Anti-Cultism Is a Move for Civilization, and the Intellectual Community Needs to Shoulder Responsibility: Commemorating the 10th Anniversary of the China Anti-Cult Association
The struggle against cults in China, marked by the banning of "Falun Gong," has now spanned more than a decade. There are many experiences worth summarizing and issues that require reflection. From the perspective of our nation’s history and its intellectual and cultural heritage, the opposition to cults is a civilizing act; regarding the development of modern society, guarding against the emergence of cults has practical significance for political stability, economic development, national security, social harmony, and cultural progress. The intellectual community should attend to those ideas and public opinions prone to breeding cults and shoulder the social responsibility of advancing social civilization and progress.
I. Cults are Rooted in Shamanic Cultural Traditions; Anti-Cult efforts have a Long Historical Record
"Cult" (xiejiào [1]) is a specific term within the Chinese linguistic system. It stands in opposition to "Orthodoxy" (zhengjiào), serving as its antithesis. However, in different historical periods and within different social entities, the objects it refers to and its actual content have varied greatly. For instance, in the antagonism between different religious sects, the label of "cult" was often used to characterize or disparage the opponent. But from the perspective of the state, "cults" mostly refer to secret organizations that pretend to commune with spirits, spread rumors to delude the public, and harm society and the people through congregations and associations; some refer to social groups that engage in illegal and criminal activities under the guise of religion. Therefore, in contemporary China, cults belong to the category of jurisprudence and are objects directly prohibited by law. They are not the same concept as our country's legal religions, which enjoy the freedom of religious belief as stipulated in the Constitution. Some individuals at home and abroad deliberately conflate these two concepts, either performing cultist acts in the name of religion or labeling cults as religions. This has led hostile foreign forces to equate our domestic cults with religion, supporting them in stirring up trouble within our borders and providing sanctuary to fugitive cult leaders to serve as anti-China tools, thereby becoming a major scourge threatening social stability and national security. Yet, as an intellectual and cultural phenomenon, cults embody ignorance and backwardness, running counter to the historical process of scientific civilization. They cause harm to physical and mental health and destroy family happiness and harmony. Consequently, they drew the attention of our ancestors across the generations, and to this day, people of high ideals have continued the struggle against them without interruption.
The devotional forms of most cults are very similar to traditional folk beliefs. Folk beliefs have deep historical accumulation and a broad mass base; once a cult forms within them, it travels with the speed of the wind. For example, the recent generation and outbreak of cults is the malignant result of taking traditional qigong [2], mystifying and organizing it, leading to its morbid expansion and descent into criminality. Folk beliefs are a component of national culture—rich, diverse, and containing both wheat and chaff—and must be treated with caution. How to achieve a vibrant national form and healthy lifestyle content, while continuously transforming outdated customs [3] and weeding through the old to bring forth the new, is a task of mass cultural work. Summing them up, however, they can mostly be traced back to the origin of "Shamanism" (Wu [4]).
Regarding the origin of Chinese culture, many scholars trace it back to the Wu. The characteristics of Wu culture have two levels: first is the spirit of the Wu, which views human agency as a force that can decide and drive everything. This formed a national character of "relying on oneself rather than others" and "man can conquer nature," resulting in a religious conception where "creationism" and "the one god" have no place. All deities must be subject to and serve human needs, making the creation, canonization, and even the destruction of gods a cultural norm. Spontaneous atheism was implemented in all areas of practical life; this is the primitive form of our country’s humanism, which posits "man as the foundation" and "the people as most precious." Second is the sorcery of the Wu, which attempts to use various man-made means to probe unknown realms, including foretelling the future, controlling disasters, and achieving well-being—the so-called "seeking fortune and avoiding disaster" or "turning bad luck into good." This even extends to deciding life and death, influencing the fate of the state, or "turning heaven and earth" (niuzhuan qiankun). This gave rise to a vast and endless variety of practices: divination, physiognomy, stargazing, fengshui, the "eight characters" of birth (shengchen bāzì [5]), the Yin-Yang and Five Elements [6], sorcerous curses, summoning spirits, and exorcising demons.
The spirit of the Wu is precious, but human energy cannot be infinitely magnified, let alone mystified. The sorcery of the Wu is ignorant, yet it occupies a huge proportion of folk belief. Beginning from the Pre-Qin period, the mystification of the human body and the worship of sorcery merged, forming a unique pathway for seeking or becoming an immortal (xian [7]), which became popular among the powerful and wealthy classes. Parallel to this, voices and forces questioning and opposing such methods never ceased. This formed two opposing trends of thought that profoundly influenced the direction of Chinese culture. In the long history of feudal society, at least two instances are worth mentioning:
The first traces back from the Warring States period to the Qin and Han dynasties, the incipient period of "Divine Immortal Arts." Kings Wei and Xuan of Qi and King Zhao of Yan all sent people across the sea in search of the three "immortal mountains" of Penglai, Fangzhang, and Yingzhou described by occultists (fangshi [8]). Qin Shi Huang trusted these occultists and sent thousands of young boys and girls into the sea to seek immortals; he believed the words of the scholar Lu Sheng, searching everywhere for magic herbs and the elixir of immortality. Ultimately discovering that this was all a series of scams, he settled the matter with resolute suppression, creating the famous "burning of books and burying of scholars" incident. Emperor Wu of Han was himself superstitious regarding various shamans, patronizing a large group of occultists like Li Shaojun, Dong Zhongjun, Shao Weng, and Luan Da. He used rituals to the Stove God and "grain-abstention" (bigǔ [9]) to pray for longevity; he invented necromancy to summon souls back to their forms; he built the Ganquan Palace, erected sacrificial altars, and commissioned portraits of immortals, waiting for them to descend. Naturally, these many new tricks could only be scams; the end for the occultists was no better—they were either killed or forced to flee.
Sima Qian, in the Records of the Grand Historian (Shǐjì), recorded the illustrious contributions of the Qin and Han emperors to the development of the Chinese nation, while simultaneously expressing extreme contempt for their superstitious pursuit of becoming gods and immortals. However, he did not summarize this from a cognitive level; except for noting the physical elimination of the sorcerers by administrative means, it seems no one at the time stood up to argue against the absurdity of the occult arts through reason.
