New Characteristics of Religious Activities in Frontier Ethnic Areas and Their Impact on the Construction of Grassroots Party Organizations and Political Power: A Case Study of Wuding County, Yunnan Province
The construction of a harmonious society in ethnic and religious areas is a systemic issue. Many specific administrative problems are "power-amplified" when situated against an ethnic and religious backdrop, while the construction of primary-level Party organizations and primary-level organs of state power can be diluted or obscured under the spotlight of certain specific affairs. In reality, within the context of the New Era, the construction of primary-level Party organizations plays a pivotal role in building a harmonious society in ethnic and religious areas. This is because primary-level organizations are the foundation of all the Party's work and combat effectiveness, bearing the vital responsibility of implementing the Scientific Outlook on Development [1] among the masses. Primary-level organs of state power are the foundation of all the Party's lines, principles, policies, and executive power; they serve as the direct interface for providing public services, social governance, and resolving various contradictions and problems in practical operations.
For frontier ethnic areas, deeply studying and practicing the Scientific Outlook on Development requires always placing the task of "grasping the grassroots and laying the foundation" in a more prominent position. It requires fully leveraging the role of primary-level Party organizations in promoting development, serving the masses, wining over people's hearts and minds, and promoting harmony, while vigorously advancing innovation in primary-level organizational work and public service delivery by primary-level organs of state power. It is necessary to persist in improving the setup of primary-level Party organizations to form a widely distributed, rigorous, and strong frontier network of primary-level Party organizations, using the hearts of the people to build a "Great Wall" of ethnic unity, social harmony, and national security. It is further necessary to persist in strengthening the functions of primary-level Party organizations, identifying the points of convergence between primary-level Party building and the work of primary-level organs of state power, and improving the operational level of primary-level Party organizations and the governing and administrative capabilities of primary-level organs of state power.
I. Basic Status of Religious Dissemination in Wuding County
Wuding County is subordinated to the Chuxiong Yi Autonomous Prefecture in Yunnan Province. It is located in the northern part of the Central Yunnan Plateau, 78 kilometers from the provincial capital, Kunming, and 164 kilometers from the prefectural capital, Chuxiong. The county covers a land area of 3,322 square kilometers and administers 11 townships/towns, 130 village (resident) committees, and 1,569 villagers' groups. With a total population of 262,000, it is a typical agricultural county characterized by the "four-in-one" integration of mountainous terrain, ethnic diversity, religious presence, and poverty.
The county's characteristics are: first, a vast mountainous area, accounting for 97% of the total area; second, numerous ethnic minorities, with 20 ethnic groups including the Yi, Miao, Hui, Lisu, and Dai residing in the county. The ethnic minority population is 129,587, accounting for 52% of the total population, of which the Yi make up 29%. Third, religious issues are prominent. The main religions in the county are Buddhism, Islam, and Christianity. There are 23,334 religious believers, accounting for 8.9% of the total population; religious households number 7,189, or 11.9% of the total households, covering 824 villagers' groups (52.5% of the total). There are currently 227 venues for religious activities, among which Christianity has a profound history of dissemination and a wide distribution of believers. Fourth, poverty is widespread, deep, and involves a large number of people. In 1986, it was designated by the state as a key poverty-stricken county for support. By the end of 2006, the county had a poor population of 166,600, accounting for 66.46% of the agricultural population, including 78,000 people in absolute poverty.
Due to poor natural conditions, economic backwardness, widespread and deep poverty, and historically undeveloped transportation, religion was able to gain a foothold and spread in Wuding County. As early as 1905, the British missionary Samuel Pollard [2] began spreading Christianity in the Miao-populated areas of Wuding. In 1906, a church was established and a chapel built in Wuding, marking the large-scale dissemination of Christianity. By 1950, there were over 13,000 Christians in Wuding County alone. After the founding of the People's Republic of China, religious activities decreased; during the "Cultural Revolution," religious activities were in a semi-underground state. After the Third Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee [3], Party and government organizations at all levels conscientiously implemented policies, rehabilitated those wrongly accused, and normal religious activities were restored. However, a segment of people who had been severely persecuted during the Cultural Revolution and harbored resentment refused to implement the policies, laws, and regulations of the Party and the state. They formed the "Xiao Zhong Jiao" (Small Assembly Church) [4], which at its peak reached over 3,000 members and quickly spread to religious villages in Wuding and Luquan, becoming a long-term, volatile factor for instability.
