national victory of the Chinese New Democratic Revolution sparked a debate within the party over whether to follow the Soviet socialist road or the Chinese socialist road. In the early 1960s, as Sino-Soviet relations deteriorated and the international communist movement split, the mainstream forces of the Nepalese communist movement "stood firmly on the side of the Chinese communist revolutionaries." However, after the Third Congress in April 1962, the CPN nonetheless split into a "pro-Soviet faction" and a "pro-China faction." The drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe caused the "pro-Soviet faction" to experience an ideological crisis and vanish, while the "pro-China faction" also split many times due to disputes over the party line. The CPN (M), CPN (ML), and CPN (Unity Centre)—all derived from the "pro-China faction"—stressed the need to follow China's path of New Democratic Revolution.
Following the drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, the CPN (UML), after profound reflection on the future and destiny of socialism, pointed out: "The changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe only prove the disintegration of the Soviet model of socialism, but not the failure of socialism. The scientific socialism we wish to uphold is not the degenerated socialism of the Soviet model, but a system with democratic prosperity and progress. It absorbs all active factors according to the process of human development to build a social system superior to capitalism. ... Our party and the broad masses of laboring people also demand the construction of such a socialism." On the basis of summarizing the lessons from the collapse of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe and the developmental experience of the Nepalese communist movement, the Fifth Congress of the CPN (UML) adopted the political program of "People's Multi-Party Democracy." This program advocated accepting multi-party politics and eliminating the exploitation and oppression of feudalism, bureaucrat-comprador capitalism, and imperialism through peaceful struggle, to establish a socialist society in Nepal where "each contributes according to their ability and receives according to their work." In November 1994, the CPN (UML) won the mid-term elections and formed the first communist government in Nepal. In September 1995, the CPN (Maoist) pointed out in the report "Plan for Initiating the Historic People's War" that our plan is based on the experience of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Mao regarding violent revolution, with the goal of eliminating feudalism and imperialism, completing the New Democratic Revolution, achieving socialism, and ultimately moving toward communism.
On February 13, 1996, the CPN (Maoist) announced the official start of its People's War. In February 2001, at its Second Congress, the CPN (Maoist) summarized the historical experience of the 20th-century international communist movement and the achievements of the five-year People's War to propose "Prachanda Path." The CPN (Maoist) stated: "There are two models of socialist revolution, including the October Revolution model and the 'People's War' model created by Chairman Mao. Regarding 'Prachanda Path,' we cannot mechanically copy these two models but must absorb their strengths. Therefore, 'Prachanda Path' is a fusion of the people's uprising model and the people's war model. In the specific context of the 21st century, we are attempting to open a new path in Nepal." In May 2003, at its Central Committee plenary session, the CPN (Maoist) proposed the idea of "Developing 21st Century Democracy" based on changes in the international situation and the domestic balance of class forces. This idea advocated for a multi-party competitive system not only during the current stage of bourgeois revolution but also in the future socialist stage. Prachanda explained: "As everyone knows, after summarizing the experience and lessons of 20th-century revolution and counter-revolution, our party proposed the idea of developing 21st-century democracy. Correspondingly, we accepted the concept of multi-party competition within an anti-imperialist and anti-feudal framework. But here, the Constituent Assembly and the Democratic Republic should be understood according to strategic firmness and tactical flexibility." The CPN (UML) and CPN (Maoist) advanced the Nepalese communist movement through peaceful legal means and the combination of People's War with peaceful negotiations, respectively, dealing blows to reactionary forces and exerting a profound influence on creating a new situation in Nepalese politics. In February 2005, King Gyanendra launched a coup to declare personal rule; he not only intensified strikes against the CPN (Maoist) but also suppressed the CPN (UML), the Nepali Congress, and other parliamentary parties. On November 22, 2005, the CPN (Maoist) reached a "12-point agreement" with a seven-party alliance including the CPN (UML), announcing a united front to oppose the monarchy. On November 21, 2006, the CPN (Maoist) and the seven-party alliance signed the Comprehensive Peace Accord, ending the 10-year...
