New Features of Religious Activities in Frontier Ethnic Areas and Their Impact on Rural Grassroots Party Organizations and Political Power Construction: A Case Study of Wuding County, Yunnan Province
The construction of a harmonious society in ethnic and religious areas is a systemic issue. Many specific administrative matters are amplified when placed against a background of ethnicity and religion, while the building of rural primary-level Party organizations and primary-level organs of state power can be overshadowed or blurred by the "high-light" effect of these specific affairs. In fact, against the backdrop of the New Era, the construction of primary-level Party organizations plays a pivotal role in the construction of a harmonious society in ethnic and religious areas. This is because primary-level organizations are the foundation of all the Party's work and combat effectiveness, bearing the important responsibility of implementing the Scientific Outlook on Development [1] among the masses. Primary-level organs of state power are the foundation of all the Party's lines, principles, policies, and executive power, serving as the direct interface for providing public services, social governance, and resolving various contradictions and problems in practical operations. For frontier ethnic areas, deeply studying and practicing the Scientific Outlook on Development requires always placing the task of "grasping the grassroots and laying the foundation" in a more prominent position. It requires giving full play to the role of primary-level Party organizations in promoting development, serving the masses, wining over the people's hearts, and promoting harmony. It necessitates vigorously promoting innovation in primary-level organizational work and in the public services provided by primary-level organs of state power. It is necessary to persist in improving the setup of primary-level Party organizations to form a widely distributed, well-integrated, rigorous, and strong frontier network of primary-level Party organizations, using the hearts of the people to build a "Great Wall" of ethnic unity, social harmony, and national security. It is further necessary to persist in strengthening the functions of primary-level Party organizations, identifying the points of integration between primary-level Party building and the work of primary-level organs of state power, thereby improving the professional level of primary-level Party organizations and the governing and administrative capacity of primary-level organs of state power.
I. The Basic Situation of Religious Propagation in Wuding County
Wuding County is under the jurisdiction of Chuxiong Yi Autonomous Prefecture in Yunnan Province. It is located in the northern part of the Central Yunnan Plateau, 78 kilometers from the provincial capital, Kunming, and 164 kilometers from the prefectural capital, Chuxiong. The county covers a land area of 3,322 square kilometers and administers 11 townships, 130 village (resident) committees, and 1,569 villager groups. With a total population of 262,000, it is a typical agricultural county characterized by the "four-in-one" challenge of being a mountainous, ethnic, religious, and impoverished area. The county's characteristics are: first, a vast mountainous area, accounting for 97% of the total area; second, numerous ethnic minorities—20 ethnic minorities including the Yi, Miao, Hui, Lisu, and Dai reside within the county, with an ethnic minority population of 129,587, accounting for 52% of the total population (the Yi alone account for 29%); third, prominent religious issues—the main religions in the county are Buddhism, Islam, and Christianity, with 23,334 believers (8.9% of the total population) and 7,189 believing households (11.9% of the total), covering 824 villager groups (52.5% of the total). There are currently 227 religious activity sites, among which Christianity has a profound history of propagation and a wide distribution of believers; fourth, a large scale, deep degree, and high number of people in poverty. In 1986, it was designated by the state as a key poverty-stricken county for support. By the end of 2006, the county had 166,600 people in poverty, accounting for 66.46% of the agricultural population, of whom 78,000 lived in absolute poverty.