After the year 2000, some cult organizations from other regions and provinces, operating under the banner of Christianity, successively infiltrated the rural areas of Wuding to conduct clandestine networking. Some members of the "Small Assembly Church" turned to participate in cult activities such as the "All-Range Church" (Quanfanwei Jiaohui). Currently, areas with concentrated religious believers include the eight townships and towns of Fawuo, Wande, Jiyi, Huanzhou, Dongpo, Tianxin, Bailu, and Jincheng.
In Wuding County, besides general characteristics, religious activities possess two unique features: first, the influence of religious issues on society, economy, and culture is extremely profound; second, the problem of "abnormal religion" (such as the "Small Assembly Church," "Almighty God" [5], and "Man-made Baptism in the Holy Spirit") is prominent. Historically, a small number of religious believers were incited to refuse the implementation of relevant Party policies in rural areas, engaging in collective petitions, creating disturbances, and interfering with the work of government organs. In some remote and poor mountainous areas, there was even a trend of expansion for a time. Religious issues have long troubled the county’s economic development and social stability, drawing considerable attention from the provincial and prefectural Party committees and governments, and even the Central Committee. This religious historical background has brought significant difficulties to the construction of a local harmonious society.
II. The Impact of New Characteristics of Religious Dissemination on Primary-level Organizations and Primary-level Organs of State Power
Due to poverty and backwardness, Christianity, in its dissemination process in Wuding County, inevitably catered to local cultural customs and the psychological expectations of local groups seeking to escape their hardships, in order to make a foreign religion more acceptable to the local masses. This often involved combining doctrines with local indigenous religious tenets and feudal superstitious practices. Furthermore, the limited cultural knowledge of the local masses and their lack of correct understanding or discernment regarding religious content provided the soil for a "Sinicization" (indigenization) and "abnormalization" of religious dissemination and development.
The "indigenization" and "abnormalization" of religion manifest primarily in two ways: first, the formation of organized and large-scale "abnormal religions" (such as the "Small Assembly Church," "Almighty God," and "Man-made Baptism in the Holy Spirit"); second, the incorrect interpretation and dissemination of doctrine within normal church organizations, abnormal behavioral patterns, and the unhealthy cultural influence and religious expectations of the believing masses. Specifically, this is manifested in two aspects:
First, normal religion, through "indigenization," gradually evolves into "abnormal religion," which is detrimental to social harmony and stability and the implementation of Party and government principles and policies. The formation of the "Small Assembly Church" resulted from certain Christians with fundamentalist tendencies and antagonistic feelings toward Party and state policies. By self-studying the Bible and interpreting or elaborating on its concepts and discourses at will, they came to view themselves as a new sect. They formed a loose group that rejected formal churches, clergy, Sunday services, and church buildings. Their activities consist primarily of home meetings and prayer. Due to their long-standing strong antagonism toward the Party and government, they resist policies and even refuse government assistance. Whenever an issue arises, their core members network everywhere to gather and stir up trouble. Under the bewitchment of foreign cults, some members of the "Small Assembly Church" often transform into cult members, posing a threat to social stability.
Second, incorrect doctrinal interpretations and dissemination within normal church organizations, coupled with the unhealthy religious expectations of the believing masses, cause normal religious activities to take on the character of superstitious activities, becoming hidden dangers to social stability and harmony. For example, when local people join the church or embrace Christianity, besides seeking spiritual sustenance or escaping isolation and helplessness, many do so because of chronic illness, believing that they will recover after conversion. From the perspective of the masses' beliefs, this represents a shift from religious faith toward superstition. In specific periods, this superstitious tendency easily creates the soil for the spread of cults and "abnormal religions," posing a serious threat to the stability of social life. A case in point was the widespread dissemination of "End Times" theories in Wuding and Luquan counties in the mid-to-late 1980s, accompanied by a sudden increase in the membership of the "Small Assembly Church."