...years of armed struggle. On April 10, 2008, Nepal held its first Constituent Assembly election, in which the CPN (Maoist) won an overwhelming victory. On May 28, 2008, the Constituent Assembly declared Nepal a "Federal Democratic Republic." In August 2008, the CPN (Maoist) formed a new government with Prachanda serving as Prime Minister. Since then, the CPN (Maoist) and the CPN (UML) have taken power multiple times through parliamentary elections and began exploring a path toward socialism with Nepalese characteristics. Following its formation, the NCP [4] summarized the experiences of the CPN (UML) and the CPN (Maoist Centre) in exploring socialism, noting: "The methods of building socialism and the forms of socialism will vary due to the uneven development of different countries. Leftist forces in each country should clearly understand the developmental process, specific conditions, and characteristics of their own societies. On this basis, they should explore the uniqueness of their own movements and creatively apply Marxism." To this end, it is necessary to clarify the nature of the socialism that serves as our strategic goal: "First, the socialist movement once swept the globe like a rising tide under the leadership of Communists. The bourgeoisie, under the cover of 'democratic socialism,' carried out sham reforms of capitalism. Now it has become useless and ineffective. Our socialism is not this form of democratic socialism. Second, our socialism is not the Soviet-model socialism that was blindly imitated by former socialist countries... The socialism we seek to build is an advanced socialism that integrates the characteristics of the era and absorbs the experiences and lessons of the past."
III. How to Build Socialism in Nepal
(1) The Guiding Ideology of Nepalese Socialism In the Manifesto of the Communist Party of Nepal issued on September 15, 1949, the CPN pointed out that it is a party guided by Marxism-Leninism. After the CPN (Unity Centre) [5]—the predecessor of the CPN (Maoist)—was established, it established Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as its guiding ideology. Prachanda, then General Secretary, noted: "As is well known, the science of Marxism was founded by Marx through continuous struggle and genius; it consists of three component parts: philosophy, political economy, and scientific socialism. Lenin elevated Marxism as a whole to a second stage of development, namely Leninism. Today, this science has entered a third, new, and higher stage of development: the stage of Maoism. Therefore, in the hands of the international proletariat today, Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is a complete whole of universal theory." Since its founding, the CPN (Maoist) has persisted in "taking Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as its guiding principle," stating that "only by creatively combining the basic principles of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism with concrete international and domestic situations can the New Democratic Revolution [6] be completed and preparations be made for the socialist revolution." The CPN (UML) also noted: "Marxism-Leninism is the guiding principle for the revolution and construction in Nepal. The CPN (UML) accepts the scientific thought of Marxism-Leninism as its guiding principle. Modern developed Marxism-Leninism is not only the guiding principle for the industrial proletariat but also for the peasantry's struggle for social liberation and national independence."
After the formation of the NCP, it also emphasized: "For 170 years, Marxism has provided guidance for the liberation of the world's proletarian laboring people. Leninism developed through the evolution of Marxism, and revolutionary movements in various countries, including the Chinese people's democratic revolution, have made significant contributions to the creative application and development of Marxism. During this period, under the influence and guidance of Marxism, revolutions were completed in many countries, making great global political changes possible. The rights of the working class, women, and other diverse groups were established, and exploited groups have awakened as never before. Marxism is equally important not only for the liberation of the proletarian working class but also for exploited and oppressed nations, and ultimately for the liberation of all humanity." After the NCP split back into the CPN (UML) and the CPN (Maoist Centre), the CPN (UML) continued to uphold Marxism-Leninism as its guiding ideology, emphasizing: "Marxism is essentially a theoretical system for understanding, analyzing, and transforming society. The fundamental principles of revolution in each country develop continuously as the basic principles of Marxism are specifically applied to national realities. In this process of linking theory with practice, the revolutionary path chosen by each country will inevitably be different, original, and specific. The full picture of Marxism is expressed in the concrete theories developed by each country." Meanwhile, the CPN (Maoist Centre) reiterated: "Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is the guiding ideology of the CPN (Maoist Centre). We must persist in maintaining, applying, and developing the party's guiding principles by combining them with current historical developments."
(2) The Leading Force of Nepalese Socialism Since the day of its founding, the Communist Party of Nepal has clearly stated: "The CPN pledges to commit itself to participating in the struggles initiated by the exploited people and to organizing and leading this struggle... We call upon the working class, landless and poor peasants, students with people's democratic ideas, youth, and women to organize under the leadership of the Communist Party of Nepal, for only a strong, people-oriented Communist Party can lead the people's democratic forces in revolution." Since the founding of the CPN, Nepalese Communists, through long-term struggle and sacrifice, have creatively applied Marxism to make significant contributions to ending the feudal monarchy, establishing a democratic republic, and building an economic base oriented toward socialism. They have promoted the basic completion of the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal Nepalese democratic revolution and established the leading position of the Communist Party in Nepal's democratic revolutionary movement.