The second instance occurred during the late Eastern Han and Three Kingdoms period. Its characteristic was the transformation of shamanic sorcery into "Taoist arts" (daoshu), shifting from a personal behavior between emperors and occultists into a social movement. The famous Yellow Turban Rebellion and peasant revolts first raised the banner of "The Way" (Dao) to call upon and organize the masses. Warlords also used the name of "The Way" to engage in feudal fragmentation and chaotic warfare. Consequently, shamanic sorcery—represented as Taoist arts—was recognized as a factor of social instability. This realization became a consensus particularly within the Cao-Wei [10] group, which strengthened its vigilance; however, the strategy they adopted was completely different from the simple executions of the Qin and Han.
According to the annotations in the "Biography of Hua Tuo" in the Book of Wei of the Records of the Three Kingdoms, citing Cao Pi’s On Authority (Diǎnlù):
Xié Jiǎn of Yǐngchuān could abstain from grain and consume poria. Gān Shǐ of Gānlíng was also skilled in "circulating breath" (xìngqì), appearing young despite his old age. Zuǒ Cí of Lújiāng knew the arts of "supplementing and guiding" (bǔdǎo). All were appointed as military officers. Initially, when Jiǎn arrived, the market price of poria surged several times. Li Tan, a court official from Anping, studied grain-abstention from him; after eating poria and drinking cold water, he suffered such severe diarrhea that he nearly died. Later, when Gān Shǐ arrived, everyone stared in awe and followed him, practicing breathing and expiration. Dǒng Fēn, a military counselor from Hongnong, overdid it; his breath became blocked and he didn't regain consciousness for a long time. When Zuǒ Cí arrived, people competed to receive his arts of "supplementing and guiding"; even the eunuch Yán Jùn went to inquire and receive instruction, despite eunuchs having no use for such arts. People's pursuit of fame and fad has reached such a state!
During the Guānghé era, Wáng Hépíng of Běihǎi was also fond of Taoist arts and considered himself an immortal. Sūn Yōng of Jìnán studied under him from a young age and followed him to the capital. When Hépíng died of illness, Yōng buried him in Dōngtáo, placing over a hundred volumes of books and several bags of medicine in the grave. Later, a disciple named Xià Róng claimed Hépíng had achieved "corpse liberation" (shījiě [11]). Sūn Yōng deeply regrets to this day that he did not take those precious books and immortal medicines. Liú Xiàng was deluded by the "Hóngbǎo" theories, and Jūn Yóu was dazzled by Zǐ Zhèng’s words. From ancient times to the present, are such fools and errors limited to just one person?
Cao Zhi also recorded this incident in his Essay on Debating the Way (Biàndàolùn).
From their records, we can see that the focus of Taoist arts at that time had already shifted away from seeking immortals in external places like high mountains and distant seas, or becoming immortal through external help. The three major methods mentioned—abstention from grain, circulating breath, and "supplementing and guiding"—all focused on finding the path to "longevity" within the human body itself, asserting that through human actions, one could achieve the goals of curing illness, extending life, and becoming an immortal. "Grain-abstention" was not complete fasting, but rather replacing grains with "consuming poria." "Circulating breath" or "circulating breath and guiding" (xìngqì dǎoyǐn) is quite similar to modern-day qigong. "Supplementing and guiding" referred to "arts of the bedchamber" (fángzhòngzhīshù). These three were precisely the components of our earlier "qigong fever," showing how ancient their origins truly are. What were the actual effects? The brothers Cao Pi and Cao Zhi observed them personally and revealed that these occultists indeed possessed high deceptive abilities, to the point where they could make deceived officials and literati obsessed to an irrational degree.
First was "appearing young despite old age"; Cao Zhi even said they "all claimed to be three hundred years old," which established an extraordinary, mystical image for themselves, compelling people to bow in awe. Second, the goals they proposed were highly seductive, causing followers to follow blindly: "grain-abstention" caused the price of poria to skyrocket, and those who consumed it improperly "nearly died"; "circulating breath" had the highest popularity, "everyone stared in awe and followed him, practicing breathing and expiration," leading some to suffer "deviations" where their "breath became blocked"; and the attraction of "bedchamber arts" was such that even eunuchs, who were sexually incapacitated, "went to inquire and receive instruction." Thus, Cao Pi sighed: "People's pursuit of fame and fad has reached such a state." He specifically mentioned that if people indulge in such arts, they lose their reason even in the face of the most blatant nonsense: Wang Heping of Beihai believed he was an immortal and had "over a hundred volumes of books and several bags of medicine"; Sun Yong of Jinan served him as a master. When Heping died of illness, Sun Yong buried these books and medicines with him. However, one of Heping's disciples claimed his master hadn't truly died but had achieved "corpse liberation," and Sun was filled with extraordinary regret: why hadn't he kept those precious books and immortal medicines for himself? A collection of burial objects that couldn't even save the owner's own life, yet he still wanted to use them to become an immortal. No wonder Cao Pi said: "From ancient times to the present, are such fools and errors limited to just one person?" To believe whatever one hears, being foolish and absurd—this was the conclusion of the Cao-Wei group regarding how the obsession with Taoist arts could become a fad. Rational deduction and actual investigation were the basis for this judgment.
Cao Zhi emphasized explaining Cao Cao’s policy toward these "Taoist arts" from a political perspective: "There are occultists in the world, and my King has summoned them all... the reason they were eventually gathered in the State of Wei was for fear that such people would join with rebels to deceive the masses and practice evil to delude the people. It was certainly not because he wished to see immortals at Yingzhou or seek Anqi on a sea island..." From such "small matters," one can see why Cao Cao became an outstanding politician rather than a muddled king. As the literary members of the Cao group, they considered the occultists' boasts "nothing but a joke to the King, the Prince, and us brothers, and we believed none of it." But as the political wing of the Cao group, they remained cool-headed: not only did they refuse to be deceived, but they resolutely isolated these people from contact with the grassroots masses, making it impossible for them to "deceive the masses" or "delude the people."
Mr. Lu Xun [12] said: "China originally believed in Shamanism. Since the Qin and Han, the talk of immortals flourished. At the end of the Han, the Shamanic wind blew strongly again, and the way of ghosts grew ever more blazing." To see how large a proportion this Shamanic wind once occupied in our traditional culture, and how it transformed from superstition or "jokes" into magnificent myths and legends, one can read the general outline in Mr. Lu Xun's A Brief History of Chinese Fiction.
After the Wei and Jin dynasties, the "Three Teachings" of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism stood together. However, shamanic sorcery did not disappear. it maintained inextricably linked connections with Taoism and folk beliefs. The state's ruling groups generally took a dual approach: if the sorcery did not seriously affect social order and political stability, they basically ignored it and let it take its own course; once it threatened social and political security, it would be banned and suppressed. Since the Song Dynasty, this contradiction most notably transformed into a form of organization and struggle for oppressed peasants resisting the ruling groups. This caused the nature of the struggle between sorcery and anti-sorcery, as well as the criteria for evaluating them, to change—although fundamentally, it did not change the ignorant nature of sorcery itself.
II. The "Spiritualist" Form of Modern Sorcery and the "Science and Democracy" Content of Anti-Sorcery
Between the late Qing Dynasty and the early Republic of China, the state polity underwent drastic changes, and shamanic sorcery flourished accordingly. It took the form of "spiritualism" (língxué) among the intelligentsia, reflecting the ideological sentiments and political inclinations of the remnants of feudalism. In contrast, anti-spiritualism embodied the spirit of "Science and Democracy," aligning with the New Culture Movement [13] initiated by the "May Fourth Movement."
"Spiritualism" is the product of the combination of Western Spiritism and Chinese sorcery; Spiritism enhanced the reputation of sorcery, while sorcery provided Spiritism with traditional Chinese forms. This ideological struggle originated from a chance event in 1916. That year, a 10-year-old child known as a "prodigy" published Illustrated Explanations of the Three Thousand Great Thousand Worlds, intended to denounce the situation where "materialists claim there is no Heavenly Emperor or ghosts and spirits" and how this had "become a prevailing custom." It aimed to let people "know the magnitude of the harm it brings, which will lead to the mutual destruction of all people and things on the globe," and to ensure that "everyone under heaven respects and fears Heaven"—this prodigy was vigorously promoted by the American Gilbert Reid [14], gaining nationwide fame for a time, where "Heaven" here implicitly carried the meaning of "God." In October 1917, Yu Fu of the Zhonghua Book Company, along with intellectuals like Lufei Kui, established the "Altar of Victorious Virtue" and organized a "Spiritualist Society." In early 1918, the Shanghai Spiritualist Society was formally established and began publishing the Spiritualist Magazine. In the same year, Western "psychical research" groups introduced via Japan also entered Shanghai. In Beijing, with the remnant elders of the imperial party as the backbone, the "Society for the Awakening to Goodness" was established, the "Altar of Expansive Goodness" was built, and the Spiritualist Records was published. This drove the revitalization of national superstitious sects [15], which to a considerable extent dominated the social and cultural atmosphere of the time.
Among the magical arts used this time, three were relatively novel: first, a "technique" imported from the West: "spirit photography"; second, a "tradition" dating back to the Song Dynasty: "planchette writing" [16]; and third, the ancient practice of "quiet sitting." These were wedded to the newly imported "psychics (including hypnotism)," together becoming the primary forms of spiritualism. Consequently, spiritualism's attitude toward science appeared extremely bizarre: on one hand, it flew the flag of science to demonstrate its trendiness and reliability, resulting in "dragging science here and there, mixing it with ghost stories, blurring the line between right and wrong until even science took on a demonic air"; yet fundamentally, it "hates science most, because science can make principles clear and people's thinking lucid, disallowing fraudulent nonsense, so it naturally becomes the nemesis of those who tell ghost stories." (Collected Works of Lu Xun, Vol. 1, p. 298).
The representative figures who initiated and participated in this spiritualist movement also fell into three categories: first, the new-style men of letters, such as Yu Fu, the owner of the recently established Zhonghua Book Company, Lufei Kui, and Ding Fubao; second, bureaucratic celebrities, such as Li Yuanhong, who had served as Grand President, and the Englishman Reginald Johnston, the tutor to Puyi; third, the leaders of superstitious sects, such as Peng Ruzun, the head of the "Society for Common Goodness" and the "Gate of Ritual." Therefore, the composition was complex, with followers spread across the country, often numbering in the millions. Among them, the support of Yan Fu was particularly unexpected. Yan Fu was one of the first advanced figures to seek truth from the West to save the nation; he translated and introduced Thomas Huxley’s Evolution and Ethics, rendering meritorious service in enlightening the people. However, in his later years, he turned toward conservatism. In 1915, he joined the "Chouan Hui" (Society for National Peace) to support Yuan Shikai’s self-proclamation as emperor. Ideologically, he used his Western knowledge to prove that humans could "project the spirit and leave the soul" and that the soul was immortal; that the "great utility of the human mind" made intention omnipotent. He thus provided support for the feudal superstitions of the time—the ignorant activities serving the restoration of the imperial system.
From this, one can see the commonalities of spiritualism: hostility toward science, the restoration of the imperial system, and the subversion of the newly established Republic. The core concept was "saving the nation through ghosts and spirits." The slogan that best embodied the essence of spiritualism was stated by Yu Fu in the Spiritualist Magazine: "If the theory of ghosts and spirits does not spread, the life of the nation will be cut short." Advocating the "theory of ghosts and spirits" became the most prominent hallmark of this cultural phenomenon.
As soon as spiritualism emerged, it was directly attacked by the pioneers of the "May Fourth Movement." Chen Duxiu, Li Dazhao, Lu Xun, Qian Xuantong, and Chen Daqi all published articles. Lu Xun, primarily from the perspective of defending science, pointed out that the gentlemen of the Confucian and Daoist schools "directly shift the evil consequences of a history of purely playing with ghosts and neglecting human affairs onto science; they do not ask what morality is or what science is, but simply talk nonsense and spread rumors, causing the compatriots to be exceptionally confused and shrouding society in a demonic air." Liu Bannong directly denounced the members of the Spiritualist Society as "treacherous people" and "monsters." Qian Xuantong called on the youth to rise up and eliminate this band of nonsense-spouting demons. Chen Duxiu wrote articles supporting the struggle of the Xiangtan Daily against the Society for Common Goodness, calling spiritualism "heretical doctrine" and exposing them particularly from a political angle: "Most of those who believe in heretical doctrines are the most corrupt elements of the political and military circles," and "these heretical doctrines—contain the function of restoration." Relevant materials were compiled by Professor Yu Guangyuan in his book Critique of So-called Parapsychology, allowing us to see in a concentrated manner the unambiguous and clear stance of the May Fourth figures in defending the scientific spirit and democratic system, as well as the enlightening role they played in promoting social civilization and progress.
This wave of spiritualism and its accompanying superstitious sect activities were severely struck during the Great Revolution and the Northern Expedition, but the clearing of it as a cultural phenomenon was far from sufficient. The New Culture Movement’s denunciations and rejections of it were more frequent than ideological analysis; the subsequent "Science vs. Metaphysics" debate for the first time proposed the important position of science in the formation of a life outlook and moral construction, but its scope of influence was small. Thus, neither solved the root problem of why the sorcery-ghost theory possessed such tenacious vitality. As late as 1931, when Xu Dishan wrote Research on Planchette Superstition, he still noted with distress: "For decades, many people have received higher education and should seemingly hold a scientific attitude toward things, yet quite a few of these people believe in the planchette; one can only heave a great sigh for the future of scholarship."
III. The Scientific Camouflage of Traditional Sorcery and the Promotion of the Scientific Spirit—From the Tide of "Somatic Science" and Deified Qigong to the Formation and Defeat of the Cult "Falun Gong"
History repeats itself with strange frequency. The most recent flourishing of sorcery began in the early period of Reform and Opening Up, also starting from a child. In March 1979, a certain newspaper reported: "A child capable of recognizing characters with his ears has been discovered in Dazu County." Once the news broke, it immediately flew across the land of China, shaking all strata and industries. First was the political circle; voices of cultivation and support came from provincial and ministerial-level Party and government officials. Next were the theoretical authorities on the study of Marxism and Mao Zedong Thought. But it was the scientific community, viewing it as the latest "scientific revolution," that played the greatest role in its promotion. Unlike before, it also flooded through the science and technology system, physical education management system, and culture and education system through state institutions and administrative structures; the mass media bragged about it almost unilaterally. Its activities also had characteristics of the era: First, there was a guiding theory, the so-called "Marxist View of the Human-Heaven Relationship"; simultaneously, it was declared a discipline transcending and opposing modern science, named "Somatic Science" (人体科学). Because it asserted that the human body itself possessed endless supernatural and miraculous abilities, it was called "Exceptional Functions of the Human Body" (人体特异功能). It was believed that its discovery and application would usher in a "Second Renaissance" and was a sign of humanity entering a "New Era." Second, it used traditional "qigong" as a carrier, with the practical goals of curing disease, fitness, longevity, and achieving immortality, giving it broad mass participation, ease of operation, and a rapid, cheap effectiveness that required no medical visits or medication. Third, its power was claimed to be infinitely great, capable of directly controlling and influencing any object, whether person or thing; it could be used in the military, to resist natural disasters, foresee the future, and subdue enemies, thus exerting influence in areas of research and experimentation urgently needed by our country, including military science. Fourth, it claimed to be another mode of thinking outside of logical, dialectical, and image-based thinking, dubbed "exceptional thinking"; as soon as the "intention" (意念) arrived, "wishes were immediately fulfilled." Therefore, it demanded that the current educational system adapt to the need for developing "exceptional thinking," and thus campuses became experimental bases for exceptional functions, and children became the primary subjects of experimentation. According to statistics, up to 1982, in less than three years, over a thousand "exceptional people" emerged nationwide, the vast majority being teenagers; 68 universities and more than 30 scientific research institutes were involved in development and research. The earliest leader, and the most shocking, was a department director and professor at Peking University who conducted "universal experiments" on the "exceptional functions" of children of over 40 faculty members, published in Shanghai’s Nature Journal around 1979 and 1980, followed by more than 10 other universities. Based on this, the founder of Somatic Science said: "The development of human potential will bring about a huge reform of China’s educational system and methods"; "If China is to establish itself, it must lead in intellectual development, which links to somatic science, exceptional functions, and qigong"; "If the achievements of somatic science are applied to the cultivation of people, we can find the laws from human exceptional functions and unearth human potential—it will not just be that everyone can become a sage, but everyone will become an 'immortal'." A university teacher and writer planned a "talent strategy" for our country: "Applying exceptional function training to education and the cultivation of talent will produce a large number of talents with high wisdom and knowledge for the 21st century. By then, China will stand at the peak of the world's forest of wisdom."
Similarly, this "deified qigong" movement driven by "exceptional functions" was questioned by all sectors as soon as it reared its head. The first to stand up and speak were two scholars—the educator Ye Shengtao and the popular science writer Zhou Jianren. In May 1979, Ye Shengtao published an article criticizing "recognizing characters with ears," saying: "The seriousness of the problem also lies in the fact that some schools actually told primary school students to conduct experiments one by one to find those who can hear characters with their ears. Please think, what kind of education is such an experiment for primary school students! Yesterday I met Comrade Zhou Jianren, who is also concerned about this matter. He said that today, while pursuing the Four Modernizations [17], such things occurring is simply losing face for China—I earnestly pray that the relevant comrades and units, as well as those who are not involved but do similar work, can take a lesson from this, and believe that such fooling around will not do. At the very least, one should learn a little scientific knowledge and a little materialism to effectively do their own work and contribute to the Four Modernizations."