In addition to the abnormal behavioral patterns brought by religious "indigenization" and "abnormalization," the normal activities and strategies of Christian dissemination in daily life also exert a certain impact on rural primary-level organizations and organs of state power in poor and backward areas. This is mainly reflected in two aspects:
The first is the impact brought by the extension of cultural and educational activities into the rural public service system. Historically, "literary proselytization" was an effective means for Christianity to spread in China's ethnic minority areas. To achieve this, missionaries used the "Pollard Script" [6] created for the Miao language as a basis to create "Lisu script" and "Yi script" for the Black Yi branch. With the emergence of these three scripts, versions of the Bible and Hymnals in Miao, Yi, and Lisu appeared, which in turn promoted the dissemination and development of Christianity in these ethnic areas.
In the implementation of the "literary proselytization" strategy, the most fundamental step was the establishment of church schools. After Guo Xiufeng [7] went to Sapushan to open a mission, he first established a school to train local indigenous preachers. As churches for various ethnic groups (and branches) were established in the Central Yunnan region, affiliated schools ranging from lower elementary schools to theological seminaries were opened. By around 1950, "every local branch church operated a lower elementary school." By running schools, missionaries promoted the ethnic scripts they had created among the ethnic groups, allowing the masses to learn these scripts and, through them, infusing the Bible, Hymnals, and Western Christian culture into a larger segment of the population. This was the fastest way for Christianity to spread. On the other hand, by widely establishing lower elementary schools and using ethnic scripts as a carrier, they were able to instill Christian culture into the children of ethnic minorities from the beginning of their enlightenment education. By grafting the children's hazy ethnic culture onto a clear Christian culture, these students would inevitably become Christians with corresponding standpoints upon reaching adulthood. This was undoubtedly a strategic proselytization method. In the process of proselytization, missionaries also recognized the simplicity and enthusiasm of the ethnic minorities; once they accepted the Christian faith and underwent school training, they immediately became the most loyal preachers.
Today, the dissemination strategies of the church have evolved further. Church organizations provide services such as medical health, education, and cultural activity venues for the masses within the region. Church medical assistance and basic education are also provided to non-believers. Historically, these basic public goods were often missing or inadequate in many border poverty-stricken areas. In towns like Taogu and Fawuo in Wuding County, where Christian believers are relatively concentrated, the author also observed or heard of many positive aspects. In the current process of building a new socialist countryside, for public welfare activities such as road repairs or ditch digging, the believers act faster than non-believers as soon as an elder or church leader makes a call, with a higher labor contribution rate per household. However, it must be noted that when basic public services are inadequate, the public welfare activities of normal religious organizations often influence the "hearts and minds" (the loyalties) of the local ethnic masses, constituting a challenge to the rural primary-level organs of state power in frontier ethnic areas.
Second, once a religious cultural atmosphere has formed within a certain region, it becomes detrimental to the healthy growth of local youth. Human development is influenced by the environment; in rural areas where religion is practiced, a regional religious cultural environment has been established historically, which inevitably exerts a tremendous influence on the formation of cultural values among local youth growing up in such surroundings. In stark contrast to the weakening or vacancy of rural spiritual and cultural strongholds [8], the church possesses vast cultural resource advantages in the spiritual and cultural spheres of religious areas. In many mountainous villages of Wuding County, there were almost no public activity venues (a situation that persisted until around 2006) and a lack of modern communication equipment. The church was clearly the sole public activity venue and public space, and most possessed certain broadcasting and sound equipment. Simultaneously, because rural cultural life is impoverished and religious activities feature relatively rich forms of cultural engagement, they hold considerable appeal for people of all age groups. Although the government implemented the "Village-to-Village Access" project [9], hoping every household could watch television, in some underdeveloped township seats, only a few merchant households and a minority of salaried cadres owned televisions; many ordinary families could not afford them, let alone those in remote, poverty-stricken mountain villages. Conversely, in some villages, the church's broadcasting equipment is the best in the entire township—even the township government must borrow it from the church to hold major meetings—and the church's cultural and entertainment activities are highly attractive to young people. The negative impact brought by this situation is that the Party's primary-level organizations have lost their ideological stronghold over the youth. In the consciousness of the youth in these areas, the object of greatest identification is religious culture rather than scientific and cultural concepts, and certainly not the Socialist Core Value System.