However, "since 1950, due to the leadership of the Nepali Congress party, which represents the interests of the comprador class and the bureaucratic bourgeoisie [7], it has been difficult to fully realize Nepal's democratic transformation." The NCP pointed out that because the Nepalese democratic revolution "is neither an old-style bourgeois-democratic revolution led by the bourgeoisie against feudalism to develop industrial capitalism, nor a New Democratic Revolution led solely by the Communist Party, it has united all anti-imperialist and anti-feudal forces to form a united front. It is a revolution against feudalism led by the Communist Party as the main initiator and caller, carried out by granting leadership to the bourgeoisie and engaging in necessary cooperation with them." This led to a situation where "Nepal's capitalist-democratic revolution developed in its own peculiar way. In addition to the proletariat, the bourgeoisie also participated in the revolution; formally speaking, it is considered a joint leadership of two classes. Therefore, there will inevitably be fierce competition between the two classes regarding the ownership of the fruits of the revolution and the future direction. If an imbalance of forces unfavorable to the proletariat occurs, the bourgeoisie will dominate, the momentum of progress will be weakened or even stagnate, and the country will face the danger of moving toward neoliberal capitalism rather than socialism." Therefore, the NCP believes that the leadership and unity of the Communist Party are vital to safeguarding the gains of the revolution and ensuring a socialist future.
(3) Nepal's Road to Socialism Regarding the road to socialism in Nepal, Nepalese Communists have reflected deeply by synthesizing the successful experiences of the CPN (Maoist Centre)’s New Democratic Revolution and the CPN (UML)’s People's Multi-Party Democracy.
First, building socialism through peaceful means. The CPN (UML) pointed out: "The essence of state power is its class nature, while the system of government is its form of expression. The dialectic of state power is manifested in the interrelationship between the class nature of the state and the governance system. Democratic systems and values are not themselves capitalism, but the result of long-term struggle by the people. Therefore, it is wrong to regard democratic systems as synonyms for capitalist systems or tools." Thus, "the essence of the political line we have adopted is to implement the program of People's Multi-Party Democracy through legal, peaceful, and democratic competition, to develop the state-owned economy, and to lay a solid foundation for building socialism." The CPN (Maoist Centre) believes: "Due to the fundamental nature of the changes in Nepal, the inclusive and proportionally balanced federal democratic republic we have established today is different from traditional federal systems in the world; it is an orientation toward a socialist political system established under the primary leadership of the Communist Party. The fundamental nature of Nepal’s transformation makes it possible for us today to prepare for building socialism through peaceful competition and the rule of law." The NCP also stated: "Building socialism through the path of peaceful struggle and peaceful competition is achievable in the specific circumstances of Nepal. Our constitution expresses a commitment to socialism and defines our state as being socialist-oriented. According to our constitution, all issues except national sovereignty, territorial integrity, and peoples' sovereignty can be changed through constitutional amendments."
Second, building socialism by strengthening Party building. The NCP believes that building socialism through peaceful paths and multi-party competition is an important part of the Party’s policy and a crucial element in guiding Party building. Therefore, the Party should gain the recognition of the people through regular elections, and the Party's work style, leadership methods, and organizational structure should change accordingly. The situation of bloated and inefficient structures of the Party and its mass organizations should be ended. Party secrets and the dignity of the Party must be maintained. The clean and honest work style of Party members and cadres should not be discarded and should be subject to public supervision by the people. The broad masses of Party members should not only abide by the Party Constitution but also by the state constitution and existing laws. Addressing common problems within the Party such as the weakening of ideological work, thinning of Party consciousness, and insufficient capacity of the Party ranks to handle new situations and challenges, the NCP pointed out: "We must train the Party ranks through movements of production, construction, and transformation to adapt to developmental needs. We must strengthen the training of Party members so they can undertake new responsibilities. Experts and scholars within the Party who can take on greater responsibilities should be organized for training to further enhance their political consciousness." Regarding serious sectarianism within the Party, the NCP emphasized: "On one hand, establish complete organizational methods and systems within the Party; on the other hand, strictly deal with disunity, anarchy, indiscipline, and factional activities. We must resolutely curb the trend of wanton attacks on Party leadership and decisions on social networks, false accusations against Party members and cadres, and activities that harm the Party's interests."
