Wang Dongqi: Advancing the Anti-Corruption Struggle with Greater Clarity and Determination
The anti-corruption struggle is a major battle that we cannot afford to lose and must never lose.
On January 12, 2026, General Secretary Xi Jinping delivered an important speech at the Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th CPC Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI), emphasizing: "We must persist in and strengthen the Party’s overall leadership, advance the comprehensive and strict governance of the Party with higher standards and more practical measures, implement the major decision-making deployments of the Party Central Committee more resolutely and powerfully, lock power into the cage of institutions more scientifically and effectively, and advance the anti-corruption struggle more clear-headedly and firmly, so as to provide a strong guarantee for realizing the goals and tasks of the '15th Five-Year Plan' period." On January 20, at the opening ceremony of a thematic seminar for provincial and ministerial-level leading cadres on studying and implementing the spirit of the Fourth Plenary Session of the 20th CPC Central Committee, General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized once again: "We must maintain a high-pressure stance against corruption, never stopping for a single step or yielding by half a step, and integrally advance the goals of ensuring that officials do not dare to be corrupt, cannot be corrupt, and do not want to be corrupt." Currently, as the comprehensive and strict governance of the Party faces new situations and tasks, we must advance the anti-corruption struggle more clear-headedly and firmly, and with the tenacity and persistence of always being on the road, unswervingly push the Party's self-revolution to a deeper level.
1. The current situation of the anti-corruption struggle remains severe and complex
Corruption is a "tiger in the road" and a stumbling block in the development of the Party and the state's undertakings. The problem of corruption possesses the greatest destructive and lethal power against the Party's governing foundation; it is the issue most likely to subvert political power and is the greatest threat facing the Party. We must fight a decisive battle and achieve a decisive victory. At the Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th CCDI, General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out, "Currently, the situation of the anti-corruption struggle remains severe and complex, and the task of eradicating the soil and conditions that breed corruption remains arduous and heavy." This major judgment is thought-provoking.
Through the revolutionary forging of the comprehensive and strict governance of the Party in the New Era, the anti-corruption struggle has achieved an overwhelming victory and has been fully consolidated. The deterrence of "not daring to be corrupt" has been fully demonstrated, the cage of "not being able to be corrupt" has been fastened ever tighter, and the consciousness of "not wanting to be corrupt" has significantly increased. However, we must clearly recognize that the contest between corruption and anti-corruption is still raging and is presenting some new periodic characteristics. There is still a long way to go in preventing all kinds of interest groups from forming cliques and factions [1] or "hunting" [2] and corroding officials; there is still a long way to go in effectively responding to the invisible mutation and renovation of corruption methods; there is still a long way to go in thoroughly eradicating the soil that breeds corruption to achieve "clear seas and a peaceful river" [3]; and there is still a long way to go in cleaning up systemic corruption and defusing hidden risks.
Looking at the data, in 2025, 65 centrally managed cadres were reported to have undergone review and investigation; cases were filed against 5,016 bureau-level cadres, 41,000 county-level cadres, and 137,000 township-level cadres. Among these, cases were filed against 4,119 discipline inspection and oversight cadres, with 3,763 receiving disciplinary actions and 234 transferred to judicial authorities. In 2025, a total of 290,752 cases of violating the spirit of the Eight-Point Regulations were investigated and handled nationwide, with 375,604 individuals criticized, educated, or dealt with, including 261,788 who received Party disciplinary or administrative sanctions. In the process of advancing concentrated rectification to a deeper level, from January to November 2025, the CCDI and the National Commission of Supervision (NCS) directly investigated or supervised 8,063 cases of corruption occurring "at the people's side." They guided members of provincial-level discipline inspection and oversight commissions to take personal responsibility for 3,568 cases, driving discipline inspection and oversight organs at all levels to handle cases with vigor and resolutely punish "micro-corruption" at the primary level. Nationwide, a total of 840,000 cases of misconduct and corruption "at the people's side" were investigated and handled, with 536,000 people disciplined and 20,000 transferred to procuratorial organs. This series of data fully demonstrates that the situation of the anti-corruption struggle remains severe and complex.
Corruption is a common phenomenon in human society, and its causes are multiple and complex. There are factors arising from incorrect worldviews, outlooks on life, and values, as well as distorted views on power and political achievements. There are also factors where the interaction of political, economic, institutional, social, historical, and cultural elements forms the soil and conditions. Consequently, the anti-corruption struggle is characterized by stubbornness, recurrence, and long-term duration. Currently, the problem of the "integration of conduct and corruption" [4] is quite prominent. Malpractices and corruption are the great enemies of the Party and the people, as well as the great enemies of sustainable and healthy economic and social development. We must increase the intensity of investigating and treating both misconduct and corruption simultaneously. On one hand, we must dig deep into problems such as cliques and factions, seeking favors, and interest transfers behind the Four Winds, uncovering the true face of "corruption" by lifting the lid of "conduct." On the other hand, focusing on chronic problems of style related to specific regions, industries, and fields reflected in corruption cases, we should eradicate the common roots of conduct and corruption through "simultaneous treatment."