Due to poor natural conditions, economic backwardness, widespread and deep poverty, and historically underdeveloped transportation, religion was able to gain a foothold and spread in Wuding County. As early as 1905, the British missionary Samuel Pollard [2] began proselytizing Christianity in the Miao-inhabited areas of Wuding. In 1906, a mission was established and a church was built in Wuding, beginning the large-scale spread of Christianity. By 1950, Christianity alone had over 13,000 followers in Wuding County. After the founding of the People's Republic of China, religious activities decreased; during the "Cultural Revolution," religious activities were in a semi-clandestine state. Following the Third Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee [3], Party and government organizations at all levels earnestly implemented policies and rehabilitated those who had been victims of unjust, false, and wrong litigations, leading to the restoration of normal religious activities. However, a segment of people who had suffered severe persecution during the "Cultural Revolution" and harbored resentment refused to implement the policies, laws, and regulations of the Party and the state. They formed the "Minority Sect" (小众教, Xiaozhongjiao) [4], which at its peak reached over 3,000 members and quickly spread to religious villages in Wuding and Luquan, becoming a long-term, volatile factor of instability.
After 2000, several cult organizations from other regions and provinces, operating under the guise of Christianity, sequentially infiltrated various rural townships in Wuding to conduct clandestine networking. Some members of the "Minority Sect" turned to participate in cult activities such as the "All-Sphere Church" (全范围教会, Quanfanwei Jiaohui). Currently, areas where religious believers are relatively concentrated include the eight townships of Fawo, Wande, Jiyi, Huanzhou, Dongpo, Tianxin, Bailu, and Jincheng.
In Wuding County, besides general characteristics, religious activities possess two unique local features: first, the influence of religious issues on society, economy, and culture is extremely profound; second, the problem of "abnormal religion" (such as the "Minority Sect," "Actual God" [5], and "Man-made Baptism of the Holy Spirit") is prominent. Historically, a small number of believers were incited to refuse the implementation of the Party's rural policies, leading to collective petitions, disturbances, and interference with government office work. In some remote and impoverished mountainous areas, there was even a trend of expansion for a time. Religious issues have long beset the county's economic development and social stability, drawing considerable attention from the provincial and prefectural Party committees and governments, and even the Central Committee. This historical religious background poses significant difficulties for the local construction of a harmonious society.
II. The Impact of New Characteristics of Religious Propagation on Primary-Level Organizations and Primary-Level Organs of State Power
Due to poverty and backwardness, Christianity, in its propagation process in Wuding County, inevitably catered to local cultural customs and the psychological expectations of local groups seeking to escape their plight. To make the foreign religion more acceptable to the masses, it often integrated tenets of local primitive religions and customs of local "feudal superstition." Furthermore, the limited cultural knowledge of the local masses and their lack of correct understanding or discernment regarding religious content provided the soil for religious propagation to trend toward "indigenization" and "abnormality." There are two main manifestations of this "indigenized" and "abnormal" religion: first, the formation of organized and large-scale "abnormal religions" (such as the "Minority Sect," "Actual God," and "Man-made Baptism of the Holy Spirit"); second, the incorrect interpretation and dissemination of doctrine within normal church organizations, abnormal behavioral patterns, and the unhealthy cultural influence and religious expectations of the believing masses. This is specifically manifested in two aspects:
First, through "indigenization," normal religion gradually evolves into "abnormal religion," which is detrimental to social harmony and stability and to the implementation of the policies of the Party and the government. The formation of the "Minority Sect" resulted from fundamentalist-leaning Christians who harbored antagonistic feelings toward Party and state policies. By self-studying the Bible and then arbitrarily explaining and elaborating on its concepts and discourses, they came to regard themselves as a new sect. They formed a loose group that rejected formal churches, clergy, Sunday services, and church buildings. Their activities consisted mainly of family gatherings and prayers. Due to their long-standing strong antagonism toward the Party and government, they resist policies and even refuse government assistance. Whenever an event occurs, their core members network everywhere and gather to provoke trouble. Under the bewitchment of external cults, some "Minority Sect" members often transform into cult members, posing a threat to social stability.