Third, building socialism ideologically. The NCP believes that while upholding the guiding ideology of Marxism-Leninism, "one must understand the unprecedented development of globalization, globalized capitalism, and production technology. At the same time, we must draw lessons from the counter-revolutionary events that occurred in former countries with socialist regimes, study and analyze the policies, plans, programs, behaviors, and weaknesses behind the demise of most past socialist regimes, and consider how to avoid repeating those mistakes. To address the aforementioned goals and practical problems, the primary task of the Party in building socialism ideologically will be to develop Marxism and Marxist ideology through in-depth study, research, discussion, analysis, and summarization." Nepalese Communists sincerely admire and praise the major achievements of the Communist Party of China's centenary struggle, taking the study and reference of the great achievements of socialism with Chinese characteristics as an important part of their ideological construction of socialism. Prachanda, then co-chairman of the NCP, pointed out that since the founding of the New China, under the leadership of the CPC, China's economy and society have undergone earth-shaking changes, and the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics has achieved world-renowned achievements in the New Era. This is also a huge inspiration for Nepalese Communists, and proletarian parties worldwide can draw developmental experience from China's successful practice. KP Sharma Oli, also then co-chairman of the NCP, highly appraised the immense developmental achievements the CPC led the Chinese people to achieve, believing that China has charted a successful development path and provided a brand-new choice for the broad range of developing countries, including Nepal. The CPC's concepts of Party and state governance also provide an important reference for political parties in other countries.
Fourth, building socialism based on national realities. The NCP believes:
"Nepal’s productive forces are weak; a national independent economic system has yet to be established; and the country is in a position of extreme dependency. We have not yet laid the foundation for socialist production." Consequently, "we have not yet reached the level of proposing a socialist program and transitioning toward socialism, transforming toward socialism, building socialism, or completing a socialist revolution." Based on a realistic analysis of the current state of the productive forces, the contemporary balance of forces, and internal conflicts, the NCP (NCP) [8] maintains: "At present, it is not appropriate to treat socialism as the goal or the line." This dictates that the current fundamental direction is to break the exploitative oppression of the bureaucratic-bourgeoisie and the interference of imperialist forces, clear away all feudal remnants, "establish the foundation for socialism, complete the remaining tasks of the capitalist-democratic revolution, promote the development of the productive forces, advance the economic revolution, and achieve economic prosperity... for only by vigorously developing the productive forces, completing capitalist industrialization, and establishing a solid material foundation for socialism can we create the conditions for a transition to socialism or the implementation of a socialist program."
IV. Prospects for Socialism in Nepal
First, the realization of socialism in Nepal is a long-term process. Since their founding, both the CPN (Maoist) and the CPN (UML) have emphasized that achieving socialism is a long-term process that cannot be accomplished overnight. Guided by the theory of Mao Zedong Thought and the general characteristics of Nepalese society, the CPN (Maoist) determined that Nepalese socialism would proceed in two stages: the first stage involves seizing state power through a New Democratic Revolution and establishing a New Democratic society; the second stage involves the socialist transformation of the means of production to enter a socialist society and ultimately achieve communism. The CPN (UML) maintains: "Socialism is not merely a goal, but a movement and a continuous process; attempting a transition to socialism without making sufficient and fundamental material preparations is premature." Guided by Marxism-Leninism and based on the characteristics of Nepalese society, the CPN (UML) determined that Nepalese socialism must follow a two-step path: first, establishing a people’s democratic state power and a socialist foundation through a people’s democratic revolution; and second, conducting a socialist revolution to establish a socialist system and ultimately realize communism. The NCP (NCP) also emphasized: "Some countries rushed into the socialist stage immediately after completing their socialist revolutions, committing fundamental errors and leaving behind painful lessons." Therefore, it is currently inappropriate to set the establishment of socialism as a near-term goal. The Party's current task is to "advance along the path of political, economic, and social transformation while laying the foundation for socialist construction according to the characteristics of 21st-century Nepal."