The Communist Party of China is a Marxist political party that always represents the fundamental interests of the overwhelming majority of the people. It has no special interests of its own, nor does it ever represent the interests of any interest group, any power group, or any privileged stratum. It is as incompatible with corruption as fire is with water. Facing the situational task of the "two remains" [5], we must remain exceptionally clear-headed regarding the anti-corruption struggle, unswervingly maintain a high-pressure stance, resolutely eliminate blind spots and dead corners in anti-corruption, and resolutely ensure that every case of corruption is opposed, every greedy official is punished, and evil is completely eradicated, leaving no hiding place for corrupt elements.
2. Grasping new trends and characteristics of corruption to improve anti-corruption penetrativity
As the battle of annihilation, the protracted war, and the total war of the anti-corruption struggle are carried out in depth, the space for corruption has been greatly compressed. Corrupt elements have become more "careful" and "cunning." Utilizing advanced technological means and complex social networks, situations involving the concealment of corrupt subjects, the renovation of corrupt means, and the mutation of corrupt behaviors are emerging in an endless stream. New types of corruption and hidden corruption are intertwined in the anti-corruption struggle, and corruption is exhibiting new trends and characteristics.
In traditional corruption, the bribe-taker usually conducts targeted consultations with the counterpart regarding official acts and illegitimate interests to achieve the goal of rent-seeking and interest exchange. The identities of both parties are clear, and the requested matters are explicit. In new types of corruption and hidden corruption, forms such as "expected returns," "agreed-upon proxy holding," and the "revolving door" between government and business continue to emerge. Specifically, the subject of corruption has shifted from a linear structure to a network structure. To hide overly direct interest exchanges, corrupt subjects reconstruct the transaction structure through means such as introduction, reorganization, enhancement, and dispersion, expanding the transaction space and blurring the nodes. In this process, the corrupt subject moves from the front stage to behind the scenes, using agents or intermediaries for interest transfers, exhibiting the characteristic of concealed identity. Corrupt behavior has transformed from direct cash transactions in the past to amassing wealth through market-oriented, civil law-based, and virtualized means. The trend of "technologicalization" in some new and hidden types of corruption is obvious. Corrupt elements more frequently use information technology, financial tools, the digital economy, and other modern technological means to implement corruption, such as using blockchain and virtual currencies for transactions. Behavioral trajectories are more virtualized and electronic, with traces hidden and difficult to track.
The new trends and characteristics of new and hidden types of corruption have brought about practical difficulties, such as the difficulty of discovering clues, accurately defining the nature of cases, determining causal relationships, precise evidence collection, and full recovery of losses. In response, we must continuously improve anti-corruption penetrativity. Whether it is new or hidden corruption, it is ultimately the deviation, abuse, and private use of power. This requires us, on one hand, to penetrate the multi-layered nested structure of corrupt subjects and dig deep into the internal connections between subjects from the source of decision-making power for major matters and the final destination of actual interests. On the other hand, we must penetrate the packaging and cloak of corrupt behavior, focusing on reviewing the authenticity and fairness of capital investment, risk-bearing, and interest distribution.
To this end, we should actively innovate methods and means tailored to the characteristics and trends of new and hidden corruption, emphasizing technological empowerment and accelerating the construction of a digital discipline inspection and oversight system. Specifically, we should establish a linkage mechanism for the early warning and punishment of corruption, strengthen dynamic monitoring of integrity risks and hidden dangers, and intensify rapid response and joint disposal of new and hidden corruption. We should empower the rectification of conduct and the fight against corruption with big data and information technology. Focusing on the objective requirements of "full element coverage, full process integration, full field standardization, and full system sharing," we should comprehensively advance the construction of the big data resource center, the big data oversight platform for public power, the big data case-handling center, the integrated work platform, and the technological equipment for discipline inspection and oversight. We should improve oversight penetrativity, relying on big data analysis to accurately discover clues of malpractices and corruption and strengthen early warning and rectification. Taking the exploration of new digital case-handling models as a path, we should fully utilize methods such as big data analysis, information query and judgment, and mathematical statistical modeling to continuously amplify the "multiplier effect," more accurately identifying corrupt means and discovering clues of new and hidden corruption. We should improve case-handling efficiency, strengthen information query and judgment, and use big data technology to achieve rapid and effective breakthroughs in cases. Using the refinement of the mechanism for the deep integration of information technology with oversight, discipline enforcement, and law enforcement as a grasp [6], we should steadily advance "smart oversight" and build a multi-dimensional smart oversight matrix that connects provinces, cities, and counties and integrates various departments, using technology to enhance the initiative, precision, and penetrativity of anti-corruption efforts.
