The Social Costs of Religious Belief: A Case Study of Gannan and Linxia Prefectures in Gansu Province

The relationship between religious belief and economic and social development is complex and multifaceted. It is undeniable that throughout the long course of human history, religion has exerted, and continues to exert, many positive effects and influences on economic and social development, particularly within people’s spiritual worlds. However, reality also demonstrates that if religion does not develop rationally or adapt well to contemporary society, it can, to a certain extent, become a primary cause of regional backwardness—especially in ethnic minority areas with intense religious fervor. This article, in analyzing the current state of religious, economic, and social development in Gansu, focuses primarily on Gannan and Linxia prefectures. It seeks to reveal the inhibitory effect of religion on the economic and social development of these regions, as well as the social costs paid by ethnic minority areas due to religious belief. The goal is to identify a cause for the poverty and backwardness in these regions, with the hope that religion can develop rationally in a modernizing China, adapt better to society, and play a larger and stronger positive role in the harmonious and sustainable development of Chinese society.

Gansu has been a multi-ethnic and multi-religious region since ancient times, home to all five major religions: Islam, Buddhism, Taoism, Catholicism, and Protestantism. Believers of these five religions are spread throughout the province. In the Gannan Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture and the Linxia Hui Autonomous Prefecture, the Tibetan, Hui, and other ethnic minority masses are essentially religious in their entirety. However, the state of local economic and social development is not optimistic; the local people live lives of poverty and backwardness. Among the seven counties and one city of Gannan Prefecture (Hezuo City, Lintan, Zhuoni, Zhugqu, Diebu, Maqu, Luqu, and Xiahe counties), five are national-level poverty-stricken counties (Lintan, Zhugqu, Zhuoni, Xiahe, and Hezuo City). In the seven counties and one city of Linxia Hui Autonomous Prefecture (Linxia City, Linxia, Yongjing, Hezheng, Guanghe, Kangle, Jishishan, and Dongxiang Autonomous County), all are national-level poverty-stricken counties except for Linxia City ^[1]. Naturally, the economic and social backwardness of ethnic regions involves geographical, climatic, transport-related, and historical factors. However, the local masses place all their hopes for changing their fate and seeking happiness in religion, investing excessively in religious belief; this further induces the poverty and backwardness of the region.

This is because religious belief possesses significant material elements: the need to construct, expand, and maintain religious venues; the food, clothing, housing, and transportation needs of the clergy; the materials essential for religious sacrificial rituals; and expenditures for religious festivals and activities. All of these require material wealth as a prerequisite and backbone. These massive expenditures are basically provided through donations from the local people. This places a gargantuan burden and pressure on the local populace, affecting the overall economic and social development of the area.

The inhibitory effect of religion on economic and social development is multifaceted and multi-layered. This article attempts to analyze and explore it from the following perspectives:

I. The consumption of human, material, and financial resources by religious belief

The construction, maintenance, and operation of religious venues, along with religious personnel and activities, consume vast amounts of human, material, and financial resources, thereby reducing the capacity of the people to engage in economic and social construction.

1. Construction and maintenance of religious venues Gansu has 6,771 approved religious activity venues, including 4,779 Islamic, 825 Buddhist, 804 Taoist, 287 Protestant, and 76 Catholic sites. There are also 1,923 unapproved religious venues, including 321 Islamic, 594 Buddhist, 792 Taoist, 188 Protestant, and 28 Catholic sites ^[2]. Most of these many religious venues have long histories and are vast in scale. Stepping into the Tibetan Buddhist monasteries of Gannan or the Islamic mosques and gongbei ^[3] of Linxia, any visitor would be filled with admiration for their scale, grandeur, and clean, orderly courtyards; some religious venues can absolutely be described as "magnificent and resplendent." One can only imagine the human, material, and financial resources expended herein.

Large numbers of construction workers, vast quantities of building materials, and huge sums of money are invested in the construction of these religious venues. Sometimes the construction of a single monastery or gongbei lasts for many years; even building a single gatehouse can take several years and cost hundreds of thousands or even millions of yuan. Because of the sacred nature of religion, the building materials used are generally the finest available, sometimes transported from great distances, making the costs much higher than those of ordinary buildings. The processing of materials is also meticulous, requiring experienced and skilled craftsmen to carve and polish them, which is more time-consuming and labor-intensive than ordinary materials.

Furthermore, the maintenance of every religious venue, the vast array of religious facilities (including various statues and ritual implements), and daily necessities (water, electricity, etc.) expend significant human, material, and financial resources. When we walk into the various temples, monasteries, and gongbei of Gannan and Linxia, we are moved by the numerous magnificent statues, decorative items, and clean courtyards. Where did these facilities come from? Why are these massive architectural complexes and courtyards so clean and orderly? Without a doubt, this is the result of human effort, not divine power. These were funded, fashioned, and purchased by the local masses; they are the result of the labor of numerous maintenance, caretaking, and cleaning staff. One can imagine the magnitude of the cost, but these funds essentially derive from the donations of local believers—they all come from the common people. This inevitably places great pressure on their lives and reduces their capacity for economic and social construction.