Second, the incorrect interpretation and dissemination of doctrine within normal church organizations, combined with the unhealthy religious expectations of believers, often causes normal religious activities to take on the color of superstitious activities, becoming a hidden danger to social stability and harmony. For example, when local people join the church or embrace Christianity, besides seeking spiritual solace and an escape from isolation and helplessness, many do so out of long-term illness, believing they will recover after conversion. From the perspective of the masses' convictions, this is a transition from religious faith to superstition. In specific periods, this superstitious tendency easily creates the soil for the spread of cults and "abnormal religions," posing a serious threat to the stability of social life. One example is the widespread dissemination of the "Doomsday Theory" in Wuding and Luquan counties in the mid-to-late 1980s, which led to a sudden increase in the number of "Minority Sect" followers.
In addition to the abnormal behavioral patterns brought about by religious "indigenization" and "abnormality," the normal activities and strategies used in the propagation of Christianity in daily life also exert a certain impact on rural primary-level organizations and organs of state power in impoverished and backward areas. This is mainly reflected in two aspects:
The first is the impact brought by the extension of cultural and educational activities into the rural public service system. Historically, "literary proselytization" was an effective means for Christianity to spread in China's ethnic minority areas. To achieve this, missionaries used the "Pollard Script" for the Miao language to create scripts for the Lisu language [i] and the Yi language used by the Black Yi branch. With the emergence of these three scripts, corresponding versions of the Bible and Hymns appeared, promoting the spread and development of Christianity in these ethnic areas. In implementing the strategy of "literary proselytization," the most fundamental step was the establishment of mission schools. After Samuel Pollard opened a mission at Sapushan, he first opened a school to train local ethnic preachers. As missions for various ethnic groups (and branches) were established in Central Yunnan, affiliated schools ranging from primary schools to theological seminaries were gradually opened. By around 1950, "every branch church in various locations operated a junior primary school" [ii]. Through schooling, the ethnic scripts created by missionaries were promoted among the ethnic groups. By learning these scripts, the masses were instilled with the Bible, Hymns, and Western Christian culture. On the other hand, the widespread establishment of junior primary schools used ethnic scripts as a carrier to instill Christian culture into ethnic minority children from the beginning of their enlightenment education. By grafting the children's vague ethnic culture onto a clear Christian culture, they would inevitably become Christians with corresponding stances upon reaching adulthood. This was undoubtedly a strategic proselytization method. During the process, missionaries also recognized the simplicity and enthusiasm of the ethnic minorities; once they accepted the Christian faith and underwent school training, they immediately became the most loyal preachers [iii].
Today, the propagation strategies of the church have developed further. Church organizations provide local masses with services such as healthcare, education, and cultural activity venues, offering medical aid and basic education to non-believers as well. For many impoverished frontier areas, these basic public goods were historically absent or inadequate. In townships with concentrated Christian populations like Taogu and Fawo in Wuding County, the author saw and heard many positive aspects. In the current process of building a new socialist countryside, for public welfare labor such as road repair or ditch digging, the believers act faster than non-believers and have a higher household turnout as long as an elder or church leader issues a call. However, it must be noted that when basic public services are inadequate, the public welfare activities of normal religious organizations often influence the "hearts and minds" (renxin xiangbei) [6] of the local ethnic masses, constituting a challenge to the rural primary-level organs of state power in frontier ethnic areas.
Second, once a religious cultural atmosphere is formed within a certain region, it becomes detrimental to the healthy growth of local youth. Human development is influenced by the environment; in rural areas where religion is practiced, a regional religious cultural environment has historically taken shape, which inevitably exerts a profound influence on the formation of cultural values among local youth growing up in such surroundings. In sharp contrast to the weakening or vacancy of rural spiritual and cultural strongholds [7], the church possesses immense cultural resource advantages within the spiritual and cultural spheres of these religious areas. In many mountainous villages of Wuding County, there were virtually no public activity venues (a situation that persisted until around 2006) and a lack of modern communication equipment. Consequently, the church was clearly the only public activity venue and public space, and most were equipped with certain broadcasting and sound facilities. Furthermore, due to the poverty of rural cultural life, religious activities—with their relatively rich forms of cultural expression—hold considerable appeal for people of all age groups. Although the government implemented the "Village-to-Village Access" project [8], hoping every household could watch television, in some underdeveloped township seats, only a few merchant households and a small number of salaried cadres own televisions; many ordinary households still cannot afford them, let alone those in remote, impoverished mountain villages. Conversely, in some villages, the church's broadcasting equipment is the best in the entire township—so much so that the township government must borrow it from the church to hold large meetings—and the church’s cultural and entertainment activities are highly attractive to young people. The negative impact of this situation is that the grassroots Party organizations lose their ideological stronghold among the youth. In the consciousness of the youth in these areas, the object of greatest identification is religious culture, rather than scientific or cultural concepts, and certainly not the Socialist Core Value System.