Christian preachers often say that spreading the Gospel is for the purpose of "saving souls" and painting an ideal spiritual "other shore" for those facing difficulties and despair in real life. To this end, the church has made significant investments, such as building churches, training preachers, and organizing activities. During worship activities, the church also advocates "devotion" to its followers, asking them to voluntarily donate money. However, in impoverished areas, the devotion of followers is far from sufficient to cover church expenditures. Consequently, for a long period, a large portion of the construction funds for the churches rapidly erected in poor areas came from overseas (from this, we can also see the hidden dangers of religious infiltration in border regions). Thus, an excessive enthusiasm for overseas aid and projects stands in sharp contrast to the intentional neglect, disregard, and downplaying of the aid and investment provided by the Party and the government, which has already acquired a certain degree of ideological antagonism. Regarding the value orientations and judgments of the local masses, this has caused a subtle shift in the way the people's hearts and minds lean toward or away from the Party and the government.
Because the church is able to obtain substantial donations from believers and overseas subsidies, it possesses significant economic resources. At the same time, it has a large number of followers in areas where Christianity is widely spread. Therefore, in parts of Wuding County, the church holds a resource advantage in three areas—personnel, finance, and material—making the most influential organization in the locality neither the primary-level government nor the primary-level Party organization, but the church. Consequently, these highly organized religious activities often result in the "hollowing out" of primary-level organizations and primary-level state power in certain areas (this phenomenon is most prominent in Fugong County, Nujiang Prefecture). Although local churches can generally cooperate with the work of the "Two Committees" [10] and actively participate in collective public welfare activities, if the implementation and promotion of our rural public affairs, public welfare activities, and public services reach a point where they must rely on the cooperation and support of the church, the emergence and existence of such a situation constitutes a structural distortion for the Party's primary-level organizations and state power. For Party committees and governments at all levels, it represents a hidden danger to social harmony, ethnic unity, and border stability.
III. Explorations in Strengthening the Construction of Primary-level Organizations and State Power in Ethnic and Religious Areas
Marxism has always maintained that declaring war on religion is a foolish act [11]. Lenin also proposed that the practice of proclaiming "down with religion, long live atheism, spreading atheistic views is our task" is a "superficial, bourgeois narrow culturalist view" [12]. The scientific nature of these views can be seen from the spread of Christianity in Wuding County and some of our past erroneous practices in religious policy. So, what is the correct method and path for governance in ethnic and religious areas?