2. Religious Clergy The operation of religious venues is inseparable from a large number of clergy. Among the five major religions in Gansu, there are currently over 20,000 religious personnel, including 5,042 in Islam, 12,000 in Buddhism, 2,826 in Taoism, 295 in Protestantism, and 135 in Catholicism ^[4]. These clergy members do not participate in productive activities; all their living expenses come from society—specifically from the believers in their parishes. This inevitably brings various burdens and pressures to the believers and local society, affecting the coordinated development of the economy and society. "In a society, a large number of clergy specializing in religious activities implies a reduction in the number of workers engaged in productive labor, and the expenditures required to maintain them will necessarily increase" ^[5].

Reality shows that this large body of clergy is a "mixed bag" ^[6]. Among them are many talented, capable, knowledgeable, and ideologically progressive patriots; there are also reactionary elements who are anti-people, anti-society, and anti-state; and there are some ignorant individuals without independent thought who simply follow the crowd. It is undeniable that the ideologically progressive patriots have contributed to social harmony, stability, and healthy development, leaving behind many fine stories in history and daily life while creating spiritual wealth for humanity—they are indispensable to the people's lives. However, those reactionary elements, incited by anti-China forces at home and abroad, have also caused great disasters for society. Successive social riots involving ethnic and religious issues are clear evidence of this, such as the "March 14" incident in 2008 and the "July 5" incident in 2009 ^[7].

3. Religious Activities Various religious venues such as monasteries and temples frequently hold religious activities, and believers often go there to pray or worship. Religious activity itself is a form of economic consumption. During these activities, the food and clothing of monks and priests, the burning of large quantities of incense, paper, and candles, and the use of various props and offerings all consume many resources.

Religious consumption is a non-productive form of consumption with a strong parasitic nature, relying mainly on the alms of believers. This imposes a burden and pressure on believers in terms of financial, material, and human resources. Mr. Robert Barro believes that, at a given level of belief, more frequent attendance at church services is detrimental to economic development because excessive resources are invested in religious activities while the output—the degree of religious piety—remains unchanged, thereby restricting economic investment ^[8].

While serving religious faith, these activities often require believers to engage in various donation drives to raise funds for the religion's own expansion. The fundraising and economic accumulation of religion allow religious venues and organizations to possess vast wealth, but simultaneously, the income and wealth of believers and the masses are greatly reduced. The most direct impact of religion on the economy lies in the fact that religious consumption diverts large amounts of wealth from the production process to non-productive fields.

In many parts of Gannan and Linxia, the sharp contrast between magnificent temple architecture and the dilapidated housing of believers is a vivid portrayal of this situation. Among some ethnic minorities with backward productive forces, religious consumption seriously hinders productive accumulation, the expansion of reproduction, and even the development of productive forces. This is not only a historical summary but an economic law: such a situation inevitably leads to a massive accumulation of social wealth in religious groups that cannot be used for social expanded reproduction. If this reaches a level beyond what the socio-economy can bear, the people's ability to engage in economic and social construction will be greatly impaired, leading to the general impoverishment of a regional society. This directly results in the poverty of believers' lives and the lagging development of local economic and social undertakings.

II. Irrational occupation of land resources by religious venues

Religious venues occupy large amounts of fertile farmland, reducing the available land for cultivation and the space needed for economic and social development. At the same time, this causes irrationality and chaos in construction space, leading to many thorny conflicts and disputes in society.

As mentioned above, the construction of thousands of monasteries, temples, and churches in Gansu requires the occupation of vast amounts of land, and some monasteries are in a state of continuous expansion. In Gannan and Linxia, walking along certain streets and fields, you will find a temple or church every short distance; one could say religious architecture is visible everywhere. Due to the mystical nature of religion, the construction of religious venues emphasizes feng shui ^[9] and geographical positioning, so these many religious venues are basically built on sections of land with relatively good geographical locations. Furthermore, as the number of people visiting these venues increases, the demand for roads also increases sharply. Consequently, many roads of varying scales that are difficult to plan holistically occupy even more land. This results in a significant reduction in land used for local production, daily life, and social development, posing a threat to the livelihoods and development of the local people.

The construction of numerous religious venues also leads to extreme irrationality and chaos in construction space. Due to the sacred nature of religion, there is significant resistance to the relocation of religious venues. Therefore, many localities encounter great difficulties when carrying out overall construction planning and try their best to avoid monasteries. This results in irrationality and chaos in local construction space, affecting the overall development of the area. In Gannan and Linxia, there are situations where civilian houses are inside monasteries and monasteries are inside civilian courtyards, leading to irreconcilable conflicts and disputes between the monasteries and the public. This creates great difficulties for the work of the local government, and improper handling of such issues could even trigger social instability.