Second, the realization of socialism in Nepal requires a grand alliance of the Left. Since the 1990s, the Nepalese communist movement has progressed through a tortuous process of both confrontation and cooperation, unity and struggle, primarily between the CPN (Maoist Center) and the CPN (UML). As the two main communist parties in Nepal, the CPN (Maoist Center) and the CPN (UML) share similar ideologies, mass bases, and interest demands. This has led to a foundation for unity and cooperation in electoral politics, while also creating the potential for them to become rivals. Although the CPN (Maoist Center) and the CPN (UML) have led the government multiple times, none of their terms exceeded one year. After its founding, the NCP (NCP) explicitly stated: "There is a great possibility of building socialism in Nepal through peaceful and legal means. However, as long as the Nepalese communist movement remains divided, an imbalance of political forces will occur, allowing reactionary forces to recover and putting the communist movement on the defensive. Therefore, the grand alliance of the communist movement has become a necessity of the times." Yet, due to the power struggle between Oli and Prachanda, the NCP (NCP) split in March 2021, and the CPN government dissolved after lasting three and a half years. Following this split, the Nepalese communist movement fell into hardship and the political situation into turmoil, which prompted both the CPN (UML) and the CPN (Maoist Center) to engage in profound reflection on the lessons of their past unification and division. The CPN (UML) stated: "Only through full cooperation can we defend the fruits of the revolution and guarantee the realization of a beautiful socialist future." The CPN (Maoist Center) also emphasized: "The policy of the CPN (Maoist Center) aims to unite the nation’s left-wing democratic forces and establish short- and long-term cooperative fronts, thereby realizing prosperity oriented toward socialism." On March 4, 2024, the CPN (Maoist Center) and the CPN (UML) allied once again and took power (Note: On July 3, 2024, the CPN (UML) withdrew from the coalition government led by Prachanda, and on July 14, the CPN (UML) formed a coalition government with the Nepali Congress). Shankar Pokharel, General Secretary of the CPN (UML), stated that we want to prove we were wrong—that we were previously too obsessed with the struggle for power. We hope to show magnanimity toward our alliance partners while building long-term cooperation by avoiding conflicts within the alliance. Prachanda, Chairman of the CPN (Maoist Center), also pointed out that a fragmented communist movement paved the way for reactionary forces to increase their influence in national politics, leading to a crisis of governance. To this end, consolidating the communist movement while defending the supremacy of the Constitution is the key to establishing the new alliance.
Third, the realization of Nepalese socialism cannot be separated from scientific and technological progress. After summarizing the positive and negative experiences of the international communist movement in the 20th century, Nepalese communists believe that in the 21st century, the development of Marxism and socialism faces many difficulties and challenges. The CPN (Maoist Center) pointed out: "Only by promoting scientific and technological progress can we scientifically advance the social revolution and the development of Marxism. Progress in science and technology also assists in the development of the productive forces and the improvement of interpersonal relations. In the period from the information technology revolution to the beginning of the information age, if Marxists do not absorb and learn from inventions and creations in various fields, then building socialism in the 21st century will be out of the question." The CPN (Maoist Center) emphasized: "Currently, the Party’s primary task is to apply science and technology to all aspects of society and human life—such as agriculture, education, healthcare, infrastructure, and the environment—to promote the efficient development and operation of the labor force. To achieve this goal, we should systematically arrange for relevant personnel to study scientific and technological knowledge." The CPN (UML) stated: "A socialist orientation means launching an ideological movement of social awakening and modern scientific consciousness. A socialist orientation cannot walk hand-in-hand with superstition; rather, it must combat superstition through awakening movements. This is both a movement against backwardness and against living with outdated things, as well as a movement to apply modern technology. A socialist orientation means embracing modern technology and science. Why did we propose 'Digital Nepal' and achieve much in this regard? Because these things will also lead us toward socialism."
Conclusion
Since the founding of the CPN, Nepalese communists have integrated Marxism with the realities of Nepal, engaging in an unremitting exploration of a socialist path with national characteristics, which has greatly promoted the development of the Nepalese communist movement and the socialist process in Nepal. Nepalese communists persist in taking Marxism as their guide; persist in the leading position of the Communist Party in the socialist cause; persist in political, economic, and social transformations oriented toward socialism; and persist in achieving socialism and communism as their ultimate goal. Therefore, the socialist conception of Nepalese communists falls within the category of scientific socialism. Following the drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe [9], and during a time when the world socialist movement was on the defensive, Nepalese communists played a decisive role in overthrowing Nepal’s feudal absolute monarchy and establishing a democratic republican system, creating favorable conditions for building socialism in Nepal. The great achievements made by Nepalese communists in exploring a socialist path with their own characteristics have greatly inspired the struggles of oppressed nations and peoples worldwide for liberation, becoming a signal and hallmark of the regional recovery of world socialism. However, it must also be seen that Nepal is currently in the initial stage of capitalism, and the goal of building socialism is still hindered by powerful bureaucratic-capitalism, feudal remnants, and the interference of external forces. There remains a significant contradiction between the Nepalese people’s strong desire for development and prosperity and the reality of underdevelopment, backwardness, and poverty. Although both the CPN (Maoist Center) and the CPN (UML) recognize the necessity and importance of cooperation, the unity of the Nepalese communist movement is still affected by practical interests and disrupted by opposing forces. At present, the exploration by Nepalese communists of socialism with national characteristics is still in its early stages and is far from reaching a state of completeness and maturity. This indicates that under conditions of capitalist multi-party competition, building socialism in Nepal still faces many difficulties and challenges. For Nepalese communists, the socialist path is a long and arduous one.