Marx said: "The abolition of religion as the illusory happiness of the people is the demand for their real happiness. To call on them to give up their illusions about their condition is to call on them to give up a condition that requires illusions" [13]. In carrying out the construction of primary-level Party organizations and state power in ethnic and religious areas, the primary task is development, the core of which is implementing the people-centered Scientific Outlook on Development. Regarding primary-level Party building work, the requirements of the CPC Chuxiong Prefectural Committee are to "grasp typical examples, build strongholds, and rectify weakness and laxity" [14]. The Wuding County Committee has also historically attached great importance to the construction of primary-level organizations and state power. Since 1999, Wuding County has primarily used the "Three-Level Joint Creation" activity [15], the implementation of the "Yunling Pioneer" project, and the creation of the "Yi Prefecture Pioneer Corridor" as carriers, focusing on the in-depth study and practice of the Scientific Outlook on Development. It has continuously explored effective ways to combine the construction of rural primary-level Party organizations in ethnic-religious areas with the construction of primary-level state power, and with the construction of a harmonious society characterized by rural reform, development, and stability. After the Fourth Plenary Session of the 17th CPC Central Committee, Wuding County established the strategy of "building vigorous branches," following the requirement of "focusing more on strengthening the primary level." It promoted the new Party building model of Xihe Village in Shishan Town—"a vigorous branch secretary leads a vigorous leadership team, a vigorous team devises a vigorous path of thinking, and a vigorous path of thinking carves out a road to prosperity"—fully exerting the core role of Party members in driving economic development, maintaining ethnic unity, serving the masses, and promoting rural stability.
First was the promotion of a sense of pride among rural Party members through the distribution of "fixed subsidies" to elderly rural Party members. By 2006, Wuding County had a total of 20 primary-level Party committees (including 6 county-level and 14 township-level), 15 general Party branches (14 county-level and 1 township-level), 397 Party branches, and 837 Party groups. There were 11,165 Party members. Among them: 1,769 were women (15.84%); 5,476 were from ethnic minorities (49%); and 6,656 were farmers (59.6%). The primary-level Party organizations in Wuding County have two major characteristics: first, they are poor, with extremely scarce funding for primary-level organizations; second, there is a high proportion of elderly Party members who, due to declining labor capacity, mostly face hardships in life. In Wuding County, Party members under the age of 35 account for 27.78% of the total, less than one-third; those under 45 total 5,822, accounting for 53.8%; while those over 46 account for 46.2%, nearly half. Among them, 2,209 are elderly Party members over 60, accounting for 20.4% of the total. During the early period of implementing the Household Contract Responsibility System [16], a significant number of rural Communist Party members played an exemplary role; village cadres at all levels took the lead in letting others first claim land with good conditions while they themselves contracted remote or leftover land, to the point that they were later complained about by their families. It was precisely because of these silently dedicated veteran Communists that the rural land contract system in Wuding County proceeded smoothly. Starting in 2004, the Wuding County Committee granted a "fixed subsidy" of 15 RMB per person per month to these rural Party members aged 70 and over to resolve their economic and livelihood difficulties. This was achieved by mobilizing the strength of all Party members in the county, as the primary source of the fixed subsidy was voluntary donations from the monthly salaries of every official in county-level organs (and some prefectural-level officials).
Regarding the construction of venues, the construction of activity strongholds for the county's 130 village (community) Party organizations began in 2005. By mid-2006, Party member activity rooms had been established in 70 villages (communities), 39 "demonstration villages for scientific, technological, and economic development through Party member audiovisual education" had been built, and 65 "demonstration households for Party member audiovisual technology" had been cultivated. Since 2006, the County Committee has undertaken large-scale "activity venue" construction for administrative village Party branches. Superior organizations allocated over 3.6 million RMB in special funds, and additional funds were raised, totaling 6.27 million RMB in integrated funds to construct activity venues for 130 village (community) organizations in batches. Facilities were continuously improved to achieve full coverage of distance education and meet the "Four Haves" [17], namely: "having a fixed activity venue, having study materials, having a propaganda column, and having a unified logo." In the past, the Party branch had only a crude office where there were not even chairs to sit on for a branch general meeting; now, not only have activity rooms been built, but they are also equipped with necessary desks and chairs. Addressing the characteristic of widespread religious transmission in the county, flagpoles were erected in front of all activity venues and equipped with the national flag, and a unified emblem for the activity venues was created, forming a sharp contrast with the church's cross. Starting in November 2008, each activity venue was equipped with audiovisual equipment, including televisions, DVD players, and satellite ground receivers. The original "Four Haves" for activity venues were expanded to "Six Haves," adding "having audiovisual equipment and having the Party flag hung indoors." These activity venues were built into strongholds for the propaganda of science, technology, and policy; platforms for displaying advanced culture; places for mass entertainment activities; and bases for education in ideals and convictions. They became important "multi-purpose rooms" for deliberation, activities, training, service, and entertainment. In front of each activity venue, a stone monument was inscribed to record the hard-won nature of the venue's construction, serving to educate future generations at all times.