Christian preachers often say: spreading the Gospel is for the purpose of "saving souls" and portraying an idealized spiritual "other shore" for those facing hardship and despair in real life. To this end, the church has made significant investments, such as building churches, training preachers, and organizing activities. During worship services, the church also exhorts its followers to "consecrate," asking believers to voluntarily give money to the church. However, in impoverished areas, the believers' offerings fall far short of the church's expenditures. Therefore, for a long period, a large portion of the construction funds for the churches rapidly erected in impoverished areas came from overseas (from which we can also see the hidden dangers of religious infiltration in border regions). Thus, an excessive enthusiasm for overseas aid and projects stands in stark contrast to the intentional neglect, disregard, and downplaying of the aid and investment provided by the Party and the government; this has already acquired a certain degree of ideological antagonism. Regarding the value orientations and judgments of the local masses, this has caused subtle, directional shifts in the people’s "public sentiment" [9] toward the Party and the government.
Because the church is able to obtain large donations from believers and overseas subsidies, it possesses substantial economic resources; meanwhile, it has a vast number of followers in areas where Christianity has spread extensively. Therefore, in parts of Wuding County, the church enjoys a resource advantage in the three aspects of "people, finance, and material," resulting in the organization with the greatest summoning power being neither the grassroots government nor the grassroots Party organization, but the church. Consequently, these highly organized religious activities often lead to the "hollowing out" of grassroots organizations and grassroots political power in local areas (this phenomenon is most prominent in Fugong County, Nujiang Prefecture). Although the local church can generally cooperate with the work of the "Two Committees" [10] and actively participate in collective public welfare activities, if the implementation and promotion of rural public affairs, public welfare activities, and public services reach a point where they must rely on the cooperation and support of the church, the emergence and existence of such a situation constitutes a structural distortion for the Party's grassroots organizations and political power. For Party committees and governments at all levels, it represents a hidden danger to social harmony, ethnic unity, and border stability.
III. Exploring the Strengthening of Grassroots Organizations and Political Power Construction in Ethnic and Religious Areas
Marxism has always held that declaring war on religion is a foolish act [11]; Lenin also proposed that the practice of proclaiming "down with religion, long live atheism, the dissemination of atheistic views is our task" is a "superficial, bourgeois narrow culturalist viewpoint." [12] The scientific nature of these views can be seen from the spread of Christianity in Wuding County and certain erroneous historical practices in our religious policy. What, then, are the correct governance methods and paths for ethnic and religious areas?
