Religious Markets: Open to Whom?
Religious Markets: To Whom Are They Open?
I
In a certain sense, although current research on Chinese Christian "house churches" [1] has not yet officially entered the "halls of high culture," among certain scholars it has seemingly become a prominent field of study. Related monographs, papers, and symposiums have not only made it a distinctive feature of the domestic academic landscape but have also caught the attention of scholars from Hong Kong, Taiwan, and abroad. As is well known, the emergence of "house churches" is due not only to internal factors but also to profound and complex historical, cultural, and political backgrounds. Consequently, research in this area should naturally follow the principle of "letting a hundred flowers bloom and a hundred schools of thought contend." However, a general survey of current "house church" research reveals that the sociological approach to religion stands head and shoulders above the rest, possessing the loudest voice. The reasons for this are twofold: first, "house churches" are relatively widespread, making them convenient for investigation and analysis; second, the issue remains quite sensitive, and the principle of value neutrality championed by sociological research can provide a sort of "protective umbrella." Nevertheless, the theoretical foundation that has pushed current "house church" research to its "climax" is undoubtedly the "Religious Market Theory" [2] formulated by Rodney Stark and others.
In the late 20th century, compared to the decline of religion on the European continent, religious activity in American society was quite vibrant (most notably the New Religious Movements characterized by schisms from orthodox churches), which posed a challenge to classical secularization theory. [i] To explain this phenomenon, American sociologist Rodney Stark and others applied economic principles to the study of religion. Reversing the traditional assertion that religious belief is "irrational," they argued that not only do individual religious activities stem from precise rational choices, but the operations of religious groups or institutional bodies likewise follow market laws: the rise and decline of religion depends on changes in the "supply and demand" relationship within the religious market and the degree of free market competition. The American religious market is free and pluralistic; to capture market share, religious enterprises transform from passive to active, promoting prosperity through competition. In contrast, religious activities on the European continent have long been under government control and monopoly; religious enterprises lack vitality and incentive, leading to a vicious cycle where decline becomes inevitable.
Religious Market Theory—also translated as the economics of religion, religious economic theory, or religious rational choice theory [ii]—"understands religion as rational, fairly well-informed actors choosing to 'consume' religious 'goods' just as they weigh costs and benefits when consuming secular goods." [iii] This doctrine integrates modern sociology with classical economic theory, offering a unique perspective and novel propositions with clear "scientific" indicators and operational rules. Since its emergence in the 1980s, it has gradually gained attention in American academia and is considered a Copernican "paradigm shift" in the field of the sociology of religion. In their book Acts of Faith: Explaining the Human Side of Religion, Stark and others claimed that this doctrine "subverts" the old paradigm's notions that religion is irrational, doomed to vanish, an epiphenomenon, a psychological phenomenon, or that monopoly of faith is superior, thereby consigning familiar secularization theories to the grave. [iv]
In January 2004, the Chinese translation of this book was published by Renmin University of China Press. On July 12 of the same year, the "Sino-American-European Summer Institute on Advanced Religious Studies," hosted by the Institute for the Study of Buddhism and Religious Theory at Renmin University, commenced its lectures. The theme of that session was "Theories and Methods in the Sociology of Religion." The American executive director, Professor Yang Fenggang, was also the Chinese translator of Acts of Faith. In July 2005, the theme of the second institute was "The Social Scientific Study of Religion: Theory and Method," and Roger Finke, a leading representative of Religious Market Theory, came to China to deliver keynote lectures on the theoretical system. In July 2006, the third advanced institute invited Professor Stephen Warner from the University of Illinois at Chicago to give lectures related to Religious Market Theory. The participants came from across the country, mostly young university faculty, and they showed intense interest in this new theory. [v]
To date, this institute has been held for seven consecutive years. Although the specific focus of each session varies, "Religious Market Theory" has remained the keynote. As the organizer Professor Wei Dedong stated on his blog: "In 2004, the Chinese version of the classic work of Religious Market Theory, Acts of Faith, was published and has become a bestseller in religious studies circles in recent years. At this year's annual conference [vi], many scholars applied Religious Market Theory to study contemporary Chinese religion. While providing apt explanations for the development of contemporary Chinese religion, they also enriched and developed the new paradigm itself, attracting the attention of the international academic community. It can be predicted that with the modern development of Chinese religion, the social scientific study of Chinese religion will surely achieve a breakthrough leap in the next 20 years, contributing back to the West and making a Chinese contribution to world religious scholarship." [vii] The sudden rise of Religious Market Theory even caused some scholars to worry it might "monopolize" related research, prompting the theory’s introducers to step forward and clarify. In October 2008, the High-Level Forum on Chinese Religion and Society and the 5th International Symposium on the Social Scientific Study of Religion were held at Peking University. In the edited collection of papers From the Study to the Field: Collected Papers of the High-Level Forum on the Social Scientific Study of Religion (Volumes I and II), the editors explained: "In terms of theory, over the past few years—due to the continuous translation and publication of several books on the economics of religion or rational choice theory, and because some scholars, including ourselves, have applied some of these concepts to study Chinese religion and society—some scholars have expressed concern about a situation of monolithic theoretical monopoly. This concern is understandable, as a monolithic monopoly can only stifle academic vitality. However, this concern is based on a misunderstanding. The path toward the internationalization of the social scientific study of religion has been pluralistic and open from the start. From the primary lecturers at successive summer institutes and keynote speakers at international symposiums to the composition of invited scholars for this forum, we have been striving to accommodate and even encourage theoretical pluralism. There are many schools of thought currently popular in the international social science of religion; it is just that those translated and introduced to China are still quite limited. In this regard, more effort from interested parties is needed." [viii] There is a sense here of "protesting too much" [3].
II
Since its introduction to China, Religious Market Theory has quickly found favor among young domestic scholars, being regarded as a "diamond drill" for interpreting the current state of contemporary Chinese religion; related papers (conference papers, journals, Master's and Doctoral theses) are found everywhere. To better explain the religious situation in Chinese society, Yang Fenggang supplemented the doctrine by proposing a "Triple Market" theory of Chinese religion. Yang’s "religion" is religion in a broad sense, encompassing illegal organizations characterized by our government as cults. According to this theory, Chinese religion currently consists of three markets: the Red Market (officially recognized religious organizations), the Black Market (cults), and the Grey Market (religious organizations situated between legality and illegality). This paper emphasizes: (1) As long as religious organizations are restricted by the government in number and activity, a Black Market will inevitably emerge. (2) As long as the Red Market is restricted and the Black Market is suppressed, a Grey Market will inevitably emerge. (3) The stricter the religious regulation, the larger the religious Grey Market. In an interview with Southern People Weekly, Professor Yang further stated: "Currently, the standard line for the 'Red Market' of Chinese religion is about 100 million religious believers. The population of the 'Black Market' is difficult to count. But even more Chinese people are in the religious 'Grey Market'." [ix]
The "Grey Market" mentioned here does not only include traditional folk beliefs; in a certain sense, it is almost a synonym for Christian "house churches." As previously mentioned, the emergence of "house churches" has not only complex historical reasons but also a profound international political background.
As is well known, during the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union, there was both a struggle of "hard power" and a contest of "soft power." Richard Nixon said in his book The Real War: "The leaders in the Kremlin today find religion to be an unbreakable rock. Because of Pope John Paul II's triumphal return to Poland, the Soviets have to think back on something Stalin said in the 1930s. At that time, he asked with a tone of contempt: How many divisions does the Pope have? Indeed, the Pope has no armored divisions, but the power he possesses is not something Soviet tanks can crush. He triggers emotions that go deep into the core of the human spirit; those who do not understand religious faith often underestimate this power." [x] The Washington Post once called Pope John Paul II (1920–2005) {xi} the "political Pope," while Reagan praised him as "one of the heroes who ended despotic rule." John Paul II was well-deserving of such "acclaim." In June 1982, he met secretly with President Reagan in the Vatican Library, reaching a plan to jointly topple [the socialist government in] Poland. In August 1991, after his successful visit to Poland, religious fervor in Eastern Europe heated up rapidly. A former Soviet journalist warned: "The seeds of language sowed by John Paul II in Poland will blossom in the Soviet Union." Sure enough, ten years later, the Soviet Union collapsed. Some contemporary historians believe that among the three people who prompted the Great Change in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe (Gorbachev, Reagan, and the Pope), the Pope's role was even greater than the first two. This Cold War legacy is a topic of great relish for certain "house church" members today.
While the "clash of civilizations" still rings in our ears, the battle for souls is already shrouded in smoke. In 1997, then-Secretary of State Albright declared in the State Department document U.S. Policy in Support of Religious Freedom: Focus on Christianity: "We advocate for religious freedom for more reasons than just expressing American ideals; this position is the source of our strength in the world. Without it, our cause would be difficult to sustain; it would be very naive to think we could develop our interests without it. To fulfill our convictions, we actively promote the formation of a relaxed environment for the practice of various legal religions and do not hesitate to point out actions that persecute religion or fail to ensure the safety of any religious group. At the same time, we use all means, in concert with official governments worldwide, to effectively promote internal changes in those societies." {xii} The following year, the International Religious Freedom Act of 1998 was introduced. This act is one of the most comprehensive pieces of human rights legislation in U.S. history and is also "a foreign policy directed at foreign religions." it is a concentrated expression of the trends toward the legalization, institutionalization, internationalization, and grassroots mobilization of religion in U.S. foreign policy. {xiii} The United States is the birthplace of pragmatism; the U.S. government's high-profile attention to the religious policies of other countries is not out of true "concern" for human rights elsewhere, but has a deeper meaning. Pat Robertson, a famous representative of the American religious right, said bluntly: "There will never be peace in the world until God's house and God's people attain the position of legitimate leadership at the top of the world. How can there be peace when drunkards, communists, atheists, New Age Satan-worshipers, secular humanists, oppressive dictators, greedy foreign exchange traders, revolutionary assassins, adulterers, and homosexuals stand over our heads?" {xiv} China is the most important socialist country in the post-Cold War era. Therefore, when David Aikman, in Jesus in Beijing: How Christianity is Transforming China and Changing the Global Balance of Power, claims that Jesus’s lambs will defeat the Chinese dragon, we should not be surprised at all. {xv}
III
In the interview "Thanks to ‘Sister Lin’ [4] — An Interview with Purdue University Scholar Yang Fenggang," Professor Yang elaborated on the relationship between Christianity and the market economy. He stated: "A society without ethical and moral norms will inevitably degenerate into a 'wolf-against-wolf' struggle; the nature of capital makes it easier for people to release this lupine quality... America has practiced a market economy for over two hundred years; it has neither rotted nor died, but has developed stably and orderly. A major reason for this is that churches are everywhere. They purify the human heart, manifest humanity, and tame the savage lupine nature of capital. Alongside the Industrial Revolution and the Information Revolution, there have been continuous movements of religious revival and spiritual renewal. Had there been no churches, America’s market economy would have collapsed long ago." Yang’s words are in fact a footnote to Weber’s thesis on the Protestant ethic promoting the development of capitalism. Since the United States is the "model" for contemporary "democratic" countries, the implication is that for other countries to move toward democracy and modernization, importing Christianity and opening the religious market is an inevitable path. Yang further suggested: "The U.S. religious market is open; almost any religion in the world, no matter how singular, can find followers in America. Yet, America has not fallen into religious conflict or social unrest because of this... The more pluralistic religion is, the more harmonious society becomes. Just as a rational, open economic market brings material prosperity, a rational, open religious market will bring spiritual prosperity. Therefore, establishing an open and fair religious market is worth emulating." {16}
"The more pluralistic religion is, the more harmonious society becomes" is actually a specious pseudo-proposition. Philip Jenkins, a professor of history and religious studies at Pennsylvania State University, admitted in his book The Next Christendom that missionary work and religious migration movements have not only caused major shifts in global religion but can also lead to major shifts in global politics. "He points out that among the 25 most populous countries in the world today, at least 10 face situations of serious conflict and confrontation between Christianity and Islam; therefore, these countries could all become 'stages for serious religious conflict.'" {17} India is hailed as the largest democracy and a "museum of religions," yet social conflicts with religious overtones have remained the greatest problem hindering the nation’s development.
On the surface, opening the religious market is about building a stage for equal competition among various "religions." However, the dominant global position of Christianity today dictates that the actors on this stage can never be truly equal; in the end, it is highly likely to become a "solo dance." Thus, this seemingly neutral proposition hides a clear ideological connotation. Acts of Faith devotes considerable space to comparing the different outcomes of the free religious market in the United States and the monopolistic religious markets in Western Europe to highlight the benefits of "opening up" for religious development. The intent to praise one and disparage the other is quite clear. Since the introduction of religious market theory to China, calls for opening the religious market have surfaced one after another.
Whether to open up and to what extent is actually a relative concept. The reality of the relationship between American market prosperity and religion (Christianity) is not as simple as Yang describes. The United States was the progenitor of the 2008 global financial crisis; how does it explain the relationship between that and Christianity? Professor Yang’s "Thanks to Sister Lin" interview was published in 2007; one wonders who he would thank after the financial crisis?
China’s current religious landscape is both a continuation of historical development and a product of responding to various contemporary international political, economic, and cultural factors. As a basic human right of citizens, freedom of religious belief is strictly protected by our Constitution and relevant laws. The five major religions coexist in harmony, which is itself a prominent contribution to the world’s religions. Curiously, certain people at home and abroad only see the phenomenon of "persecution" of Christianity in mainland China, yet remain silent about the efforts made by the Chinese government to promote religious harmony; those of an even lower caliber go so far as to distort and slander. Religious management has existed in our country since ancient times; it is not an invention of the contemporary Chinese government. As Stark stated in Acts of Faith, the governments of European "democratic" nations are no exception. Yet one does not see scholars or religious circles launching a collective crusade against European "control" of the religious market, while they adopt an entirely different countenance toward the Chinese government’s religious policy. This "what is tolerable for some is intolerable for others" [5] mentality is truly suspicious.
On a deeper level, the American religious market is a product of its specific national conditions. As an immigrant nation, its only intellectual heritage consists of syncretism and pragmatism. Early immigrants fled the European continent hoping to construct their own value systems on this desolate land. Throughout its history, religious intolerance, opposition, hostility, and even religious persecution have been clearly visible, and remain so today. Anyone with a modicum of common sense knows that America’s "success" is the result of the combined action of many factors; it was not caused by opening the religious market, nor was it the result of God intentionally "favoring" this New World. Fundamentally, even if the reasons emphasized by religious market theorists have some merit, they do not constitute a reason for other countries to scramble to emulate them. The reason is simple: just as France and other countries emphasized "cultural exception" during OECD negotiations, a country with a long history and culture must take corresponding measures to safeguard its own national traditional culture in the face of the impact of a dominant culture. To destroy a nation, one must first destroy its culture [6]. Cultural diversity is the prerequisite for the world's rich diversity and is the final line of defense for developing countries to protect their own rights and interests. To take a step back, "the orange from the south becomes a bitter trifoliate orange in the north" [7]; the American religious market is a product of American soil. If it is wishfully—or even forcibly—grafted into China’s cultural soil without considering priorities or distinctions, it will certainly come to no good end.
Although the religious economics of Stark and others disagrees with many claims of classical sociologists of religion like Weber, he still inherits the Weberian thesis, treating religion (Christianity, of course) as a lever to promote the development of capitalism. This is the most obscured proposition of religious market theory. Since the emergence of the Weberian thesis, there have been those who cheered it and those who attacked it; this article will not comment on it. What is thought-provoking is that if the 19th-century Weberian thesis was a "factual" judgment, the fact that religious market theorists are picking it up again today carries a very strong sense of "value" judgment.
In fact, the popularity of religious market theory in China also involves a "dark" psychological element, which some detected early on: "The liberal ideology of American neoclassical economics contained within the religious economics model echoes the mainstream discourse of China's political-academic circles, giving research on the 'religious market' the legitimacy of 'political correctness.' At the same time, the appeal for reduced state regulation and the promotion of pluralistic religious competition implied by this model allows Chinese scholars to euphemistically express their identification with religious freedom and their criticism of religious regulation." {18}
Religion is far removed from the economic base [8]; both historically and realistically, its role in social progress is two-sided. The subjective intentions of some scholars may be good, but understanding China’s current religious environment requires not only theoretical height but also realistic concern. Since the beginning of reform and opening up, the Chinese government has sincerely opened its heart to the world, hoping the world would accept China. Yet for over 30 years, certain developed Western countries have internationally contained and blocked China’s development, and domestically spread fallacies and heresies through various channels—from aircraft carrier deterrence in the Taiwan Strait to the phantom of the Nobel Peace Prize in Norway; through wind and rain, everything is interlinked. These "bloodless" facts make us realize that while "escaping poverty" is certainly important, becoming a slave (the "Chinese Dragon" turning into the "Lamb of God") is even more dangerous.
{12} See Wang Zuoan: Religious Issues and Religious Policy in China (中国的宗教问题和宗教政策), p. 338, Religious Culture Publishers, 2002. [9] {13} See Xu Yihua, ed.: Religion and American Society (宗教与美国社会), Vol. 5 (Religious NGOs), "Religion and Current American Diplomacy," Current Affairs Press, 2008. [10] {14} See Xu Yihua, ed.: Religion and American Society, Vol. 1 (A Roadmap of American Religion), p. 108, Current Affairs Press, 2004. {15} Aikman's hope has a certain market within China; see Yu Jie: "Let the 'Chinese Dragon' Become the 'Lamb of God'—On the Significance of the Rise of Christian Faith in China (3)" (让“中国龙”变成“上帝的羔羊”——论基督信仰在中国兴起的意义), http://lukepost.blog.hexun.com/2989992_d.html [11] {16} Rao Zhi: "Thanks to 'Lin Meimei'—An Interview with Purdue University Scholar Yang Fenggang" (感谢“林妹妹”——访美国普度大学学者杨凤岗), Southern People Weekly (南方人物周刊), see http://blog.sina.com.cn/s/blog_615bdd [12] {17} See Xu Yihua, ed.: Religion and America (宗教与美国), Vol. 6 (Contemporary Missionary Movements), p. 8, Current Affairs Press, 2009. {18} Ji Zhe: "How to Transcend Classical Secularization Theory?—A Critique of Three Post-Secularization Discourses in the Sociology of Religion" (如何超越经典世俗化理论?——评宗教社会学的三种后世俗化论述), Sociological Studies (社会学研究), Issue 4, 2008.