Chi Xiqin: Freedom of Belief and the "Other", the Law, and the State—Interpreting China's Policy on Freedom of Religious Belief
Religion is the way by which "humanity explains and interprets nature through fantasy and imagination—the so-called divine revelation—and expects to conquer and master nature through gods and religious rituals." (Liu Li: A Study of Marx’s Thought on the Critique of Religion and Its Contemporary Significance, Chengdu: Bashu Publishing House, 2009, p. 173). As one of the exclusive spiritual lives of humanity, it serves to balance, stabilize, and comfort the human psyche. Regarding the freedom of religious belief, China's religious policy—guided by Marxism and established through long-term practice—treats freedom of religious belief as a basic human right, emphasizing that citizens enjoy equal rights regardless of differences in religion, sect, or belief. However, we also recognize that freedom, as an important category within the social fabric, is situated upon a social foundation; thus, it cannot be defined in the abstract but can only be discussed within a relational space. This article interprets China's religious policy through the three dimensions of the relationship between religion and "the Other," the law, and the state. The author contends that religion, as a socio-cultural system centered on otherworldly beliefs, should follow the guidance of China's religious policy, proceed from the public and national interest, and exert its positive role in the "most useful hypothetical sense" for society.
I. Religion and "the Other": A Harmonious Symbiosis of Freedom of Belief
Adhering to the principle that religious belief is a private matter is a basic tenet of the Marxist view of religion, and respecting the individual's selection mechanism is an inherent meaning of China's religious policy. Yet belief is not an abstraction drifting outside of society, nor is freedom separable from the specific world upon which it depends; both exist in an actual relationship with "the Other." This "Other" is what the "Self" must inevitably face in this society; "He" is not merely "He" as an outsider, but is also "He" as a self—implying another "Me" who also enjoys his own freedoms and rights. "If freedom refuses the 'Other,' it is no longer a type of freedom." ([France] Jean-Paul Sartre: Sartre’s Intellectual Essays, Shanghai: Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences Press, 1999, p. 85). China's religious policy is precisely a manifestation of mutual respect for the religious "Self" and the "Other" outside of it: every citizen has the freedom to believe in religion as well as the freedom not to believe; the freedom to believe in one religion as well as the freedom to believe in another; the state protects the freedom to believe and the freedom not to believe; citizens who believe in religion must not be discriminated against, nor should those who do not believe. This is done to ensure that the masses who believe in different religions treat each other as equals, those who believe and those who do not live in harmony, religion and society coexist harmoniously, and different religions coexist harmoniously. The essence of this harmony lies in seeking a balance point for the fundamental interests of the people while acknowledging differences and respecting pluralism, allowing each dimension to recognize both the distinctions and the connections between the self and "the Other," thereby guiding them to play their respective unique and indispensable roles.
First, in a contemporary world determined by science, truly understanding China's religious policy requires a prior insight into its positive interpretation of the relationship between religious belief and the "materialist Other." Respecting and advocating for the freedom of religious belief and protecting all normal religious activities is China's consistent policy for handling religious issues. While the 1982 Central Document, The Basic Viewpoint and Policy on the Religious Question During Our Country's Socialist Period [1], proposed the freedom of religious belief, it also clearly pointed out the need to "conduct education in the scientific worldview of dialectical materialism and historical materialism (including atheism) among the masses, especially the youth, and to strengthen the dissemination of scientific and cultural knowledge concerning natural phenomena, social evolution, and the human cycle of birth, aging, illness, and death, as well as fortune and Misfortune." [2] On the one hand, disseminating scientific and cultural knowledge throughout society and implementing the strategy of "reinvigorating the country through science and education" [3] serves the fundamental interests of our state and nation. On the other hand, propagating atheism is not contradictory to implementing the policy of freedom of religious belief. Although "conflict" has historically been the most representative relationship between the materialist "Other" and religion—a tone of confrontation set by John William Draper’s History of the Conflict Between Religion and Science and Andrew Dickson White’s A History of the Warfare of Science with Theology in Christendom at the end of the 19th century—science explores the causal relationships between events, while religion explores the meaning and purpose of our lives, recommends a way of life, and elicits a set of attitudes. These two modes of inquiry provide complementary views of the world. Likewise, the materialist "Other" and religion are each independent languages with completely different functions; each "language game" is distinguished by the method used within its social context. Therefore, in a socialist society, based on the consistency of the people's economic and political interests, it is necessary to persist both in atheistic propaganda and education and in the policy of freedom of religious belief. We emphasize that the relationship between the materialist "Other" and religious circles is one of "political unity and cooperation, and mutual respect in matters of belief." (Selected Documents on Religious Work in the New Period, Beijing: Religious Culture Publishers, 1995, p. 210).
Second, beyond the positive interpretation of the relationship between religious belief and the materialist "Other," China's religious policy guides various religions and sects toward a path of harmonious symbiosis by establishing relations with the religious "Other." In today’s China, where peace and development, prosperity and stability are the themes of the times, we must concentrate the wisdom and strength of the broad masses of believers on the common goal of building a socialist harmonious society. Thus, guiding various religions and sects to resolve differences, expand consensus, reach consistency amid difference, and seek unity amid diversity is another important implication of China’s religious policy. China’s religious policy emphasizes uncovering commonalities in the pursuit of Truth, Goodness, and Beauty to guide each religion to coexist harmoniously with every religious "Other," respecting one another, enhancing unity, and strengthening cooperation, while "opposing the tiny minority who form cliques and factions, set up rival strongholds, create antagonism, and undermine unity." (Chen Zongrong: "Grasping China’s Basic Religious Policy through Seven Pairs of Relationships," China Religion, Issue 2, 2008). In fact, despite the myriad doctrines, dogmas, rituals, and forms of expression across various religions, they are all beliefs in some supernatural or superhuman entity, a sacred or ultimate being. As Tillich said: "What is called religious belief is actually ultimate concern, and the religious traditions formed under different cultural backgrounds are actually different experiences and forms of expression of the same ultimate reality." ([US] Paul Tillich, Dynamics of Faith, New York: Harper & Row, 1957, p. 49). Any model that excludes or distorts the religious "Other" is undesirable and is something we oppose.
II. Freedom of Religious Belief and the Law: An Ordered Freedom of Belief
The establishment of the relationship between religion and the materialist "Other," as well as the religious "Other," serves as the foundation for China's religious policy. As early as the ancient Greek and Roman periods, Aristotle said: "To live according to the constitution of the state... should not be considered slavery, but salvation." ([Ancient Greece] Aristotle, Politics, trans. Wu Shoupeng, Beijing: Commercial Press, 1965, p. 276). In China, the law holds the same "salvific" significance as mentioned by Aristotle, becoming the mechanism of guarantee for the freedom of religious belief and its organized activities.
Religious belief and its activities must be predicated on legal constraints; order is the true essence of freedom. The law codifies people's rights in a definite form. Freedom of religious belief and its derived religious activities are specific social rights; without explicit legal provisions and effective protection, they would remain hollow and abstract. Chinese law prohibits arbitrary or discriminatory coercion and infringement against legal religions, providing a solid guarantee for believers to enjoy their due rights. While citizens move to exercise their right to freedom of belief, they also have the obligation to abide by the law. They cannot use religion to harm the physical health of citizens, obstruct social order, or undermine ethnic unity; that is, religious activities must be conducted within the scope of the law. If freedom is understood as doing as one pleases without any restriction, or as having unlimited power to arbitrarily dominate and dispose of the "Other," it will inevitably fall into a state of chaos, and then there will be no freedom to speak of. "The end of law is not to abolish or restrain, but to preserve and enlarge freedom." ([UK] John Locke, Two Treatises of Government (II), trans. Ye Qifang and Qu Junong, Beijing: Commercial Press, 1996, pp. 35–36). Law is the condition for obtaining freedom of religious belief. The legalization of religion [4] helps maintain stability and harmony in religious circles and ensures that religious work proceeds smoothly and orderly, making religion a positive part of a harmonious society.
Law provides a broad space for religion to exercise its original spirit for society. A well-functioning society must create a tension between order and freedom, so that social life possesses both a stable order and sufficient room for freedom; this tension is the law as a set of rules. First, Chinese law supports religious circles in strengthening their own self-construction and conducting activities independently. For example, active participation in public welfare and charitable causes provides a wide range of possibilities for religion to play a role in disaster relief, poverty alleviation, assisting the disabled, and psychological healing. Second, Chinese law values the creativity of religion and encourages religious circles to play a role in promoting social harmony and economic and social development, which ensures that the positive potential of religion becomes a reality to the maximum extent. To allow religion to exercise its broadest capabilities under the order of law, China's religious policy also emphasizes the quality of civil servants in religious affairs administration and stresses the promotion of legal education among patriotic religious organizations and clergy, so they may play their unique role as a bridge between religion and the law.
III. Freedom of Religious Belief and the State: A Just and Patriotic Freedom of Belief
As shown above, freedom of religious belief exists in a balance with the materialist "Other" and the law; it is a category of practical historical significance, not a metaphysical, abstract enclosure. The next question is: what is the relationship between the freedom of religious belief and the sovereign state, which serves as the absolute premise? In this regard, I deeply agree that "in the modern world, no society can survive without the power of the state." ([US] Benjamin Schwartz, In Search of Wealth and Power: Yan Fu and the West, trans. Ye Meifeng, Nanjing: Jiangsu People’s Publishing House, 1995, p. 235). Only within the organizational form of the state can various freedoms acquire objectivity and be enjoyed, and various rights be fully exercised. In China, if any pole of society departs from the great socialist family, it ceases to have reality. Therefore, freedom of religious belief must also develop healthily and harmoniously under the absolute premise of "just patriotism" and the interests of the socialist state and the public, following the principle of independence and self-management.
Religious activities must obey and serve the supreme interests of the state and the public interest of society, while loving the motherland and supporting the socialist system. The national interest is the "synthesis of various factors for the collective survival and further development of the vast majority of residents." (Song Zuhong: "A Brief Introduction to Mao Zedong’s Thought on the International United Front," Exploration and Free Views, Issue 7, 2008). It is both objectively concrete and subjectively abstract. Regarding the former, its objectivity lies in the fact that it is composed of the common interests of the entire nation and society, and does not change according to people's will. Regarding the latter, because the national interest represents the comprehensive demands of various interest groups within a country, it must be an abstract expression of these common interests. Therefore, all religious organizations and personages in religious circles must combine love for the country with love for their religion, safeguarding the interests of the people, ethnic unity, and the interests of the state. As a socialist state, China implements a policy of separation of church and state; the state does not use political power to promote a particular religion, nor does it use state power to ban a particular religion. Simultaneously, religion may not interfere in the administration, judiciary, or education of the country, nor can it interfere with the normal order of social life, so as to maximize the protection of our national interest. China's religious policy guides various religions toward the general direction of adapting to socialist society, so that believers can be united to the greatest extent under the grand goal of building a moderately prosperous society in all respects, working together for socialist modernization and the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Believers and non-believers must adhere to political unity and cooperation and mutual respect in matters of belief, jointly maintaining the stability and order of the country.
Adhere to the principle of independence and self-management. [5]
China's religious policy adheres to the principle of the supremacy of national interests. Within the context of globalization, it is necessary to maintain independence and initiative while developing oneself therein. Based on mutual respect, equality, and friendship, China’s religious circles engage in exchanges and dialogues with foreign religious organizations or personages to strengthen mutual understanding and develop friendships. Simultaneously, they actively participate in international public welfare activities within the religious sphere, contributing to the construction of a beautiful world. However, "internationally hostile forces treat ethnic and religious issues as a breakthrough point for implementing 'Westernization' and 'disintegration' against socialist countries" [6] (Selected Documents on Religious Work in the New Period, p. 211). Therefore, the more we expand opening-up and exchange, the more we must resist the infiltration of offshore hostile forces utilizing religion.
Article 36 of China's Constitution clearly stipulates: "Religious bodies and religious affairs are not subject to any foreign domination." That is, under the persistence of the principle of independence and self-management, the "Three-Selfs"—self-governance, self-support, and self-propagation [7]—are implemented. No offshore organization, group, or individual is permitted to interfere in China's religious affairs; they may not engage in missionary activities or recruit followers within China's borders; and even more so, they may not establish religious organizations, open venues for religious activities, or set up religious academies within China. China's policy of freedom of religious belief emphasizes the integration of resisting infiltration with the strengthening of education in patriotism, collectivism, and socialism. This consciously safeguards the overall national interest and the supreme interests of the nation, providing a guarantee for achieving religious concord and social harmony, and for maintaining stable religious and social order.
Religion in the 21st century has already become a socio-cultural system with transcendent belief at its core. It exists not merely in the form of faith, but more so as a socio-cultural phenomenon. China's policy of freedom of religious belief attaches great importance to and protects these ancient religious cultural resources and the citizens' freedom to believe in religion. Regarding the relationships between religion and its materialist "Other," the religious "Other," the law, and the state, the policy successively elucidates wise guidance and regulations conducive to religion's own development and social harmony. As a socio-historical phenomenon, religion possesses multiple positive functions such as psychological adjustment and cultural exchange; "however, the positive and negative functions of religion correspond to each other; behind every positive function, there is a corresponding negative function" (Dai Kangsheng and Peng Yao, eds., Sociology of Religion, Beijing: Social Sciences Academic Press, 2000, pp. 162–189). Guided by our policy of freedom of religious belief, we should promote the strengths of religion and avoid its weaknesses, "uniting the masses who believe in religion and those who do not on the basis of their consistent fundamental interests, and concentrating their will and strength on the common goal of building a modern state and achieving a better life" [8] (Li Ruihuan Holds Spring Festival Symposium with Leaders of National Religious Groups, People's Daily, February 1, 2000).