Regarding organizational layout, according to the spirit of "optimizing organizational setup and expanding organizational coverage" for primary-level organization building proposed at the 17th Party Congress, the County Committee adjusted the primary-level Party branches throughout the county. For any original administrative village Party branch with more than 50 Party members, several "villager group Party branches" were organized according to the characteristics of the industrial structure and the professional needs of the members. The original administrative village Party branch was expanded into a "General Party Branch." By the end of 2009, 130 administrative village (community) Party branches across the county had been expanded into General Party branches, and 1,103 "villager group Party branches" had been established, with each branch building an activity venue, further expanding organizational coverage.
Regarding funding guarantees, while completing the construction of activity venues for primary-level Party branches, the County Committee also addressed the problem of the shortage of activity funds. Starting in 2008, the County Committee included 50 RMB per rural Party member per year in the state fiscal budget for activity expenses; the office expenses for each administrative village were increased from the original 1,800 RMB to 5,000 RMB. At the same time, after 2006, the County Committee further modified the "fixed subsidy" previously issued to elderly rural Party members without fixed income aged 70 and over by expanding the scope and increasing the amount. The original age requirement of over 70 with 15 RMB per month was adjusted: from 2006, all rural Party members without fixed income who were at least 60 years old and had at least 10 years of Party standing received the subsidy. Those aged 60 to 70 receive 15 RMB per month; those aged 70 to 80 receive 20 RMB; and those over 81 receive 30 RMB. The donations from each official in prefectural and county organs have also been maintained consistently without interruption.
In terms of institutional development, the implementation of "Triple Capital Dual-Agency Management" [18] in rural areas, alongside the "Triple Dual" system [19] for Party members in township-level government organs, has enhanced the sense of responsibility among rural Party members and the cohesion of grassroots organizations. Wuding County implemented the agency management of rural funds, assets, and resources by township (town) governments. Building upon the successful experience of a pilot program in Shishan Town, this practice was expanded across the entire county. It has become a new platform for innovating grassroots Party building, establishing the core role of grassroots Party organizations, and enabling rural Party members to play a primary role in deliberation and decision-making. This has achieved a state where the Party branch collectively "runs the household" and Party members manage finances and affairs for the masses. Consequently, the sense of responsibility and honor among Party members has further strengthened, the leadership core role of the Party branch has been further exercised, and the cohesion and attractiveness of Party organizations have been further enhanced. Since the implementation of "Triple Capital Dual-Agency Management," rural finances have been standardized, irregular behaviors have been eliminated, and the supervisory role of the Party branch has been brought into play. This has guaranteed the security of fund utilization, asset management, and resource development. Relations between cadres and the masses have further improved, rural society has become more harmonious and stable, collective assets have been protected from loss, national resources have been developed in an orderly manner, and limited collective funds have achieved maximum social benefit.
At the same time, the "Triple Dual" system—standing for "dual management, dual responsibility, and dual leadership"—was implemented for Party members in township-level government organs to solve new grassroots difficulties. Party members from township organs are incorporated into the Party organizations of their respective village small groups [20]. These organ-based Party members are subject to management by both the township organ Party organization and the village small group Party organization, achieving dual management. These members must fulfill their duties as organ Party members within the organ Party organization while simultaneously fulfilling their duties as rural Party members within the village small group Party organization, performing dual responsibilities. They must take the lead in exerting the vanguard and exemplary role of Party members within the organ Party organization, while also playing a leading demonstrative role within the village small group Party organization to promote common development in the countryside. The implementation of the "Triple Dual" system has solved five major problems faced by rural grassroots Party organizations: difficulty in conducting activities, difficulty in completing work, difficulty in exerting their influence, difficulty in developing [new] Party members, and difficulty in deliberation and decision-making. This has made organizational activities more standardized, cadre-mass relations closer, cadre work styles more pragmatic, and Party building more vital. It has achieved multiple layers of coverage for the Party's organization, work, and social influence, enhancing the cohesion, combat effectiveness, and centripetal force of rural grassroots Party organizations, thereby promoting rural development and social harmony.
The presence of issues such as the scattered residence of rural Party members, the lack of appropriate activity venues and necessary funding for Party branches, the absence of administrative authority and cohesion in rural grassroots organizations, and the challenges posed by churches to rural grassroots political power in ethnic and religious areas, has been addressed through a series of measures. These include expanding organizational coverage, constructing venues for grassroots Party branches, resolving and increasing activity funding, increasing fixed subsidies for veteran Party members, and implementing the "Triple Capital Dual-Agency Management" system. Following these implementations, rural grassroots Party organization activities have gradually become more active, and the cohesion, appeal, and combat effectiveness of grassroots Party branches have begun to stand out. Simultaneously, the concepts of "the Party member" and "the Party organization" have been re-strengthened, enhancing the sense of honor among Communist Party members while also bolstering their sense of responsibility and mission. In the process of grassroots Party building, many young people have felt they have an organization to rely on; with the help of the organization, they see prospects for developing the economy, leading them to actively move closer to the Party organization. Through rigorous focus on grassroots Party building, the Shishan Village Party Branch in Shishan Town, Wuding County, was awarded the title of "National Advanced Grassroot Party Organization" by the Central Organization Department in 2007. At the same time, the Hexi Village Party Branch in Shishan Town, Wuding County, was awarded the title of "Yunnan Province Advanced Grassroot Party Organization" by the Organization Department of the CPC Yunnan Provincial Committee. Currently, Wuding County has completely transformed the phenomenon of rural grain shortages that existed 20 years ago. In 2003, the per capita net income of farmers was 1,557 yuan; by 2009, the per capita net income of farmers had reached 2,858 yuan.
Notes: ① To distinguish it from the Lisu language of Nujiang, the Lisu language of this region is also called "East Lisu." The script for "West Lisu" was created almost simultaneously by missionaries such as James O. Fraser based in Baoshan, but the alphabets of the two Lisu languages are completely different. ② Yunnan Provincial Editorial Group, Second Sub-group of the Central Visit Delegation: Collection of Ethnic Conditions in Yunnan (Volume II) [M], Kunming: Yunnan Ethnic Publishing House, 1986, p. 17. ③ One missionary of the time wrote: "The indigenous inhabitants have a rare characteristic: when they themselves believe the Gospel, they diligently teach it to others. The expansion of the Christian mass movement in Yunnan and Guizhou provinces was not primarily due to the itinerant preaching of missionaries, but due to the enthusiastic propagation by indigenous persons. Through this method, the Gospel has spread from one county to another, across a fairly vast area of the Southwest. However, a warning must be issued here: based on past experience, if a mass movement is to be stable and lasting, there must be clear and regular Christian training for the masses." See: The Christian Occupation of China: A Survey by the Special Committee on Survey and Occupation, China Continuation Committee. ④ See: Engels, Anti-Dühring. Selected Works of Marx and Engels (Volume 3) [M], Beijing: People's Publishing House, 1995, pp. 664–671. ⑤ Lenin, "The Attitude of the Workers' Party to Religion." Selected Works of Lenin (Volume 2) [M], Beijing: People's Publishing House, 1995, pp. 376–379. ⑥ Marx, "Introduction to A Contribution to the Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right." Selected Works of Marx and Engels (Volume 1) [M], Beijing: People's Publishing House, 1972, p. 2.
Author Biography: Xiao Sa is the Director of the Institute of Philosophy at the Yunnan Academy of Social Sciences (CASS) and a specially invited researcher at the Yunnan Center for the Theoretical System of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics.