Reflections on Firmly Establishing the Marxist View of Religion
General Secretary Hu Jintao, at the Fourth Plenary Session of the 17th CPC Central Committee, presented the entire Party with the requirement to "firmly establish the Marxist view of religion." This has been a source of great encouragement and spur to the cause of researching the Marxist view of religion. In the 1980s, the trend of bourgeois liberalization emerged in our country, and the guiding status of Marxism was impacted. In the 1990s, with the drastic changes in Eastern Europe and the disintegration of the Soviet Union, world socialism was at a low ebb, and the guiding status of Marxism was called into question. Since entering the New Century, our country has established a socialist market economy; social structures have undergone profound changes, the pattern of interests has been deeply adjusted, and ideology and culture have tended toward pluralism. Anti-Marxist trends such as neoliberalism, social democracy, and historical nihilism [1] have become rampant, shaking the guiding status of Marxism. Against this background, various idealist views of religion have been highly sought after by some, while the research, publicity, and education regarding the Marxist view of religion have been neglected. Since the Central Committee implemented the "Marxist Theory Research and Construction Project" in 2004, the situation has changed significantly. In 2009, the Institute of World Religions at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS) held the first "Forum on the Research of the Marxist View of Religion," and in 2010 established the Research Office of the Marxist View of Religion. The CASS Institute of Marxism Studies also established the Research Office of Marxist Atheism and the Research Center for Science and Atheism. These are all important landmark events. However, the backward state of research, publicity, and education concerning the Marxist view of religion has not yet fundamentally changed. Under these circumstances, implementing General Secretary Hu Jintao's requirements is bound to be a most glorious and arduous task. As professionals of the Party in the field of religion, we religious researchers have an inescapable responsibility and must seriously study how to firmly establish the Marxist view of religion. I believe we must first study and resolve two basic questions: first, how to understand and treat the Marxist view of religion; and second, how to comprehend and master the Marxist view of religion.
I. How to Understand and Treat the Marxist View of Religion
This is a major theoretical and practical issue that must be resolved to firmly establish the Marxist view of religion. Whether among the ranks of cadres or in academic and theoretical circles, there are differences of opinion on this issue. Looking at the current actual situation, at least three types of divergent views may hinder comrades throughout the Party from firmly establishing the Marxist view of religion: first, the "obsolescence theory"; second, the "school of thought theory"; and third, the "divergence theory." We must take these seriously.
(1) Regarding the "Obsolescence Theory"
The so-called obsolescence theory argues that the Marxist view of religion is already out of date and is not suited for China today. There are two basic reasons: first, the theory of different eras; and second, the theory of different practices. The "theory of different eras" claims that the Marxist view of religion originated in the 1840s, more than 160 years ago; thus, for today's China to cling to things from over 100 years ago is untimely. The "theory of different practices" argues that the Marxist view of religion is the religious view of a revolutionary party, but our Party has already transformed from a revolutionary party to a governing party, our country has transformed from a planned economy to a market economy, and our Party has shifted from emphasizing class struggle to emphasizing social harmony; therefore, the Marxist view of religion is no longer appropriate. For example, some have published articles such as “The Marxist View of Religion Must Advance with the Times,” claiming that “to truly complete the transition from a revolutionary party to a governing party, we need to re-examine religious functions with a new type of governing consciousness, resolve imminent problems in church-state relations with rational management methods, and study scientific and rational church-state relations with modern ideological concepts.” This is nothing more than saying that the Marxist view of religion is an “obsolete” revolutionary theory that cannot solve practical religious problems. While claiming to develop the Marxist view of religion, they are actually attempting to negate its basic principles. If one holds the "obsolescence theory" view, the basic prerequisite for "firmly establishing" this view is lost.
Comrade Deng Xiaoping pointed out long ago that Marxism has not and will not become obsolete, because Marxism is truth and a developing science. Someone once asked whether we should speak according to Marxism or speak following it? In my view, neither way of speaking can be dispensed with: regarding its basic principles, we must speak according to them—this is called "persistence" and is a case of being "cut from the same cloth" [2]; regarding specific practices, we must speak following them—this is called "development" and "advancing with the times." These two are organically linked and constitute a dialectical unity. In the nearly 90 years since the founding of the Party, has our Party as a whole ever failed to consistently persist in and speak according to the basic principles or universal truths of Marxism? And has there ever been a time when we did not continuously develop and speak following the specific paths of the Chinese revolution, construction, and reform? If we did not speak according to it, our Party would long ago have ceased to be a Marxist party and would have evolved into a bourgeois party; if we did not speak following it, from where would Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory, the "Three Represents," and the Scientific Outlook on Development have come? Marxism, including its view of religion, is an objective truth that correctly reflects the world and is a science that continuously develops and grows; how could it be obsolete?
Comrade Deng Xiaoping put it well: "Marxism cannot be overthrown. It cannot be overthrown not because there are many large volumes, but because the truths of Marxism are unassailable... I firmly believe that the number of people in the world who approve of Marxism will increase, because Marxism is a science. It uses historical materialism to reveal the laws of human social development. Feudal society replaced slave society, capitalism replaced feudalism, and socialism, after a long process of development, will inevitably replace capitalism. This is the irreversible general trend of social-historical development, but the path is tortuous. During the several hundred years in which capitalism replaced feudalism, how many times did dynastic restorations occur? Therefore, in a certain sense, some temporary restorations are also a regular phenomenon that is difficult to avoid completely. Serious setbacks have occurred in some countries, and socialism seems to have been weakened, but the people have been tempered and have absorbed lessons therefrom, which will prompt socialism to develop in a healthier direction. Therefore, do not panic, do not think that Marxism has disappeared, become useless, or failed. There is no such thing!" [3] These words were spoken after the drastic changes in Eastern Europe and the disintegration of the Soviet Union; today they still serve as a "deafening alarm" [4]! Look at the situation in the former socialist countries like the Soviet Union since the drastic changes, and look at the reality of China today—what a sharp contrast! Now, people at home and abroad are exploring the reasons for the "Chinese miracle," but in my view, the vast majority are "looking left and right and speaking of other things" [5], failing to grasp the key point or intentionally avoiding the substantive issue. There are many reasons for the Chinese miracle, but the most fundamental are the guidance of Marxism, the leadership of the Communist Party, the socialist system, and the people's democratic dictatorship—it is the carrying out of reform and opening up and the building of socialism with Chinese characteristics under the prerequisite of adhering to the Four Cardinal Principles [6]. To search for other so-called reasons while disregarding this fundamental cause is merely "scratching an itch through one's boot" [7], whether intentionally or unintentionally!
(2) Regarding the "School of Thought Theory"
The so-called "school of thought theory" is a trend of thought that treats the Marxist view of religion as an ordinary school of thought on par with various Western religious theories. Its essence is to cancel the guiding status of the Marxist view of religion and implement the pluralization of guiding ideologies. Marxism, as an "-ism," is of course one of many schools of thought; the problem is that we must persist in its guiding status, whereas some people want to shake it. The demands and public opinion regarding "de-ideologization" and "de-sacralization" are not only an academic trend but also a political trend; a basic appeal of democratic socialism or social democracy is to implement the pluralization of guiding ideologies.
Religion is an extremely complex socio-cultural phenomenon, and religious research is more easily influenced by the different positions, views, and methods of the researchers. If we say that the basic question of philosophy is which is primary—spirit or matter—and people form the two major camps of idealism and materialism based on their different answers to this question; then the basic question of religious studies is "theism versus atheism," and people form the two camps of theists and atheists based on their different answers to this question. Any researcher of religion, whether willing or unwilling, must and inevitably will take a stand on the question of theism versus atheism. Therefore, while views of religion take many forms, they do not go beyond the two schools of theism and atheism. The Marxist view of religion is a thoroughly scientific atheist view of religion, whose philosophical basis is dialectical materialism and historical materialism. To implement pluralism of guiding ideologies in the religious field is, in essence, to use a theistic view of religion or an incomplete atheist view of religion to offset or even replace the Marxist thoroughly materialist scientific atheist view of religion.
Many current disputes in the religious field, including the dispute over whether to persist in the guiding status of the Marxist view of religion, appear labyrinthine and complex, but their essence and focus still lie in the divergence between theism and atheism. In the past, the struggle between faith and reason mostly appeared between religious circles and academic circles: religious circles demanded the maintenance of theistic faith, while academic circles demanded the conduct of rational academic research. But the situation now is more complex: some in the religious world engage in religious research, while there is no lack of religious believers or supporters of theism in the academic world. In some Western countries, the fierce debate between the so-called "secularization" paradigm and the "market theory" paradigm is, fundamentally speaking, a struggle between theism and atheism. Proponents of the "market theory" paradigm have stated very clearly: the emergence of the "new paradigm" is directly related to the entry of large numbers of Christians into the ranks of religious research. One of the greatest ideological divergences in our country's religious studies circles at present is whether to conduct atheistic publicity. In many cases, whether to persist in the guiding status of the Marxist view of religion is often manifested in whether to conduct atheistic publicity. It must be pointed out that the religious policies of a proletarian party and a bourgeois party have both commonalities and differences. The commonality is that both persist in a policy of freedom of religious belief; the difference is whether to conduct atheistic publicity. The religious policy of the bourgeoisie is to tolerate the freedom of all kinds of religious beliefs, but bourgeois organizations and governments at all levels must support religious publicity; the religious policy of the proletariat is to realize the complete freedom of people to believe or not believe in religion, but proletarian organizations and political parties at all levels must persist in atheistic publicity.
Marx pointed out: “The right to be religious, to be religious in every way, and to practice the worship of a particular religion, is explicitly included among the rights of man. The privilege of faith is a universal human right.” [8] Therefore, “Every person should be able to satisfy his religious as well as his physical needs without the police sticking their noses in. But... bourgeois ‘freedom of conscience’ is nothing but the toleration of all possible kinds of religious freedom of conscience, and that for its part [the Workers' Party] endeavors rather to liberate the conscience from the witchery of religion.” [9] Lenin pointed out: “At that time Engels deliberately emphasized the statement that the Social-Democratic Party regards religion as a private matter in relation to the state, but by no means in relation to the Social-Democratic Party itself, to Marxism, or to the workers’ party.” [10] “Our Party Programme is based entirely on a scientific, and moreover a materialist world-outlook. An explanation of our Programme, therefore, necessarily includes an explanation of the true historical and economic roots of the religious fog. Our propaganda necessarily includes the propaganda of atheism; the publication of the appropriate scientific literature, which the autocratic feudal government has hitherto strictly forbidden and persecuted, must now form one of the items of our Party work. We shall now probably have to follow the advice Engels once gave to the German Socialists: to translate and widely disseminate the literature of the eighteenth-century French Enlighteners and atheists.” [11] Of course, Lenin also cautioned the proletarian party that it must never exaggerate the significance of atheistic publicity so much that it forgets the basic task of the Party: to unite all the people to strive together for the victory of socialism. “In our view, the unity of this truly revolutionary struggle of the oppressed class for the creation of a paradise on earth is more important than unity of proletarian opinion on the imaginary paradise in heaven.” [12]
Our Party has always acted in this manner. Deng Xiaoping pointed out: "Since the founding of our People's Republic, we have consistently implemented the freedom of religious belief; of course, we also conduct propaganda for atheism." ⑦ Jiang Zemin pointed out: "The religious worldview and the Marxist worldview are fundamentally opposed. Communists are atheists; the worldview of a Communist must be the Marxist worldview. Not only can Communists not believe in religion, they must also propagate atheism and a scientific worldview to the masses. For us Communists, we must both uphold the Marxist worldview and earnestly implement the policy of freedom of religious belief stipulated by the National Constitution—that is, every citizen has the freedom to believe in religion and the freedom not to believe in religion. We cannot adopt a 'Left' [13] attitude toward religious belief just because we Communists believe in atheism. Conversely, we cannot stop propagating atheism and the cultivation of 'four-haves' [14] new people just because we have a policy of freedom of religious belief; that is also unacceptable. It should be said that it is not a violation of the policy of freedom of religious belief for Party members to be atheists. We cannot allow the issue of religious belief among Party members to make us hesitate or fear conducting education on the grounds of religious freedom. However, we cannot casually interfere with the religious beliefs of non-Party members. Otherwise, it will easily damage the relationship between the Party and the religious masses and affect stability and unity. In short, we must use the Marxist view of religion as our guide to prevent 'two types of one-sidedness' [15] in religious work." ⑧ Comrade Hu Jintao also pointed out that research, propaganda, and education regarding atheism are long-term tasks that need to be incorporated into the overall deployment of scientific research planning and ideological and promotional work, to be carried out with perseverance; in particular, Communist Party members should firmly establish a materialist worldview, which is not contradictory to implementing the Party’s policy of freedom of religious belief.
In summary, to uphold the guiding status of the Marxist view of religion, one must adhere to materialist dialectics. The Marxist view of religion is the methodology that guides our correct understanding and handling of religious issues. To adhere to materialist dialectics, one must uphold materialism and atheism while opposing idealism and theism. Manifested in ideological propaganda, this means conducting education in Marxist materialism and atheism to help the broad ranks of Party members firmly establish the scientific worldview and methodology of dialectical materialism and historical materialism. Manifested in religious work, it means comprehensively implementing the Party's basic principles for religious work, uniting and leading all people, including religious believers, to actively participate in socialist construction. These two aspects go hand in hand and are both indispensable; it is unacceptable to one-sidedly emphasize or deny either aspect.
(3) Regarding the "Theory of Difference"
The so-called "theory of difference" (不同论, bùtóng lùn) refers to the attempt to sever or even oppose the CPC's view of religion from the Marxist-Leninist view of religion. It claims that the CPC's religious theory is "different" from the Marxist-Leninist view of religion and demands that we uphold the former while discarding the latter. Some even sever and oppose the Leninist view of religion against the Marxist view of religion, claiming that Lenin deviated from the Marxist view of religion and demanding that we abandon Leninism. Still others go so far as to sever and oppose the theory of religious affairs with Chinese characteristics from the Mao Zedong Thought view of religion, demanding that we only speak of new formulations regarding religious issues since the beginning of Reform and Opening-up. All of these demands require us to forget or even discard our "ancestors" [16]—Marx, Engels, Lenin, and even Mao Zedong. Their essence is to sever the daotong [17] (orthodox lineage) of our Party's religious theory and policy and destroy the foundations of our Party's religious theory; this is extremely erroneous and highly harmful.
A concentrated manifestation of the "theory of difference" is that some people very one-sidedly summarize the "opium theory" and "struggle theory" based on two specific sentences from Lenin, and then summarize the "adaptation theory" and "guidance theory" from a single sentence by Comrade Jiang Zemin. They demand that we discard the Marxist-Leninist and Mao Zedong Thought view of religion represented by the former, and only discuss our Party's recent theoretical innovations represented by the latter. In essence, they use the slogan of "actively guiding religion to adapt to socialist society" as a pretext to conceal their opposition to the complete system of the Marxist scientific atheist view of religion. The Marxist-Leninist view of religion scientifically reveals the essence, origins, laws of development, and social functions of religion, and formulates the basic principles for a working-class party: both upholding the propagation of atheism and guaranteeing the masses' freedom of religious belief. This is a complete theoretical system. Regarding the basic principles of a working-class party’s treatment of religion, Lenin provided the first systematic discourse in "The Attitude of the Workers' Party to Religion," which is filled with "buts" and saturated with materialist dialectics. However, some people only seize upon the phrase before the "but" while ignoring the words that follow, one-sidedly distorting and summarizing them into the so-called "opium theory" and "struggle theory." They create an opposition between the Leninist and Mao Zedong Thought view of religion and the Marxist view of religion or the theory of religious affairs with Chinese characteristics, providing a pretext for some to deny the Marxist view of religion altogether.
What exactly is the Marxist view of religion as understood by our Party? Yesterday, a comrade from the Central Party Literature Research Association [18] emphasized Comrade Jiang Zemin’s article "On Religious Issues" as a representative work of the Sinicized Marxist view of religion or the theory of religious affairs with Chinese characteristics. But since that work is quite long, I will give a briefer example. In his 1990 speech "We Must Establish a Marxist View of Nationality and Religion," Comrade Jiang Zemin pointed out that in establishing a Marxist view of religion, our Party should reiterate and emphasize five points: First, Communists are atheists and must uphold and propagate atheism at all times. Second, propaganda and education on atheism for the masses must be distinguished from the requirements for Party members and must be combined with the concrete practice of building the "two civilizations" [19] of socialism. Third, the policy of freedom of religious belief must be implemented comprehensively and correctly. Fourth, according to the principle of the separation of church and state, the state requires that no religion interfere in politics or government affairs—including the judiciary, education, marriage, and family planning—and no religion may conduct propaganda against the Four Cardinal Principles [20]. Fifth, all religions must operate within the scope permitted by national laws. ⑨ I believe these five points can be further summarized into three: first, the Party must uphold and propagate atheism; second, the state must implement the policy of freedom of religious belief; and third, religion must operate within the framework of policies and laws. In the speech "We Must Do a Good Job in Religious Work," Comrade Jiang Zemin further summarized this into two aspects: on the one hand, the Party must uphold and propagate atheism; on the other hand, the state must implement the policy of freedom of religious belief. "In short, we must use the Marxist view of religion as our guide to prevent 'two types of one-sidedness' in religious work." ⑩ This is completely consistent with the discourses of Marx, Engels, and Lenin cited earlier in this article.
The Sinicized Marxist view of religion and the Marxist-Leninist view of religion have both similarities and differences; the similarities are primary, and the differences are secondary. They are similar in that they are both the Marxist view of religion; they differ in their integration with Chinese reality, becoming continuously Sinicized and modernized by successfully solving China's religious problems. The classic Marxist view of religion includes the original views of Marx and Engels and Lenin’s defense and development of them, collectively called the Marxist-Leninist view of religion. The CPC’s view of religion is a Sinicized Marxist-Leninist view of religion, including several different developmental stages: the Mao Zedong Thought view of religion, the Deng Xiaoping Theory view of religion, the "Three Represents" [21] view of religion, and the Scientific Outlook on Development [22] view of religion. The latter three stages belong to the period after Reform and Opening-up and are collectively called the theory of religious affairs with Chinese characteristics. Whether it is the classic Marxist view of religion and the Sinicized Marxist view of religion, or Mao Zedong Thought and the theory of religious affairs with Chinese characteristics, they are all part of a scientific system that is "passed down in one lineage" but also "advances with the times," continuously enriching and perfecting itself. They constitute a unified Marxist view of religion, rather than several fragmented or even opposing views. When we study the history of the development of the Marxist view of religion, we can and should divide it into different developmental stages to clarify what specific judgments several generations of Chinese Communists—represented by Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin, and Hu Jintao—made regarding religion in different historical periods, or even what specific discourses Marx and Engels had in different periods. However, if we are to firmly establish a Marxist view of religion, we must deeply master the complete system of the unified Marxist view of religion that has been passed down and updated for over a hundred years from Marx to Hu Jintao. This system is a unified science that is continuously enriched, developed, and perfected along with the development of practice.
It is with ulterior motives that some attempt to sever or even oppose the Party’s innovative theories with the classic theories of Marx, Engels, and Lenin, using the excuse that the classic discourses were made under specific conditions for specific problems to deny their universal significance. Every judgment in the world is made under specific conditions for specific problems; if this is used as an excuse to deny universal significance, then all judgments of our predecessors would be negated. The concrete and the universal are a dialectical unity; universal truths exist within concrete discourses, and universal truths can only be expressed through concrete discourses. If we depart from the concrete discourses of Marx, Engels, and Lenin on the essence, origins, developmental laws, and social role of religion, as well as the Party’s basic attitude toward religion, and limit ourselves merely to certain innovative judgments of our Party in recent years on how to carry out religious work, it is fundamentally impossible to firmly establish a Marxist view of religion.
II. How to Understand and Grasp the Marxist View of Religion
This is the most direct basic theoretical and practical issue that needs to be clarified to firmly establish a Marxist view of religion. Based on the fundamental perspectives mentioned above regarding how to understand and treat the Marxist view of religion, I believe that currently, to correctly understand and grasp the Marxist view of religion, we should focus on mastering three basic principles:
(1) Upholding the basic principle of materialism and atheism
The Marxist view of religion is a scientific atheist view of religion based on dialectical materialism and historical materialism. To firmly establish a Marxist view of religion, one must first firmly establish the scientific worldview of dialectical materialism and historical materialism and resolutely oppose idealism and metaphysics. On the question of the relationship between spirit and matter, idealism and materialism are diametrically opposed, forming the first "pair" of the basic questions of philosophy: materialism explains spirit through matter, while idealism explains matter through spirit. The second "pair" of the basic questions of philosophy is metaphysics and dialectics: metaphysics views the world from an isolated, static, and one-sided perspective, whereas dialectics views the world from a connected, developing, and comprehensive perspective. Falling into idealism and metaphysics on the basic questions of philosophy often leads to theism in one's view of religion. I believe that the basic questions of philosophy should also include a third "pair": theism and atheism.
The question of theism versus atheism was solved even before Marxism. Engels did not discuss this pair because it was no longer necessary under the historical background of that time. In the early period of Reform and Opening-up, our philosophy textbooks did not discuss this pair because the influence of theism was very small then. But the situation today is different. Considering the restoration of capitalism and the low tide of world socialism since the drastic changes in Eastern Europe and the dissolution of the Soviet Union; considering the recent prevalence of neoliberalism, social democracy, and historical nihilism; considering the overflow of idealism, metaphysics, and theism; and considering the grim reality that the guiding status of Marxism has been shaken—it is very necessary to discuss the pair of theism and atheism in philosophy textbooks from now on. Comrade Li Ruihuan [23] particularly emphasized "studying philosophy and using philosophy." "Studying philosophy" must first resolve the three pairs: materialism vs. idealism, dialectics vs. metaphysics, and theism vs. atheism. Otherwise, you may know many philosophical concepts, and you might even write philosophical papers and monographs, but you will not necessarily be able to solve the problem of your own worldview. If you cannot establish a scientific worldview and methodology, then so-called "studying philosophy" is in vain, and "using philosophy" is out of the question. Studying philosophy requires reforming one's own subjective world and firmly establishing the scientific worldview and methodology of dialectical materialism and historical materialism before using them to guide social practice. Some people have studied Marxist philosophy for many years, yet他们 still believe in fortune-telling and feng shui; they believe in various forms of mysticism and supernatural powers; they believe in supernatural forces and mysterious states. Some professors of Marxist philosophy even believed in "Falun Gong." The fundamental ideological reason is that they did not properly resolve the three aforementioned pairs, especially the pair of theism versus atheism. Today, when all kinds of theism are flourishing and spreading widely, scientific atheism has become a "lost art" (juexue [24]). Without systematic knowledge, education, and training in scientific atheism, many people will simply be unable to deal with the ever-changing varieties of religious theism.
To resolve the duality between theism and atheism, one must profoundly grasp the core theories of the Marxist view of religion: namely, the view on the essence of religion and the view on the roots of religion. The essence of religion is theism—that is, the belief in and worship of supernatural powers and realms. This is nearly a point of consensus among various idealistic, materialistic, theistic, and atheistic views of religion. The fundamental difference between the Marxist view of religion and various idealistic or theistic views lies in its denial of all supernatural powers and realms, regarding them as nothing more than fantasies of the human brain. The profundity of the Marxist view of religion also resides in its perspective on the roots of religion: that all religious theism is merely a fantastic reflection in the minds of men of those external forces which control their daily life, a reflection in which the terrestrial forces assume the form of supernatural forces. In the words of Mao Zedong: "The essence of religion is the worship of supernatural forces, believing that supernatural forces dominate the individual, society, and the world. This is entirely caused by the fact of not recognizing natural and social forces." {11} Based on this, Comrade Jiang Zemin explicitly summarized three major roots for the emergence and existence of religious theism: natural roots, social roots, and cognitive roots. Comrade Hu Jintao stated that the emergence and existence of religion have profound historical, social, epistemological, and psychological roots. "Historical roots" refers to the natural and cognitive origins where religious concepts first arose; "social roots" refers to reality-based origins; "epistemological roots" refers to the idealism and metaphysics that lead people toward theology; and "psychological roots" refers to the emotional and volitional factors within the broad category of cognitive roots. As long as we earnestly master the scientific view of the essence and roots of religion, all manner of theistic concepts can be dispelled.
(2) Adhering to the Scientific Attitude of Dialectical Materialism and Historical Materialism
Upholding atheism and opposing theism is a rudimentary principle of all materialism, and thus a basic principle of Marxism. However, Marxism is not general materialism, but dialectical materialism and historical materialism. Therefore, we cannot one-sidedly emphasize the propagation of materialism and atheism or inappropriately exaggerate the significance of criticizing idealism and theism. Rather, we must comprehensively implement the Party's basic policy on religious work, persistently carry out religious work, and unite and lead both personages in religious circles and religious believers to contribute to economic development and social harmony.
To illustrate this point, I will quote at length from Lenin’s article "The Attitude of the Workers' Party to Religion." The distorted summaries known as the "opium theory" and "struggle theory" are related to certain people's misunderstanding and misinterpretation of this text:
"The whole world outlook of the Social-Democratic Party is based on scientific socialism, i.e., Marxism. The philosophical basis of Marxism, as Marx and Engels repeatedly declared, is dialectical materialism, which has fully embodied the historical traditions of the materialism of the eighteenth century in France and of Feuerbach in Germany in the first half of the nineteenth century—a materialism which is absolutely atheistic and resolutely hostile to all religion. We may point out that the whole of Engels’s Anti-Dühring (the manuscript of which Marx read) is an indictment of the materialist and atheist Dühring for not being a consistent materialist and for leaving loopholes for religion and religious philosophy...
"But Engels at the same time repeatedly condemned those who wanted to be 'more left' or 'more revolutionary' than the Social-Democrats, and who sought to introduce into the programme of the workers' party an explicit avowal of atheism, in the sense of declaring war on religion... Engels reproached the Blanquists for failing to understand that only the class struggle of the working masses could truly free the oppressed masses from the yoke of religion, by drawing the widest possible layers of the proletariat into conscious and revolutionary social practice from all sides. Consequently, to declare that the political task of the workers' party is to conduct a war against religion is nothing but anarchistic phrase-mongering. In 1877, in Anti-Dühring, while ruthlessly attacking even the slightest concessions made by the philosopher Dühring to idealism and religion, Engels no less ruthlessly condemned Dühring’s pseudo-revolutionary idea that religion should be prohibited in socialist society. To declare such a war on religion, Engels said, is to be 'more Bismarckian than Bismarck himself,' i.e., to repeat the folly of Bismarck’s struggle against the clericals (the notorious 'Kulturkampf' [25], the struggle Bismarck waged in the 1870s against the German Catholic Party, the 'Centre' party, by means of police persecutions of Catholicism). By this struggle Bismarck only stimulated the militant clericalism of the Catholics and only injured the cause of real culture, because he gave prominence to religious divisions rather than political divisions, and diverted the attention of some sections of the working class and of the other democratic elements from the urgent tasks of the revolutionary class struggle to the most superficial and false bourgeois anti-clericalism. Accusing the would-be ultra-revolutionary Dühring of wanting to repeat Bismarck’s folly in another form, Engels insisted that the workers' party should have the patience to organize and educate the proletariat, and so cause religion to wither away, instead of leaping into a political war against religion. This view has been fully adopted by German Social-Democracy, which, for example, advocated freedom for the Jesuits, their admission into Germany, and the complete abandonment of police methods of combating any particular religion. 'Religion is a private matter'—this famous point in the Erfurt Programme (1891) [26] defined the political tactics of Social-Democracy mentioned above." {12}
"Marxism is materialism. As such, it is as relentlessly hostile to religion as was the materialism of the eighteenth-century Encyclopaedists or the materialism of Feuerbach. This is beyond doubt. But the dialectical materialism of Marx and Engels goes further than the Encyclopaedists and Feuerbach, for it applies the materialist philosophy to the domain of history, to the domain of the social sciences. We must combat religion—that is the ABC of all materialism, and consequently of Marxism. But Marxism is not a materialism which has stopped at the ABC. Marxism goes further. It says: We must know how to combat religion, and in order to do so we must explain the source of faith and religion among the masses in a materialist way. The combat against religion must not be confined to abstract ideological preaching, and it must not be reduced to such preaching. It must be linked up with the concrete practice of the class movement, which aims at eliminating the social roots of religion... The roots of modern religion are the fear of the blind force of capital—blind because it cannot be foreseen by the masses of the people—a force which at every step in the life of the proletarian and small proprietor threatens to inflict, and does inflict on him, 'sudden,' 'unexpected,' 'accidental' ruin, destruction, pauperism, prostitution, and death from starvation. Such is the root of modern religion which the materialist must bear in mind first and foremost, if he does not want to remain an elementary-school materialist. No educational book can eradicate religion from the minds of masses who are crushed by capitalist hard labour, and who are at the mercy of the blind destructive forces of capitalism, until those masses themselves learn to fight this root of religion, fight the rule of capital in all its forms, in a united, organized, planned and conscious way.
"Does this mean that educational books against religion are harmful or unnecessary? No, nothing of the kind. It means that Social-Democratic atheist propaganda must be subordinated to its basic task—the development of the class struggle of the exploited masses against the exploiters." {13}
Marxists must, of course, adhere to and propagate atheism, but they must never exaggerate the significance of atheist propaganda, much less promote such propaganda to an improper primary position or treat the struggle against religious theism as the Party's primary task. Instead, atheist propaganda should be subordinated to the Party's basic task. The Party's basic task in the past was to overthrow capitalism; now, it is to build socialism and strive for the realization of communism. At present, we must particularly protect the legitimate rights and interests of religious citizens in a down-to-earth manner, and unite and lead them in jointly building socialism with Chinese characteristics; at the same time, we must never forget to adhere to and propagate atheism on the ideological and theoretical front.
General Secretary Hu Jintao pointed out: "We Chinese Communists are atheists and do not believe in any religion. However, we are also historical materialists and must view religion with a scientific and historical perspective, comprehensively recognizing the profound historical, social, and psychological roots of the emergence and existence of religion" {14}. He further stated: "Under new historical conditions, we must adhere to the Marxist stance, viewpoint, and method to comprehensively recognize the profound natural, social, epistemological, and psychological roots of religion's emergence and existence; comprehensively recognize the objective reality that religion will exist for a long time in socialist society; comprehensively recognize the complex situation in which religious issues are intertwined with political, economic, cultural, and ethnic factors; comprehensively recognize the special status of religious factors within contradictions among the people; and strive to explore and master the inherent laws of religion itself to continuously improve the level of religious work." {15}
Jiang Zemin pointed out: "When conducting atheist propaganda and education among the masses, we must distinguish it from the requirements for Party members, and integrate it with the concrete practice of building socialist 'two civilizations' [27]. We should be adept at using the materialist viewpoint to explain the roots of religious belief, work hard to improve people's scientific and cultural qualities, and prevent simplistic actions that wound the religious feelings of the believing masses or the use of administrative orders to force people to stop believing in religion." {16}
In the current process of building a socialist harmonious society, adhering to the scientific attitude of dialectical materialism and historical materialism requires the comprehensive implementation of the Party's basic policy on religious work. We must strengthen the unity between religious and non-religious masses, as well as between masses who believe in different religions, strive to maintain and promote harmony in religious relations, and leverage the active role of religious figures and believers in promoting economic development and social harmony.
(3) Adhering to a Unified System of Continuous Inheritance and Advancing with the Times
On the basis of profoundly understanding and grasping the previous two basic principles, a third principle should also be emphasized: further deepening the understanding and grasp of the theoretical system of the Marxist view of religion. This is a unified scientific system regarding the correct understanding and treatment of religion—founded by Marx and Engels, maintained and developed by Lenin, and further enriched and perfected by our Party—which is characterized by a continuous inheritance while advancing with the times. It is, in a broad sense, the Sinicized Marxist view of religion, the Marxist view of religion in contemporary China, and the religious theory of socialism with Chinese characteristics.
Many people assume that the so-called "religious theory of socialism with Chinese characteristics" refers only to the new assertions on religious issues and religious work made by our Party's second, third, and fourth generations of central collective leadership since the beginning of reform and opening up. This is a narrow understanding. It should be said that both the Marxist view of religion and the religious theory of socialism with Chinese characteristics have broad and narrow definitions. In a narrow sense, the Marxist view of religion refers only to the scientific view of religion embodied in the works of Marx and Engels (and in most cases includes Lenin's enrichment and development of it). In a broad sense, the Marxist view of religion includes the scientific view of religion of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin, and Hu Jintao, which constitutes a continuous inheritance while advancing with the times. In a narrow sense, the religious theory of socialism with Chinese characteristics refers only to the innovative assertions of our Party on religious issues and work since reform and opening up. In a broad sense, the religious theory of socialism with Chinese characteristics refers to the broad-sense Marxist view of religion. The basic principles of the Marxist view of religion were formulated by Marx and Engels, while Lenin enriched and developed them in many aspects. Our Party's primary contribution has been the systematization and modernization of these basic principles, particularly the formulation and implementation of a series of principles and policies for handling religious issues. Only by unifying the discourses of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and our Party can we constitute a systematized, Sinicized, and modernized Marxist view of religion for correctly understanding and treating religious issues. The Marxist view of religion that we must firmly establish should be this broad-sense Marxist view of religion, or the broad-sense religious theory of socialism with Chinese characteristics.
The basic principles of the Marxist view of religion are not a closed system of dogmas, but a guide to action that must continuously develop alongside the practice of socialist construction. Within the discursive context of Chinese-path modernization, the Sinicization of Marxist religious theory requires us to adhere to the principle of "upholding the fundamentals and breaking new ground." This entails both a firm grasp of the dialectical materialist world view and a creative application of these truths to the specific realities of China's religious landscape in the New Era.
Furthermore, we must recognize that the long-term nature of religion under socialism is a manifestation of the law of social development. As the economic base undergoes profound transformations, the superstructure—including religious consciousness—exhibits a degree of relative independence and inertia. Therefore, "governing the country according to the law" [28] must be integrated with the active guidance of religion to adapt to socialist society. This is not a strategy of administrative forced transition, but a process of "high-quality development" in the management of religious affairs, ensuring that religious circles and the masses of believers are united around the Party to contribute to the realization of the "original aspiration and founding mission" of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. To achieve this, we must "persist over the long term" and "seek truth from facts," avoiding both "the Four Winds" in religious work and any deviation from the mass line. Only by doing so can we build a healthy "political ecosystem" and consolidate the patriotic united front.
⑤ Collected Thematic Works of Lenin (On Dialectical Materialism and Historical Materialism), People's Publishing House, 2009 edition, p. 222. ⑥ Collected Thematic Works of Lenin (On Dialectical Materialism and Historical Materialism), People's Publishing House, 2009 edition, p. 222. ⑦ Deng Xiaoping, "Talk with a Delegation of Prominent British Personages." ⑧ Selected Documents on Religious Work in the New Period, Religious Culture Publishers, 1995 edition, pp. 200-201. ⑨ Selected Documents on Religious Work in the New Period, Religious Culture Publishers, 1995 edition, p. 184. ⑩ Selected Documents on Religious Work in the New Period, Religious Culture Publishers, 1995 edition, p. 201. {11} Collected Philosophical Annotations of Mao Zedong, Central Party Literature Press, 1988 edition, p. 214. {12} Collected Thematic Works of Lenin (On the Proletarian Party), People's Publishing House, 2009 edition, pp. 171-173. {13} Collected Thematic Works of Lenin (On the Proletarian Party), People's Publishing House, 2009 edition, pp. 174-175. {14} Selected Documents Since the 16th National Congress (Volume 2), Central Party Literature Press, 2008 edition, p. 554. {15} Xinhua News Agency, Beijing. {16} Selected Documents on Religious Work in the New Period, Religious Culture Publishers, 1995 edition, p. 184.
Author Biography: Jia Runguo is the Deputy Director and Senior Researcher at the Religious Research Center of the State Administration for Religious Affairs (SARA).