A researcher from the Wuhan Institute of Physics of the Chinese Academy of Sciences appealed as a mother to "save the children." In May 1979, regarding the testing of "exceptional children" in Hubei, she said: "What makes me sad is using this method to teach children to be fraudulent. As a mother, I appeal: to protect the physical health of children, do not put the spiritual shackles of 'recognizing characters with ears' on these innocent children anymore."
Thereafter, as exceptional functions expanded rapidly into the realms of science and education, more scholars publicly expressed opposition. Comrade Li Chang, then-Chairman of the Presidium of the Chinese Academy of Sciences and Vice President of the University of Science and Technology of China (USTC), noted that USTC teachers were carrying papers discussing "invisible people" and an "invisible world" as representatives of the university to the "Second National Symposium on Somatic Exceptional Functions" in 1981. He and President Yan Jici wrote a letter pointing out: "The so-called 'human body exceptional functions' is completely contrary to science; we at USTC should not have people doing it. However, not only are people doing it now, but I hear that relevant departments of the school have allocated funds to support it—to rectify the scholarly atmosphere and protect the school's reputation—we hope that the faculty, staff, and students of USTC will not engage in so-called 'human body exceptional function' activities in the name of the university. We hope—to defend the excellent scholarly style of USTC and, according to the principles of dialectical materialism, guide the school in carrying out scientific research work that seeks truth from facts."
Zhou Peiyuan, President of Peking University, also publicly expressed his disapproval of universities and research institutes engaging in "human body exceptional functions." He said: "I have seen some performances of exceptional functions—I do not believe in them; this violates natural laws. As for 'work performed by intention' (意念作功), I also doubt it. Some say those things can cure cancer, which is even more impossible. Because intention is subjective, while laws are objective." As the President of the China Association for Science and Technology at the time, he rejected the application of the "Human Body Exceptional Function Research Association" to join the association.
Pan Shu, a psychologist and director of the Institute of Psychology of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, said: "The Institute of Psychology of the CAS once exposed through thorough experiments—the so-called exceptional functions are purely fraudulent. The Fourth Institute of the Air Force—also pointed out convincingly through their own repeated experiments and tests that the so-called exceptional functions of several famous children in Beijing were nothing more than a 'low-level magic trick' of peeking. It can be seen that these so-called exceptional functions are not scientific facts, nor do they have a scientific basis."
Ma Dayou, academician of the CAS and physicist, said: "Things like 'recognizing characters with ears' were done by people over a hundred years ago; Engels abroad and Lu Xun in China both criticized them. I think the scientific community and scientists should not intervene in this matter. Some comrades who lead the direction of science played a role and even vigorously promoted it, thus fueling this trend. I think we should now care more about undertakings that have a direct impact on our country's Four Modernizations; it is more important to guide everyone's energy toward this."
In August 1995, during the "First International Conference on Chinese Physicists" held in Guangzhou, Nobel laureate Samuel C. C. Ting expressed his congratulations three times to Academician He Zuoxiu for his struggle against pseudoscience. He told the overseas friends in attendance: "Mr. He Zuoxiu is doing something of great significance, far more important than researching high-energy physics. High-energy physics investigates local issues, but opposing pseudoscience involves the development of science and technology and concerns the improvement of the nation's overall quality."
Among such pertinent opinions, many more were never publicly released, yet they played a vital role in curbing the harm inflicted on youth by the exploitation of "supernatural powers" and in persisting toward the correct direction for scientific and educational development.
The initial response from relevant Party and government departments was also timely and clear. In April 1979, the State Science and Technology Commission and the Chinese Academy of Sciences used a "Petition Briefing" to publish an investigation report by the Institute of Psychology of the CASS and the Sichuan Medical College regarding the fraudulent nature of "reading with ears." Hu Yaobang, then head of the Propaganda Department of the CPC Central Committee, issued two separate sets of instructions: "None of the children performing these 'ugly shows' [18] are at fault. That the prefectural and county Party committees actually believed it, and that the Party newspapers actually published it—to have such an absolutely absurd joke appear amidst our march toward the Four Modernizations! From this, we must imagine what comparable things must exist on every front; how vigilant we must be! How hard we must work to address problems by integrating theory with practice!" He further noted: "Publicizing such things has no use or benefit for the Four Modernizations. China is still a backward country; publicizing such matters can only increase superstition and ideological confusion among the people." The Propaganda Trends of the Propaganda Department also issued a notice stating that "wonders that have not been scientifically verified should not be publicized." Regarding the phenomenon of various regions competing to recommend and report on "supernatural persons," the notice pointed out: "Some of our comrades have a penchant for the exotic; even if a matter is absurd and groundless, they believe it to be true and spread it through their own words and pens. This style of work is very poor. Let us collectively learn this lesson and put a stop to such groundless propaganda." Shortly after the "reading with ears" fad emerged, People's Daily also published a series of signed articles criticizing the promotion of "supernatural powers."
Yu Guangyuan, a senior Marxist theorist and then vice-minister of the State Science and Technology Commission, became the standard-bearer for the systematic opposition to supernatural powers. He not only organized follow-up investigations of "supernatural persons" but also critiqued the phenomenon from a philosophical perspective. This triggered an open debate with the founders and theoretical representatives of "Somatic Science" (人体科学) [19]. The debate centered on whether supernatural powers were real or fraudulent, and whether their advocates were following "On Practice" [20] or a subjective "empiricism." Such academic debates were beneficial for clarifying the facts and distinguishing right from wrong. However, in the first half of 1982, the Propaganda Department issued two notices stating: "Matters like 'reading with ears' are not the direction of our scientific research; they should not be introduced or publicized in the press, nor should critical articles or news be published." Following the issuance of this policy, known as the "Three Nos" [21], the situation changed drastically. In practice, the voice of public criticism was effectively suppressed, while the deification of Qigong, grounded in the theory of Somatic Science, accelerated rapidly. Various "masters" replaced the wave of children and "emerged from the mountains" to establish their reputations, gathering disciples and crowds. They formed associations named after their particular "cultivation methods" (功法) across the length and breadth of the country. These ranged from small groups in schools and government offices to large trans-regional and international organizations. They adopted both traditional Chinese clandestine sect [22] organizational forms (master-disciple structures and patriarchal management) and the models of Western New Religious Movements (absolute authority of a leader, so-called "cultic groups"). This trend remained in a state of high prevalence. Doubters and opponents were forced into a semi-underground status, though some continued to conduct deep investigations or confront "high-level masters" directly; though their voices were faint, they never ceased.
In 1988, at the initiative of the famous nuclear physicist Qian Sanqiang, the "Special Committee for the Alliance to Promote Natural and Social Sciences" (referred to as the "Two-Science Alliance") was established within the China Association for Science and Technology. This marked the first time scholars from both disciplines were linked on a common platform to exchange views on major academic and theoretical issues involving social development. This was a farsighted move; it was subsequently chaired by Gong Yuzhi, Vice-Principal of the Central Party School, and Pan Jiazheng, a hydraulic engineering expert and academician of both the Chinese Academy of Sciences and the Chinese Academy of Engineering. In December 1994, the CPC Central Committee and the State Council issued the "Opinions on Strengthening the Popularization of Science and Technology." In response, the "Two-Science Alliance" organized the "Defending Scientific Dignity and Opposing Ignorance and Superstition" forum. This became the primary venue for the ideological struggle against anti-science, pseudoscience, and various superstitions including the deification of Qigong, as well as an important bond for related scholars. Although few in number, they played the role of a mainstay [23] at the time; yet because their scope was too limited, they could not withstand the continued malignant expansion of deified Qigong. Many figures in academic, journalistic, and medical circles raised dissenting opinions or criticisms regarding the scientificity of Somatic Science and the efficacy of deified Qigong. One newspaper even ventured to open a special column for these views, but it received a severe warning and was forced to stop immediately and beat a retreat.
However, disastrous and serious consequences eventually erupted. The earliest "Qigong masters" wore the latest "scientific" labels. Most notably, Guangming Daily published a report in January 1987 on an experiment at Tsinghua University regarding the successful effect of long-distance "external Qi" on cellular matter. In 1992, a certain master claimed to use "remote viewing" from a thousand miles away to direct the successful launch of China's "Austar" satellite, subsequently receiving a monetary reward from a Hong Kong conglomerate with a leader from the Ministry of Aerospace Industry personally accepting it. These events had the greatest sensational effect, though the masters' practical goals were primarily to amass wealth, deceive people for sex, and expand their power. "Falun Gong," which emerged after 1992, cast off the cloak of science and claimed to transcend all religious miracles. It sacralized its own group and deified its leader’s power. Within a few short years, it pivoted to political demands, continuously inciting incidents and provoking authorities in multiple locations. Using the excuse that certain public opinions questioned it, the group besieged newspaper offices, television stations, schools, editorial departments, and even private residences. By April 25, 1999, it silently surrounded Zhong南海 (the nerve center of the state and the seat of the Central Government) overnight. Its followers came from all directions, with simultaneous responses across the country; its scale and momentum truly took on the appearance of temporarily throwing China into chaos. However, Falun Gong and its supporters underestimated the vigilance of the masses and the strength of the People's Democratic Dictatorship. Their activities had long been under the spontaneous monitoring of the people. In July of that year, judicial departments issued an order outlawing Falun Gong and a warrant for its leader, Li Hongzhi. The final outcome is clear to everyone: the heads of Falun Gong and other cult organizations banned by China were taken in and maintained by the United States, becoming clowns specializing in anti-communist and anti-China disruption. In 2000, on the foundation of the mass anti-cult movement, the China Anti-Cult Association was established. Academician Zhuang Fenggan resolutely took on the leadership of follow-up anti-cult work—the task of preventing and opposing cults entered a new stage.
IV. The Propensity of Christian Cultic Groups to Transform into Cults in the Post-Falun Gong Period, and the Call of the Times for Thinkers—The Response of Scientific Atheism and Legal Science to the Sino-Christian Theology Movement and Underground Churches
If we summarize these twenty-plus years of history, there are many lessons to be learned. Whether in terms of the rise of "supernatural powers" as a form of neo-sorcery or the mutation of deified Qigong into a cult, the scale of the impact, its duration, the high educational level of participating intellectuals, the prominence of the political figures involved, and the sheer amount of trouble caused to society can all be described as unprecedented. The reasons are, of course, directly related to the major shifts in the economic system and social structure during this period. How to resolve the many contradictions arising from the transformation of the relations of production, maintain the basic stability and fairness of the people's livelihood, and satisfy the material and spiritual needs of the masses remains the fundamental issue. Setting aside these global issues, ideas in the humanities have been muddled: right and wrong are blurred, good and evil are indistinct, and honor and shame are confused. This has shaken the standards of truth, value, and morality originally recognized by our country. For example, in analyzing the root causes of cults, one strong voice claims they exist because "Ultra-Left" [24] suppression prevents regular religion from developing, forcing people to choose cults. Recently, there has been a newer variation: that legal religions are unpopular with believers, and only if the state abandons the legal management of "religious freedom" can needs be met. There is yet another theory: only if the Party and state hand over "the responsibility for ethical education and the supply of spiritual products" to "religion" will society have peace. Thus, in terms of cognition, theism should live for ten thousand years, while atheism is equated with evil and should be left without successors. This has led to the prevalence of ghosts and gods in worldviews, the elevation of "faith" alone in value systems, and the insistence on turning to religion for moral guidance. Among a group of cultural figures who hold the discourse power in "religious studies," they are repeating the saying "when talk of ghosts and gods does not flourish, the life of the state is cut short" [25]. Aided by the "Religious Market Theory" favored by those who "eat from religion" (吃教), this clamor has reached a fever pitch, while the theoretical response from the academic community has been almost nil.
In reality, the destruction of Falun Gong only confirmed the masses' rejection of and vigilance against cults, as well as the government's determination and ability to strike them down; it did not eliminate the social roots or ideological basis for the emergence of cults. Therefore, cults will continue to appear under various other names and organizational forms. The first form of cult to emerge in the post-Falun Gong period was organized in the name of "Christianity." Over the past decade or more, these groups—large and small, with various titles—have grown like tribal clusters in urban and rural areas. Their social transgressions are deeper than those of Falun Gong, and their tendency toward political confrontation is more distinct. The cradle of their formation has one most significant difference from traditional sorcery and clandestine sects: they have "changed their facade" and take the form of "underground churches" that directly challenge China's legal Christian churches. Although the issue of underground churches is complex, and their composition and nature vary, they are identical in serving as the latest breeding ground for cults.
There are roughly three reasons why current cults wrap themselves in Christianity: First, Protestantism inherently possesses a characteristic of fragmented sects and a resistance to regulation. Anyone can raise their arm, call a following, declare themselves a leader, and organize an independent church. This is a major internal factor in the West's "New Religious Movements" that split and weaken traditional churches; the boundary between these and so-called "cultic groups" is indistinguishable, making them easily compatible with the leader-worship found in traditional Chinese sorcery organizations. Second, and most importantly, is the Western attribute of Christianity—it was originally a "foreign religion." It has a long history of being used by hegemonic powers and colonialism as a weapon for external expansion, interference in internal affairs, and the subversion of other regimes. Today, the United States, as a pillar of the Christian world, uses its International Religious Freedom Act of 1998 as a basis to vigorously export "religious anarchism" to China—applying political pressure on our government to weaken national sovereignty and providing sanctuary for those who create disturbances. Economically, it subsidizes religious opposition and buys off believers to promote their expansion. Thus, it has become the protector and master of certain underground churches, who act with impunity based on their powerful connections. Third, corresponding to this is the rise of the "Sino-Christian Theology Movement" [26] under the banner of "religion is culture." Its representative figures largely control the discourse in the field of religious studies, influencing political circles and public opinion to open channels for the legal existence and arbitrary development of illegal underground churches.
Compared to the concern shown by the intellectual community toward supernatural powers, deified Qigong, and their mutation into cults, the level of attention and the voice of doubt regarding Christianity's unshielded "cultural proselytization," the audacity of underground churches, and their malignant mutations are even weaker. This has allowed these forces to enter an "unoccupied territory," maneuvering freely and openly attempting to subvert all traditions, challenge the current state system, and attack "people-centered" values. Their goal is to have "God" completely occupy China, to fill the people's minds with the "Holy Spirit," to colonize contemporary China, and to serve the "national security" of foreign powers. Toward these forces, our intellectual circles have basically remained silent. What does this mean? What is being brewed? Is it truly, as some predict, the making of a storm?
We are optimistic. Regarding which path China should take, the current intellectual circles likely hold differing understandings. However, the use of ghosts and gods to save the world or govern the country, to stabilize society, to treat "heaven" as the place where humans "settle their lives and establish their destinies" [27], or to let "hell" assume the responsibility of maintaining morality—such things are likely still far beyond the reach of today's China. Traditional sorcery and the theory of ghosts and gods have suffered defeat after defeat; the collapse of "Falun Gong" is the latest proof. Could simply switching to the name of an "orthodox religion" make such things effective? At present, what is popular in "academic circles" is the promotion of foreign ghosts and gods. Is it because they are Western imports that they will truly win the Chinese market and conquer the souls of the Chinese people? I fear that would be even more difficult. The current Western market is shrinking so severely that if you take a trip to the United States, nineteen out of twenty high-quality, inexpensive products you buy back will be "made in China." Indeed, even the "China Model" has become a global brand capable of contending with the "Western Model," let alone anything else! To transform China into a religious state—even to Christianize China and thereby change our humanistic tradition of over three thousand years—would be "harder than an ant trying to shake a giant tree" [28]. The Chinese nation did not grow strong by shrinking back into ghosts and gods to settle its life and destiny; rather, it grew through the thought-exploration of perfecting the material foundations of secular life—such as "sufficient food and clothing" and "living and working in peace"—and through the theory of "human nature," as well as through united struggle against natural disasters and foreign invasions. It has flourished through the practice of creating a social system based on the beautiful ideals of humanity. As for the so-called "establishing teachings through the way of the divine" [29], ghosts and gods are merely products created by and serving humans. "The Master did not speak of strange phenomena, feats of strength, disorder, or gods" [30]—this has been the mainstream consciousness running through the entirety of Chinese cultural history. "Invigorating the country through science and education," developing the productive forces, building democracy and the rule of law, and guaranteeing and improving the lives of the citizens—the road to modernization is irreversible. The problems on the road ahead are indeed numerous—so many that they are somewhat overwhelming and hard to endure. But the emergence and rational solution of each type of problem marks a footprint of society moving one step forward. Looking back over 30 years, 60 years, or even back to 1840, one can see what kind of modern history the Chinese nation has created and what logic can be discovered therein. From this, one can more clearly recognize how our Republic has grown stronger step by step, and why the saying "if the talk of ghosts and gods does not spread, the life of the state will be shortened" can only become a piece of historical trash.
Today, amidst the surging tide of the times, dregs frequently surface, with imported "Western scraps" mixed among them, appearing multicolored and seductive under the morning sun. Freedom of speech and a cacophony of opinions are originally a reflection of the ruling party’s confidence. However, some people mistake this for weakness and go so far as to discuss the study of ghosts and gods in the field of education, where religion is not permitted to enter—is this not going too far? In such a cultural atmosphere, especially when people are adept at using language to disguise or beautify their essence, thinkers—those with ideas who are willing to engage in independent thinking—must stand up and speak: strip away the disguise and reveal the truth of the facts. "Faith" requires no proof and admits no doubt, hence the expression "limitless faith"; "ideals" must be built on the basis of objective logic, involving questioning and exploration—they are a rational choice. In our general Chinese context, "faith" (信仰, xìnyǎng) also refers to an ideal that no longer harbors doubt, so it is not impermissible. However, in the Christian context, faith is absolute, and the task of reason is merely to prove the absolute nature of faith. In terms of linguistic accuracy, we need ideals, not faith. It can be said that without ideals, there is no spirit of striving or courage to forge ahead, whereas faith often leads to blindness, obeying only tenets (dogmas) while lacking judgment of facts and the pursuit of truth. Our thinkers should shoulder the social responsibility of popularizing scientific knowledge and the scientific spirit and breaking down superstitions regarding ghosts and gods. They must ensure that no form of the theory of ghosts and gods can swagger through the streets, and let scientific rationality radiate the light of contemporary civilization. This task will be long-term and arduous; it is both closely linked to improving the overall scientific and cultural qualities of the citizenry and an important component of implementing the "Eight Honors and Eight Shames" [31] and building Socialist Core Values. It relates to building harmonious families and guaranteeing the healthy and all-round development of every individual, and it is also an inherent part of maintaining social stability and national security.
In this process, scientific atheism has always been at the forefront of academic debate and theoretical critique. Now, there is an even greater need for systematic disciplinary construction as a necessary measure for improving the scientific literacy of the whole people and establishing a materialist worldview. The judicial departments are the backbone of stabilizing society and maintaining national security; in the future, they will need even more persuasive power and capacity for dialogue in legal theory to perfect the legal system of the People's Democratic Dictatorship.
V. The Times Demand Thinkers and Those Who Shoulder Social Responsibility
In this struggle against cults, many righteous figures—both famous and unknown—have emerged, contributing their efforts and talents to this move toward civilization. Academician Zhuang Fenggan is but one of them. Proceeding from the strategy that for a country to be strong, it must have high-quality human resources, Mr. Zhuang pointed out: "Our nation, which once invented gunpowder and rockets, was nearly brought to national and ethnic extinction by Western powers that had not invented gunpowder and rockets. This lesson is extremely painful and profound. The reasons for this are very complex, but an important one was the prevalence of feudal superstition, which resulted in a great many ignorant people and frequent ignorant behavior." Therefore, Mr. Zhuang firmly and unequivocally opposed pseudo-science that practiced superstition in the name of science. He was particularly praised for exposing the fraudulent behavior of "Masters of Wisdom" and "Wonders of the Snowy Plateau" who fabricated illusory events in the aerospace industry to create a public sensation. When people still lacked a sufficient understanding of the nature of cults, he again raised the banner of anti-cultism, shouldering the heavy burden of organizing and leading the work of the China Anti-Cult Association. He took the ancient maxim "when the upright overcomes the heterodox, there is order and peace" [32] as his motto for anti-cult work until the end of his life. Mr. Zhuang was not only a scientist and an expert in rockets and satellites but also a thinker. He distinguished right from wrong, defended the truth, and had the courage to take responsibility. In the current era where money-worship and power are rampant—a general environment that easily causes people to be blinded by greed or to vacillate—it is not easy to maintain a clear head and be a thinker who upholds the truth and sows the seeds of scientific civilization. He deserves the respect of us all.
A major characteristic of post-"Falun Gong" cults is their turn toward utilizing Western Christian resources, which inevitably brings new tasks for anti-cult work; the situation may change accordingly. The main feature of these cults is that the power they rely on is both detached from Chinese tradition and opposed to the current social system. First, from an external perspective, they adapt to the international background of Western anti-China forces attempting to contain, disrupt, and change the "color" of China (achieve a "color revolution"), using foreign connections to increase their own weight. Second, internally, they have the theological support and academic preaching of the "Sino-Christian Theology Movement" and its associated intellectuals. Third, they resist state management, oppose legal churches, and are difficult to separate from underground churches. This has led to changes in the anti-cult situation. First, the problem of characterization: under the same banner of Christianity, accurately distinguishing between the legal and the illegal has become the primary difficulty, adding ambiguity to the scope of anti-cult work. Second, these cults adopt commercial multi-level marketing methods for proselytizing, linking directly with material interests. Combined with frequent "witnessing" assemblies, this causes them to spread faster and more easily induce obsession, increasing the complexity of the work. Third, cults under the banner of Christianity possess a very stubborn exclusivity. Under the incitement of transcending the secular world and despising national laws, they most easily create religious isolation, discrimination, and even conflict among people, thereby endangering social harmony, national security, and cultural security, increasing the urgency and the necessity for foresight in anti-cult work. In this regard, the vision of anti-cult work needs to be greatly expanded, the knowledge system for responding needs constant updating, and a constructive academic team of thinkers urgently needs to be cultivated and developed for long-term preparation and reserves; one cannot "wait until the crisis to clasp the Buddha's feet" [33].
Of course, with the improvement of people's livelihoods and social stability, it is inevitable that cults will lose their soil for survival, and the task of anti-cultism will naturally retreat from the stage of the era. However, for the time being, active prevention is far superior to passive crackdown. Historical experience has proven time and again that the key to prevention lies in the orientation of public opinion; the clarity of the mainstream consciousness and the correct guidance of theory often play a decisive role. If one always expects ghosts and gods to save the country, turns a deaf ear to—or even feels resentment toward—scientific rationality, becomes obsessed with "establishing teachings through the way of the divine," or seeks to please theories of ghosts and gods, it is almost impossible to fundamentally defeat cults. Strategically speaking, focusing on popularizing scientific knowledge and the scientific spirit, and using the materialist conception of history and materialist dialectics—including scientific atheism—to educate the people, especially the youth, to escape ignorance and superstition and to enlighten obscurantism, thereby generally improving the quality of the nation, is the way to social stability and interpersonal harmony. It is a blessing for our nation and for every family. To make people superstitious about ghosts and gods, and to use the nonsense of "ultimate concern" or the "afterlife" to coalesce the people's hearts, is to mislead the country and harm the people; it is spiritual corruption and a precursor to turmoil.
It is precisely at such a moment that thinkers are especially needed. Older generation scholars like Zhuang Fenggan, Ren Jiyu, Yu Guangyuan, Gong Yuzhi, as well as Ye Shengtao and Zhou Jianren, stood up at critical moments and played a role in "setting things right" [34] ideologically. Today's era needs a large number of young people who are good at learning, think independently, stand out from the crowd, face reality, and shoulder their responsibility to society.