Marx said: "The abolition of religion as the illusory happiness of the people is the demand for their real happiness. To call on them to give up their illusions about their condition is to call on them to give up a condition that requires illusions." [13] In carrying out the construction of grassroots Party organizations and political power in ethnic and religious areas, the primary task is development, and the core is to implement the people-centered Scientific Outlook on Development. Regarding grassroots Party building work, the requirements of the Chuxiong Prefectural CPC Committee are to "grasp typical examples, build strongholds, and rectify weakness and laxity." The Wuding County Committee has also historically attached great importance to the construction of grassroots organizations and political power. Since 1999, Wuding County has primarily used the "Three-Level Joint Creation" activity, the implementation of the "Yunling Pioneers" project, and the creation of the "Yi Prefecture Pioneer Corridor" as carriers, focusing on the in-depth study and practice of the Scientific Outlook on Development. It has continuously explored effective ways to combine the construction of rural grassroots Party organizations in ethnic religious areas with the construction of rural grassroots political power, and with the construction of a harmonious society characterized by rural reform, development, and stability. After the Fourth Plenary Session of the 17th CPC Central Committee, Wuding County established the strategy of "building vigorous branches." In accordance with the requirement to "pay more attention to strengthening the grassroots," it promoted the new Party building model of Xihe Village, Shishan Town: "a vigorous Secretary leads a vigorous leadership team, a vigorous team plans vigorous ideas, and vigorous ideas forge a path to prosperity." This fully exerts the core role of Party members in promoting economic development, maintaining ethnic unity, serving the masses, and promoting rural stability.
The first step was to advance the sense of pride among rural Party members through the distribution of "fixed subsidies" (定补) to elderly rural Party members. By 2006, Wuding County had a total of 20 grassroots Party committees (including 6 county-affiliated and 14 township committees), 15 general Party branches (14 county-affiliated and 1 township), 397 Party branches, and 837 Party groups. There were 11,165 Party members. Among these: 1,769 were female members (15.84%); 5,476 were ethnic minority members (49%); and 6,656 were farmer members (59.6%). The grassroots Party organizations in Wuding County have two major characteristics: first, they are poor, with extremely scarce funding; second, there is a high proportion of elderly members, most of whom face living difficulties due to declining labor capacity. In Wuding County, Party members under the age of 35 account for 27.78% of the total, less than one-third; those under 45 total 5,822, accounting for 53.8%; while members over 46 account for 46.2%, nearly half; among them, 2,209 are elderly members over 60, accounting for 20.4%. In the early stages of implementing the Household Contract Responsibility System [14], a significant number of rural Communist Party members set an example; village cadres at all levels took the initiative to let others first claim land with good conditions, while they themselves contracted remote or leftover land, to the point that they were later complained about by their families. It is precisely because of these silently dedicated elderly Communist Party members that the rural land contract system in Wuding County proceeded smoothly. Since 2004, the Wuding County Committee has provided a "fixed subsidy" of 15 RMB per person per month to these rural Party members aged 70 and over to address their economic and living hardships. This was achieved through the collective effort of all Party members in the county, as the main source of the subsidies was voluntary donations from the monthly salaries of every jurisdictional cadre in the county (as well as some prefectural cadres).
Regarding the construction of venues, the construction of activity strongholds for the 130 village (community) Party organizations across the county began in 2005. By mid-2006, 70 village (community) Party member activity rooms had been established, 39 demonstration villages for the development of electronic education, science, and technology had been built, and 65 demonstration households for Party member electronic education had been cultivated. Since 2006, the County Committee has undertaken large-scale "activity venue" construction for administrative village Party branches. Superior organizations allocated over 3.6 million RMB in flexible funds, and additional funds were raised, totaling 6.27 million RMB to construct activity venues for the 130 villages (communities) in batches. Facilities were continuously improved to achieve full coverage of distance education and meet the "Four Haves" standard: "have a fixed activity venue, have study materials, have a propaganda column, and have a unified logo." In the past, the Party branch had only a crude office where there were not even chairs to sit on during a branch meeting; now, not only have activity rooms been built, but they are also equipped with necessary tables and chairs. In view of the extensive spread of religion in the county, flagpoles were erected in front of all activity venues and equipped with national flags, and unified emblems for the activity venues were made—forming a clear contrast with the church's cross. Starting in November 2008, each activity venue was equipped with electronic education equipment, including televisions, DVD players, and satellite ground receivers. The original "Four Haves" were expanded to "Six Haves," adding "have electronic education equipment, and have a Party flag hanging indoors." The activity venues were built into strongholds for science and policy propaganda, platforms for displaying advanced culture, places for mass entertainment, and bases for education in ideals and beliefs, becoming important "multi-purpose rooms" for deliberation, activities, training, service, and entertainment. Stone monuments were carved and erected in front of each activity venue, recording the hard-won nature of their construction to educate future generations at all times.
Regarding organizational layout, based on the spirit of "optimizing organizational setup and expanding organizational coverage" for grassroots organization construction proposed at the 17th CPC National Congress, the County Committee adjusted the grassroots Party branches throughout the county. For any former administrative village Party branch with more than 50 members, several "Villager Group Party Branches" were formed according to industrial structure characteristics and the professional needs of members. The original administrative village Party branch was expanded into a "Village Party General Branch." By the end of 2009, 130 administrative village (community) Party branches across the county had been expanded into General Branches, and 1,103 "Villager Group Party Branches" had been established, with each Party branch establishing an activity venue, further expanding organizational coverage.
Regarding funding guarantees, while completing the construction of activity venues for grassroots Party branches, the County Committee also addressed the shortage of activity funds for these branches. Starting in 2008, the County Committee included annual activity funds for every rural Party member, calculated at 50 RMB per person, into the national fiscal budget; the office expenses for each administrative village were increased from 1,800 RMB to 5,000 RMB. Meanwhile, after 2006, the County Committee further revised the scope and amount of the "fixed subsidies" previously issued to elderly rural Party members with no fixed income aged 70 and over. The original regulation of 15 RMB per month for those over 70 was adjusted: starting from 2006, all rural Party members with no fixed income who are over 60 years old and have over 10 years of Party standing are given a fixed subsidy; those aged 60 to 70 receive 15 RMB per month; those 70 to 80 receive 20 RMB; and those 81 and older receive 30 RMB. The donations from individual cadres in prefectural and county organs have also been maintained without interruption.
In terms of institutional development, the implementation of the rural "Three Capitals and Dual Trusteeship" [15] system and the "Three Duals" [16] system for Party members in township offices has strengthened the sense of responsibility among rural Party members and increased the cohesion of grassroots organizations. Wuding County adopted the practice of township (town) trusteeship for rural funds, assets, and resources. Following the successful experience of a pilot program in Shishan Town, this approach was popularized throughout the entire county. This has become a new platform for innovating grassroots Party building, establishing the central role of grassroots Party organizations, and providing a space for rural Party members to lead in deliberative decision-making. Consequently, the Party branch now exercises collective leadership over affairs, and Party members manage finances and community matters on behalf of the masses. This has further enhanced the sense of responsibility and honor among Party members, allowed the leadership core of the Party branch to be more effectively utilized, and increased the cohesion and appeal of the Party organization. Since the implementation of the rural "Three Capitals and Dual Trusteeship," rural finances have been standardized, violations have been eliminated, and the supervisory role of the Party branch has been effectively exercised. This has guaranteed the security of fund usage, asset management, and resource development. Relations between officials and the masses [17] have further improved, rural society has become more harmonious and stable, collective assets have been protected from loss, national resources have been developed in an orderly manner, and limited collective funds have yielded maximum social benefits.
At the same time, the "Three Duals" system of "dual management, dual responsibility, and dual leadership" for Party members in township offices was implemented to solve new grassroots challenges. Party members working in township offices are organized into the village group Party organizations of their respective townships. These office-based Party members are subject to the management of both the township office Party organization and the village group Party organization, thereby achieving dual management. These members must fulfill their duties as office-based Party members within the office Party organization and simultaneously fulfill their duties as rural Party members within the village group Party organization, thereby performing dual responsibilities. Furthermore, they must take the lead in playing the vanguard and exemplary role within the office Party organization and provide a demonstration of leadership within the village group Party organization, promoting the common development of the countryside. The implementation of the "Three Duals" system has solved five major difficulties for rural grassroots Party organizations: the difficulty of organizing activities, completing tasks, exerting influence, developing new Party members, and deliberating on decisions. This has made organizational activities more standardized, narrowed the distance between officials and the masses, made the work style of cadres more pragmatic, and made Party building more vibrant. It has achieved multiple layers of coverage for the Party's organization, work, and social influence, strengthening the rural grassroots Party organizations' cohesion, combat effectiveness, and centripetal force, while promoting rural development and social harmony.