3. Persisting in a systems perspective to integrally advance the "three nots"
Ensuring that officials do not dare to be corrupt, cannot be corrupt, and do not want to be corrupt (the "three nots") is an interdependent and mutually promoting organic whole, rather than the division of three stages or the fragmentation of three links. "Daring not" is the prerequisite: we must use strict discipline and law enforcement to enhance the rigidity of institutions, moving Party members and cadres from a "daring not" based on fear of being investigated to a "daring not" based on awe of the Party, the people, Party discipline, and national law. "Cannot" is the key: we must scientifically allocate power, strengthen oversight mechanism reform and institutional construction in key areas, and continuously promote the formation of a complete institutional system and a rigorous and effective oversight system. "Wanting not" is the fundamental: we must rely on strengthening education in ideals and convictions, improving Party consciousness, and cultivating a culture of integrity to consolidate the ideological foundation of not forgetting our original aspiration and founding mission. Only by understanding the principle can one find the method; only by finding the method can one govern well. To integrally advance the "three nots," we must persist in a systems perspective, exerting force together in terms of responsibility systems, institutional mechanisms, and oversight patterns, integrating the strong deterrent effect of "daring not," the rigid institutional constraints of "cannot," and the ideological education advantages of "wanting not."
We must further improve the responsibility system for the Party's leadership over the anti-corruption struggle. Integrally advancing the "three nots" necessarily requires externalizing institutional norms into specific, implementable responsibilities. This is specifically reflected in the primary responsibility for comprehensively and strictly governing the Party held by Party committees (Party leadership groups) at all levels—especially the "first responsible person" responsibility of the "top leader"—the oversight responsibility of the Commissions for Discipline Inspection, and the Party governance responsibilities of other members of the leadership teams. In concrete work, we must implement the regulatory responsibilities of relevant functional departments in a coordinated way, and improve a responsibility pattern for Party governance where everyone takes their own responsibility with unified coordination. We should integrate the anti-corruption struggle with the Party's political, ideological, organizational, conduct, disciplinary, and institutional development. We must give play to the important roles of political oversight, ideological education, organizational management, conduct rectification, disciplinary enforcement, and institutional refinement in preventing and treating corruption, fighting a good battle of annihilation, protracted war, and total war against corruption.
We must further improve institutional mechanisms where authorization, use, and restriction of power are unified, clear, transparent, and traceable. The root of corruption lies in the abuse of power. Regardless of its size, as long as power is unscientifically allocated, non-standardly operated, or insufficiently supervised, it may be abused and breed corruption. Therefore, regarding scientific authorization, we should focus on key powers such as policy formulation, decision-making procedures, approval and regulation, and law enforcement and justice. We must strictly define duties and authorities, standardize work procedures, improve the system of lists of powers and responsibilities, and accelerate the statutory definition of institutions, functions, powers, procedures, and responsibilities to ensure that power is statutory and boundaries are clear. Regarding the standardized use of power, we should scientifically formulate power operation processes, promote transparency in the process of power operation, and ensure that power operates according to established procedures. For some emerging fields and fields where power is concentrated, funds are intensive, and resources are abundant, where institutional gaps still exist, we must lose no time in formulating practical and effective systems to avoid the "cow pen for a cat" [7] phenomenon caused by regulations that are too principled or vague, lacking specificity and operability. Regarding the strict restriction of power, we must move the anti-corruption defense line forward, strengthen daily management and oversight, accurately apply the "four forms" [8], catch problems early and while they are small, nip them in the bud, and set up defenses at every level.
We must further deepen the reform of the Party and state oversight systems to achieve synergy and efficiency. There are no special Party members in terms of Party governance, and no dead corners or blanks can be left in the anti-corruption struggle. Oversight must be integrated into every link, process, and chain of power operation, building a system-integrated oversight mechanism that covers all content, all objects, all chains of responsibility, and all institutional connections of Party governance. We must persist in combining the Party's self-oversight with oversight by the people, and promote the coordination and integration of various types of oversight. With intra-Party oversight as the lead, we should promote the organic integration and coordination of oversight by the People's Congresses, democratic oversight, administrative oversight, judicial oversight, auditing oversight, accounting oversight, statistical oversight, oversight by the masses, and oversight by public opinion. We must persist in combining self-discipline with heteronomy, not only strictly implementing systems but also internalizing compliance with rules and discipline into the ideological consciousness of Party members and cadres. We should carry forward the Party's glorious traditions and fine conduct, carry out targeted education on Party spirit and warning education, and nourish the mind and body with a culture of integrity. We should form a good atmosphere throughout society of educating people with culture, moisturizing virtue with culture, and cultivating integrity with culture, cultivating the soil of integrity for the building of a strong country and the rejuvenation of the nation.