III. The massive consumption of time and energy by religious activities

Gansu province has approximately 3.44 million religious believers of various kinds, accounting for 13.15% of the total population ^[10]. The Tibetan and Muslim masses in Gannan and Linxia are essentially religious in their entirety. Religious venues such as monasteries and temples frequently hold religious activities of varying scales, all of which require the participation of believers. Some of these activities last for a long time, during which all individual and family affairs must be subordinated to the religious activity and temporarily suspended. In addition to these collective religious activities, the daily devotional activities of believers at home or in temples are also a mandatory part of their lives. In many Buddhist monasteries in Gannan, many devout believers bring offerings every day, spending vast amounts of time and energy performing "prostrations" ^[11], chanting sutras, and worshipping. In Linxia, no matter where you go, the sound of the mosque's call will be heard from time to time; local people have habitually treated it as their own daily schedule. In the mosques, one can frequently see the figures of Muslims praying and hear the voice of the Ahong ^[12] chanting. One cannot help but wonder how much time and energy they spend on religious faith. This significantly detracts from the time and energy they could spend on improving their living standards or developing economic and social undertakings. While being moved by their piety, looking at the backward living conditions and social status of the local people, one cannot help but think of people in large cities who work against the clock to improve their living standards—thereby achieving developed urban economies and societies—whereas these parishioners invest vast amounts of time and energy into religious activities. This inevitably affects the improvement of local living standards and the overall development of the region.

IV. The shackles of religion on people's thinking

In essence, every religion rejects the pursuit of material interests, considering the blind pursuit of wealth to be shameful and immoral. Religion either advocates for the purification of the heart and the reduction of desires ^[13] in pursuit of immortality, or exhorts people to distance themselves from desire, fame, and fortune during their earthly lives to achieve a beautiful afterlife or enter heaven and the Western Paradise ^[14] after death. For instance, the Buddhist tradition pursues the transcendental rather than secular interests. Traditional Christianity also does not pursue quick success and instant benefits ^[15], but rather views wealth as illusory, dangerous, and something to be abandoned. Taoism, even more so, advocates a world-view and value system based on "world-detachment" ^[16]. This traditional religious avoidance of profit is detrimental to the development of a market economy. Consequently, in Gannan, many believers prefer to set aside their labor every day, take offerings to the temples, and spend the entire day prostrating, chanting sutras, and worshipping. In the mosques of Linxia, one can see Muslims in prayer at any time. The center of life for people in these religious areas is not productive activity or economic engagement; rather, it revolves tightly around religion. Their daily lives, and even their entire lives, are lived for their religious faith, for the pursuit of an illusory afterlife and immortality. Influenced and constrained by the conservative concepts of these religious canons and doctrines, the believing masses remain content with the status quo or place their hopes in the afterlife. This inevitably leads to a loss of momentum for initiative and development, reducing people's enthusiasm for engaging in legitimate economic activities and social undertakings, which results in overall social poverty.

V. Conclusion

From the above analysis, we can see that the inhibition of regional economic and social development by religion is multifaceted. From the consumption of material wealth to the occupation of land, and from the expenditure of time to the shackling of thought, this inhibitory effect penetrates every aspect of social life in religious areas. Believers in these areas have thus paid a massive social price. Although there are many reasons for the poverty and backwardness of religious regions, an inappropriate religious burden is one of the causes of the low living standards and lagging social development of the people. In contemporary Chinese society, where the international situation is complex and volatile, and where domestic and foreign ethnic reactionary elements and religious extremists are "restless and ready to move" ^[17], we must consider how to better guide religion under the guidance of the Scientific Outlook on Development ^[18]. We must minimize the negative social effects of religion and allow it to develop rationally to better adapt to contemporary Chinese society, playing a role in the harmonious and sustainable development of society. This is the common endeavor toward which our state, government, religious figures, and all sectors of society should strive.

Notes: ① Economics Forum. http://cache.tianya.cn/publicforum/Content/develop/l/107201.shtml ② Gansu Provincial Conditions Data Manual—2008–2009. Party School of the CPC Gansu Provincial Committee, 2009. ③ Gansu Provincial Conditions Data Manual—2008–2009. Party School of the CPC Gansu Provincial Committee, 2009. ④ Luo Li. "The Relationship between Religion and Economy" [J]. Journal of Southwest University for Nationalities, 2006 (6). Page 76. ⑤ Luo Li. "The Relationship between Religion and Economy" [J]. Journal of Southwest University for Nationalities, 2006 (6). Page 76. ⑥ Gansu Provincial Conditions Data Manual—2008–2009. Party School of the CPC Gansu Provincial Committee, 2009.

About the Author: Liu Xiaoxiong is a teacher in the Department of Sociology, School of Politics and Law, Northwest Normal University.