Issues such as the scattered residence of rural Party members, the lack of appropriate venues and necessary funding for Party branch activities, the lack of administrative authority and cohesion in rural grassroots organizations, and the challenge posed by churches to rural grassroots political power in ethnic and religious areas have been addressed. Through a series of measures—including expanding organizational coverage, constructing venues for grassroots Party branch activities, resolving and increasing activity funding, increasing fixed subsidies for veteran Party members, and the "Three Capitals and Dual Trusteeship" system—rural grassroots Party organization activities have gradually become more active. The cohesion, mobilization power, and combat effectiveness of the grassroots Party branches have begun to emerge prominently. At the same time, the concepts of "Party member" and "Party organization" have been re-strengthened, enhancing the sense of honor among Communist Party members while also increasing their sense of responsibility and mission. In the process of grassroots Party building, many young people have felt that they have an organization to rely on; with the help of the organization, they see prospects for developing the economy, leading them to actively move closer to the Party organization. By focusing closely on grassroots Party building, the Shishan Village Party Branch of Shishan Town, Wuding County, was awarded the title of "National Advanced Grassroots Party Organization" by the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee in 2007. Simultaneously, the Hecun Village Party Branch of Shishan Town was awarded the title of "Yunnan Provincial Advanced Grassroots Party Organization" by the Organization Department of the Yunnan Provincial Committee of the CPC. Currently, Wuding County has completely eliminated the phenomenon of rural grain shortages that existed 20 years ago. In 2003, the per capita net income of farmers was 1,557 yuan; by 2009, it had reached 2,858 yuan.
Notes:
① To distinguish it from the Lisu language of Nujiang, the Lisu language of this region is also called "Eastern Lisu." The writing system for "Western Lisu" was created almost simultaneously by the missionary James O. Fraser and others stationed in Baoshan, but the alphabets of the two Lisu languages are completely different. ② Yunnan Province Editorial Group. Second Sub-group of the Central Visiting Delegation: Collection of Ethnic Situations in Yunnan (Vol. 2) [M]. Kunming: Yunnan Nationalities Publishing House, 1986, p. 17. ③ A missionary at the time wrote: "The indigenous residents have a rare characteristic: once they believe in the Gospel themselves, they diligently teach it to others. The expansion of the Christian mass movement in Yunnan and Guizhou provinces was not primarily due to the travels and preaching of missionaries, but rather the enthusiastic propagation by indigenous people. Through this method, the Gospel has spread from one county to another, across a fairly large area of the Southwest. However, a warning must be issued here: based on past experience, if a mass movement is to be stable and lasting, there must be clear and regular Christian training for the masses." See: Investigation Special Committee of the China Continuation Committee, ed. The Christian Occupation of China: A Survey of the Christian Movement in China (Note: title refers to the 1922 statistical survey). ④ See: Engels, Anti-Dühring. Selected Works of Marx and Engels (Vol. 3) [M]. Beijing: People's Publishing House, 1995, pp. 664–671. ⑤ Lenin, "The Attitude of the Workers' Party to Religion." Selected Works of Lenin (Vol. 2) [M]. Beijing: People's Publishing House, 1995, pp. 376–379. ⑥ Marx, "Introduction to A Contribution to the Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right." Selected Works of Marx and Engels (Vol. 1) [M]. Beijing: People's Publishing House, 1972, p. 2.
About the Author: Xiao Sa is the Director of the Institute of Philosophy at the Yunnan Academy of Social Sciences and a specially invited researcher at the Yunnan Center for the System of Theories of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics.