Huang Yanhong: A Review of Research on Religious Beliefs Among University Students in Beijing
Abstract: By sorting through investigative research regarding the status of religious belief among university students in the Beijing area, this study finds that research content primarily focuses on five aspects: (1) The basic status of religious belief among university students: the proportion of university students with religious beliefs shows an upward trend, and there are certain variations among religious students regarding family background, gender, grade level, and academic major; (2) Channels of contact and reasons for religious belief: students primarily encounter religion through books, the classroom, and relatives or friends; most religious students choose their faith during their university years, and their reasons for belief are multifaceted; (3) Characteristics of religious concepts and faith activities: most university students hold a tolerant attitude toward religion, while student believers possess a high degree of understanding regarding basic doctrines and theology, demonstrate high enthusiasm for religious activities, and lean toward fellowship activities; (4) Impact after adopting a faith: religious belief significantly alters the value systems and behavioral patterns of university students, and there are negative tendencies in their ideological inclinations; and (5) Countermeasures and suggestions: researchers argue for a multi-pronged approach, including the offering of relevant courses and strengthening the management of illegal proselytization. Deficiencies in these studies include: (1) an overall lack of an analytical perspective based on scientific atheism; a lack of objective neutrality in some research; and a lack of in-depth understanding of the subjects in certain studies.
Keywords: Beijing; university students; religious belief; investigation
Since the 1980s, a social phenomenon known as "religious fever" has emerged, attracting attention from all sectors of society. Starting in the 1990s, under the guidance of relevant governing departments, scholars began conducting related investigative research. According to statistics, during the three-year period from 2008 to 2010 alone, nearly two hundred related papers were published in journals indexed in the China National Knowledge Infrastructure (CNKI) full-text database. There are dozens of master's theses and several doctoral dissertations involving the issue of religious belief among university students, many of which directly take this issue as their research theme [1]. In recent years, several reviews of research on university students' religious beliefs have also been published [2]. Furthermore, there should be a considerable number of unpublished project research reports, many of which contain profound insights; however, as we cannot access their exact data, we can only comment here on investigative research results that have been publicly released. Beijing is the area where higher education institutions and university students are most concentrated, and the religious status of Beijing university students received attention relatively early. This article summarizes investigative research specifically involving the religious status of university students in the Beijing area [3].
I. Overview of Research
Regarding the status of religious belief in the Beijing area, projects were established for research as early as the 1980s. However, regarding the issue of university student religious belief, the earliest currently seen is the 1998 Beijing Municipal Commission of Education Humanities and Social Sciences "Ninth Five-Year Plan" project, "Investigation and Countermeasures Research on Religious Beliefs of Beijing Youth Since Reform and Opening Up," undertaken by Li Suju and Liu Qifei of the Beijing Youth Politics College. One of the important groups they focused on was university students, and they conducted an investigation into their religious status [4]. Project research specifically themed on the religious belief status of Beijing university students began with the 2001 Beijing Municipal Philosophy and Social Sciences "Tenth Five-Year Plan" project, "Research on Religion and Belief Issues of Beijing University Students," headed by Guo Shumin of the College of Applied Arts and Sciences at Beijing Union University [5]. Additionally, another project launched at the same time was the "Investigation into the Current Situation of Protestantism in Beijing," undertaken by Zuo Peng of the School of Humanities and Social Sciences at the University of Science and Technology Beijing. This project utilized questionnaires and in-depth interviews and specifically discussed the status of Protestant belief among Beijing university students [6]. Furthermore, starting in 2002, Gao Shining of the Institute of World Religions at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS) conducted a study titled "Faith and Life." Questionnaires were distributed to Protestant believers in five churches within the Beijing "Three-Self" [1] Patriotic Movement and in house church [2] meeting points. Long-term participant observation was also conducted in one house church, along with in-depth interviews with some believers, some of whom were university students [7].
In 2003, 2005, and 2008, a research team led by Li Zhiying of Beijing Normal University conducted three surveys on the ideological status of university students. They paid close attention to religious belief and performed a specific investigative analysis of the religious status of university student Party members [3] [8]. Starting in 2008, this team investigated university student believers within Beijing’s Protestant house churches using structured interviews, follow-up investigations, participant observation, and questionnaires [9]. A project team led by Yang Huilin of Renmin University of China conducted two surveys on the status of Protestant belief among university students in 2001 and 2007, primarily using questionnaires and interviews [10]. In 2007 and 2008, the Communist Youth League Central Committee organized an "Investigation of University Student Religious Beliefs" across 15 universities in Beijing, 7 in Shanghai, and 3 in Shaanxi [11]. Some projects funded by the Ministry of Education and the Social Science Fund also involved investigations into the religious beliefs of university students in Beijing. Furthermore, a small number of master's and doctoral theses performed field research on this topic. For example, Su Hang of Minzu University of China conducted participant observation at a house church meeting point for Beijing university student Christians [12].
In terms of the scope of investigation, some used a single university as the site, others targeted students from multiple universities in the Beijing area, and some conducted surveys across universities both within and outside Beijing [13]. Regarding the subjects, some investigations into general public religious beliefs included data on university students, while others specifically targeted students. Concerning content, there are comprehensive surveys covering multiple religions such as Protestantism, Buddhism, and Islam, as well as surveys focused on a single religion like Protestantism. Regarding the primary objective, some are general investigations into the status of religious belief—including the proportion of believers, reasons and channels for belief, and post-belief impact—while others target specific aspects, such as the psychological process of believing, or include religious status within broader studies on faith issues, ideological status, or psychological pressure. In terms of the locations of religious activity, some focused on believers in "Three-Self" churches, others included both "Three-Self" and house churches, and some primarily observed student believers at house church meeting points.
Since 2008, the publication of survey results regarding the religious status of Beijing university students has not significantly increased; instead, many projects have shifted to investigating students in other provinces, leading to more published results from those regions.
II. Research Content
Based on existing investigative research on the religious status of Beijing university students, the content mainly comprises the following five aspects:
1. Basic Status of University Student Religious Beliefs Through questionnaires, scholars have examined the basic status of the proportion and distribution of religious believers among Beijing university students. Existing results indicate an upward trend in the proportion of students with religious beliefs. The 1998 Beijing Municipal Commission of Education project [14] showed that 13.4% of Beijing university students explicitly identified as having a religious belief: 5.2% Protestant, 4.5% Buddhist, 2.3% Taoist, 0.7% Catholic, and 0.7% Muslim. According to Li Zhiying’s 2003 survey of 2,820 students across 10 Beijing universities, 9.2% practiced various religions [15]. In the autumn of 2005, she surveyed 10 universities again, distributing 3,200 questionnaires and recovering 2,887; 392 respondents were religious, accounting for 13.58% of the total sample—an increase of 4.38 percentage points over 2003 [16]. In 2009, the Ministry of Education established a research project titled "Faith Issues of Young University Students" under a special task for the popularization of Marxism. This project selected three universities in Beijing and one outside the city for investigation. Results showed that 4.3% of students chose "Protestantism/Catholicism," 12.5% "Buddhism," 0.7% "Taoism," 1.1% "Islam," and 1.3% "Other Religions," totaling 21.9% [17]. A recent questionnaire on "Beijing University Student Religious Beliefs" involving students from dozens of Beijing universities [18] showed that 80.9% explicitly stated they had no religious belief. This indicates that approximately 20% of students believe in or may believe in a religion. At Minzu University of China, the proportion of believers is higher due to the large number of ethnic minority students. A 2009 survey there showed that among 832 valid questionnaires, 78 respondents were Buddhist, 70 Muslim, 13 Taoist, 12 Protestant, 6 followed ethnic folk beliefs, 3 were Catholic, and 3 followed other religions, totaling approximately 22.2% [19].
Regarding denominations, the status of Protestantism among students has received significant attention. Survey results show that the proportion of students believing in Protestantism is approximately 3–5%. In 2001, Yang Huilin conducted a survey on Protestant belief among 306 undergraduates at Renmin University of China. It showed that 3.6% explicitly identified as Protestant, while 61.5% stated they "do not believe in Protestantism but are interested in it" [20]. In 2008, Yang’s team surveyed 37 universities in the Beijing area, recovering 12,404 valid questionnaires; 437 respondents (3.52%) were Protestant [21]. Zuo Peng’s 2004 investigation estimated that Protestant students accounted for 1.8% of the total student body at the university he surveyed [22]. Li Zhiying, through three surveys in 2003, 2005, and 2008 focused on students' ideological and spiritual worlds, concluded that the total proportion of religious students is around 10%, with Protestants making up less than 4% of the total [23].
Differences exist among religious students regarding family background, gender, grade level, and academic major. Investigations show that, in absolute terms, there are more religious students from rural/peasant families; however, relative to the size of their demographic group, students from self-employed and private enterprise owner families are more likely to be religious. In terms of gender, there are more female believers. By grade level, there are more in lower grades, though the number of master's and doctoral students is on the rise [24]. Investigations of student Protestants found that male Christians are more aggressive; family influence is multifaceted and complex; and student believers in education and psychology majors show the most prominent individuality, independence, and rebelliousness. Foreign language majors participate in religious activities most frequently and are most influenced by religion, generally forming the backbone of student Christian groups [25]. Previous surveys indicated that while females are the majority (64.6%), there were no significant differences between student Christians and the general student population in terms of hometown, average monthly spending, or academic performance [26]. A survey at Minzu University of China showed that the influence of family economic conditions follows a U-shaped distribution: the proportion of religious believers is higher among students from "wealthy" families as well as those from "poor" or "relatively poor" families [27].
Although religious organizations and activities have social institutional structures, religious belief often belongs to the private sphere of individual citizens and is a spiritual phenomenon. Consequently, compared to general social surveys, large-scale questionnaire investigations often face significant difficulties in subject selection, sampling methods, and procedures.
2. Channels of Contact and Reasons for Religious Belief
Regarding the channels for coming into contact with religion, existing surveys and research primarily focus on Christianity and Buddhism. Some researchers have summarized the general channels through which university students encounter Christianity, including: family religious background, reading religious books, observing religious rituals, introductions by acquaintances and friends, and the guidance of missionary personnel [31]. But which channels are the most significant? Existing survey data indicate that the channels through which university students obtain information and knowledge about Christianity primarily come from books, relatives, and friends, rather than from churches or clergy. Yang Huilin’s 2001 survey showed that for the item "channels for coming into contact with Christianity and its culture," the highest number of students chose "reading books," followed by "courses and lectures," while those encountering Christianity through "the church" were the least numerous. The survey indicated that approximately 50% developed an interest in Christianity "through studying Western culture, art, or philosophy"; approximately 30% developed an interest "in the process of reflecting on questions of worldview and outlook on life." This survey also showed that the vast majority of students who believe in Christianity began their journey of faith after entering university [32]. Yang Huilin’s 2007 survey indicated that among the channels through which university student Christians encounter Christianity, the most frequent choice was introductions by relatives, classmates, friends, or others, followed by family influence, books and the classroom, house churches [4], and so on [33]. It can be seen that the channels through which university student Christians encounter Christianity have undergone changes. We can further compare this with the findings of field research. A recent field study showed that among 60 survey subjects, 29 stated they began encountering Christianity due to "interest in Western culture," and approximately 50% developed an interest in Christianity "through studying Western culture, art, or philosophy"; 11 out of the 60 came from Christian families, but of these 11, only 7 began accepting Christianity from a young age under the influence of their parents. The remaining 53 all began accepting Christianity after entering university [34]. A survey regarding university student Buddhist believers showed that over 50% of the interviewed students encountered and learned about Buddhism through books, DVDs, the internet, and other such methods [35]. It is evident that university student Christians primarily come into contact with Christianity through reading, the classroom, or introductions from others during their university years due to the attraction of Western culture, while university student Buddhist believers also primarily encounter Buddhism through self-directed study.
After university students come into contact with religion or develop an interest in it, what causes ultimately prompt them to choose religious belief? It is generally believed that there are both reasons of external environment and factors closely related to the students' own experiences and conditions. External environmental factors mainly include: the religious dissemination and infiltration carried out by religious forces from Western countries and regions against China; the influence of rapid social changes on value systems during China's period of social transformation; the deficiencies in ideological and political education in schools; and proselytizing by family and friends. The students' own reasons mainly include: curiosity about religious culture, psychological needs, and spiritual sustenance, and so on.
Regarding the religious dissemination and infiltration carried out by overseas religious forces, some surveys explicitly point out that some educators disseminate "pro-religion" ideas in the process of education and teaching. They believe that "the continuous heating up of religious studies in academic circles has objectively played a role in fueling the increase of religion's social influence." The survey also pointed out that forces both within and outside the border have strengthened religious infiltration into cultural fields such as higher education institutions, among which the open propagation of religious ideas through university lecterns is an indisputable fact. Foreign religious forces instill religious beliefs through activities such as "English Corners" and dinner gatherings at the homes of foreign teachers [36]. Another sample questionnaire survey on "Religious Beliefs of University Students in Beijing" conducted across dozens of Beijing universities found that the main reasons for university students believing in religion are the rapid changes in the social environment and the intentional infiltration of Western religious forces. This survey showed that in response to the question "Among the foreigners or overseas individuals you have come into contact with, have you ever met anyone who propagated religion to you?", the proportion choosing "Yes" was 45.5% [37].
Existing questionnaire surveys have conducted quantitative research on the reasons for university students’ religious belief. Earlier surveys show that before adhering to a faith, there were two primary reasons attracting university students to approach Christianity and become "seekers" [5]: first, the "moral character and spiritual outlook of Christians around them," and second, the "faith of parents and family members." Among the 82 university student Christian believers surveyed, 69 admitted that someone in their family practiced Christianity [38]. Other studies have yielded similar survey results. That survey showed that among the reasons for religious conversion among religious students, family influence and the influence of their own ethnic cultural traditions were the greatest, with the proportions choosing these two items as high as 42.9% and 33.3%, respectively [39]. However, another study holds a different view. That study suggests that the acceptance of Christianity by young students has very little relation to family influence, but is more about seeking individual spiritual solace or moving toward Christianity through their own reflection [40]. Regarding the reasons for religious conversion, differences also exist between university student believers of different religious faiths. One survey showed that regarding the reason for converting to Christianity, 54.0% of respondents believed that "what I believe is the truth." Among students believing in Buddhism, Islam, and Taoism, this proportion was only 17.3%, significantly lower than believers in Christian house churches; their reason for religious belief was more often to seek "psychological comfort," accounting for 43.61%. Additionally, that survey showed that over 90% of university student believers’ entries into religion were related to the activities of religious organizations; family religious background was not the primary reason for whether university students practiced Christianity [41]. The spiritual motivations of university students believing in religion are also worth analyzing. One survey suggests that the reason university students believe in Christianity is primarily to realize their own spiritual pursuits [42]. However, another survey believes that although in written surveys most students will choose "believing in Christ to pursue spiritual values," in actual life many students carry utilitarian needs. At the same time, it also suggests that the spiritual pursuits of university student Christian believers are not merely the settling of the soul, but contain more rationality and idealism [43]. Regarding the reasons for the existence of these contradictions, no in-depth analysis from the surveyors was found.
3. Characteristics of University Students' Religious Concepts and Faith Activities
Most surveys show that currently, most university students hold a tolerant attitude toward religion. One survey shows that contemporary Chinese university students have quite an open attitude toward Christianity. Even among those who "do not believe in Christianity and have no interest in Christianity and its culture," 70.6% still affirm that Christianity has the functions of "enriching social culture," being "conducive to Chinese people's understanding of the West," and "strengthening Sino-Western cultural exchange." When asked "what attitude would you take toward classmates who believe in Christianity," over 80% of students who do not believe in Christianity considered it "a personal private matter that should not be interfered with." Surveyors also believe that, at least within the group of university students, ideological pressure against Christian faith basically does not exist [44]. Another survey also found a similar phenomenon: the vast majority of university students (over 90%) hold an understanding attitude toward those around them who have religious beliefs [45]. Another survey suggests that while university students hold a tolerant attitude toward religion, their understanding of religious connotations is somewhat biased. Simultaneously, most students support the Party and the state's religious policies, but do not know much about the state's regulations for managing religious affairs [46]. A survey conducted in 2008 found that university students' attitudes toward religion have also undergone certain changes in recent years, with some students showing quite obvious resistance and exclusion toward Christian faith [47].
The religious knowledge and perceptions of university student believers are worth analyzing. One survey shows that university student Christians’ understanding and acceptance of relevant doctrines and dogmas are, overall, higher than those of religious masses in other social strata. However, through analyzing specific stances on specific claims, it was found that university student Christians mainly make correct judgments regarding basic doctrines and dogmas. For some claims that appear to conform to doctrine but actually do not, some university student Christians still have blurred or even erroneous understandings [48].
University student believers have high enthusiasm for participating in religious activities and are more inclined toward fellowship activities. Existing surveys show that university student Christians exhibit high enthusiasm for participating in religious activities, and their participation is very frequent. Yang Huilin’s 2001 survey showed that the proportion of university student Christians who "regularly participate in church activities" was as high as 80%, but those participating in "family gatherings" (house church meetings) accounted for 50%, while those going to churches and "other venues" each accounted for 25% [49]. Zuo Peng’s survey showed that when asked "What religious activities do you participate in on weekdays?", 84.1% chose "family gatherings," 65.6% chose "church worship," and 35.1% chose both. Further investigation indicates that religious activities in [sanctioned] churches find it difficult to satisfy the emotional needs of university students; the strong attraction of family gathering points scattered across university campuses and their vicinities has actually become the direct reason why university student Christians are more willing to participate in "family gatherings" [50]. Recent field research indicates that university student Christians generally rarely participate in formal church activities, and their organizational form has become association-based [51].
Regarding the family gathering points attended by university student Christians, field research has provided more in-depth observations. Family gathering points are usually quite concealed, and attending activities at these points usually requires being led by classmates, friends, or acquaintances. Zuo Peng conducted an investigation of a Christian gathering point within a certain university campus in Beijing, making detailed observations of the basic situation of the gathering point, the leaders, the participants, and the activities. He found that the leaders of these family gathering points were mostly international students or foreign nationals working in China who lived in rented housing on campus [52]. Another field study had similar findings. Su Hang observed fellowships composed of university students from two specific universities in Beijing and the house churches these students fixedly attended on Sundays, and examined the funding sources of these house churches. He believed that "the situation where foreigners provide funding and are responsible for organizing gathering points is indeed a widespread phenomenon in many university Christian fellowships or house churches." Not only that, he also conducted a comprehensive investigation of the personnel's functional structure, activity methods, and content within the house churches. He especially observed the attitudes and behaviors of the foreign leaders in the church (mainly international students, foreign teachers, and some other engineering and technical personnel from these schools), including their vigilance toward the Chinese government and their coping strategies. He believed they were "acting on orders from certain missionary societies in their own countries specifically for missionizing in China, and they came prepared after training" [53]. Other surveys show that as university students are at a stage in life of facing multiple choices—whether in studies, work, or spiritual faith, and are in a period of exploration—the Christians in this group also exhibit the characteristic of high mobility [54]. Furthermore, some scholars have noticed that in the religious infiltration into higher education institutions dominated by overseas hostile forces, cultural proselytizing has become a latent form. Some religious groups and non-governmental organizations hang the banner of "academic exchange," funding scholars in some domestic universities and research institutions to construct "cultural theology" outside of the church, translating and publishing books with the objective of proselytizing, holding seminars of a proselytizing nature through "inviting people in" and "going out," and offering "informative" and "academic" religious courses and lectures [55].
4. The Impact of Religious Belief on University Students
Regarding the changes in university students after adopting religious faith, one survey indicates [56] that the majority (75.6%) of university students believe they have changed greatly after believing in Christianity. From their attitudes toward ten perspectives or practices before and after adopting the faith, it can be seen that the greatest change is the belief that "we must seek all opportunities to spread God's gospel to others"; that is to say, regarding the matter of spreading the gospel, the perspective after adopting the faith changed the most. Furthermore, the proportion of those who, before adopting the faith, believed they "often feel confused and depressed in real life" dropped significantly after adopting the faith. These indicate that the impact of religious belief on the value systems and behavioral patterns of university students is very large. Of course, the surveyors also pointed out that these changes also have passive and negative influences.
What are the differences between ordinary university students and those with religious beliefs? Some surveys comparing the two groups have found that religious students tend to exhibit more negative inclinations in their choices regarding national politics, national interests, and values. For instance, regarding the statement "money is the decisive factor in life's happiness," 18.8% of non-religious students agreed, whereas 32.1% of religious students agreed—13.3% higher than the former. Conversely, 62.2% of non-religious students disagreed with the statement, while only 49.5% of religious students disagreed—12.7% lower than the former [59].
Another psychological test showed that the perfectionist tendencies of Christian university students were lower than those of the general non-religious student population. The subjects were undergraduate students from freshman to senior years, including 104 ordinary students and 64 Christians (84 males and 84 females) [60].
Generally speaking, survey research results regarding the changes in student believers before and after adopting a religion, as well as their differences from ordinary students, are currently quite scarce.
5. Countermeasures and Suggestions
After conducting surveys and analyses of the religious situation among university students in the Beijing area, many scholars have proposed countermeasures and suggestions. These mainly include: strengthening education on the Marxist view of religion; carrying out propaganda and education on atheism; strengthening the teaching of ideological and political theory courses; improving the relevant knowledge levels of teachers in these courses; and bolstering the ideals and convictions of university students. Others have suggested strengthening mental health education for students, including enhancing campus culture construction, cultivating a scientific spirit among students, and carrying out interventions for psychological issues.
Notably, some scholars have proposed strengthening the management of illegal proselytization activities. As early as 2004, Zuo Peng observed that a team of foreign proselytizers, primarily international students, was active on university campuses. They used "making friends" and "learning foreign languages" as inducements to attract students to participate in Christian fellowships, preach doctrines, and cultivate and develop believers. Therefore, he proposed that relevant school departments should strengthen management in accordance with the law [61]. Later, after observing Christian meeting points on university campuses, he proposed that departments related to religious affairs should coordinate with universities to take effective measures, according to national laws, to ban various illegal religious activities both on and off campus [62]. Another study also suggested that, in addition to education on the Marxist view of religion and strengthening student mental health education, religious affairs management must be reinforced, with importance placed on resisting illegal religious activities and religious infiltration [63].
Beyond the measures mentioned above, some have proposed offering relevant courses. This would allow students to master the basic content of the Marxist view of religion while also satisfying their strong cultural interest in religion [64]. Another survey showed that regarding the offering of elective courses in religious studies during university, 70.2% of students believed this practice "helps students understand the essence of religion and correctly choose their own beliefs" [65].
III. Deficiencies in Research
From the above review of existing surveys and studies, it can be seen that scholars have conducted multi-faceted research on the religious beliefs of university students in Beijing, yielding many valuable results and analytical conclusions. Compared to similar surveys targeting students in other regions, there are more in-depth field research results. However, there are still some deficiencies or gaps in current research that need to be considered in further studies.
1. Lack of a scientific atheism perspective in existing surveys. Looking at the disciplinary backgrounds of current researchers, many are teachers of ideological and political education theory courses or personnel engaged in practical ideological and political work; some are researchers in the field of religious studies, along with a few psychological researchers. These backgrounds greatly influence the design of their survey content and their analysis and judgment of results. Overall, although scientific atheist thought is reflected in some studies, no survey research has yet been seen that starts specifically from the perspective of scientific atheism. This is primarily because the discipline of scientific atheism has been in a "critically endangered" state for many years, causing it to be essentially "speechless" in this field of research. As a concrete manifestation of theism, religious phenomena are naturally subjects of study for scientific atheism; therefore, the absence of this perspective must be called a major defect in the current research. Although some research conclusions suggest strengthening the propaganda and education of Marxist atheism (or views on religion) in universities, without specific research from the perspective of this discipline, it may be difficult to propose effective measures for such education.
2. Some studies lack an objective and neutral stance. A portion of the research applies Western religious theories to study Chinese religious phenomena—including the status of university students' religious beliefs—which inevitably leads to biases. For example, some studies apply "Rational Choice Theory" (religious market theory) [6]. Although they observe many valuable phenomena, they cannot explain them, making it difficult to form an objective and in-depth analysis. Some studies stand solely on the ground of Western religious studies, lacking consideration for our country’s cultural traditions, the socialist value system, and ideological security; thus, they find it difficult to face and objectively evaluate the phenomenon of religious belief among students. Furthermore, most current research is basically centered on the self-descriptions of believers, lacking an "outsider" perspective and sufficient independent observation, analysis, and judgment. For instance, regarding changes in students' studies, lives, and interpersonal relationships after they began believing in a religion: do these changes truly exist? Are there objective reasons for them? Have the students concealed changes that are unfavorable to their faith? How do the people around them (including family, teachers, classmates, and friends) perceive them? These situations require comprehensive analysis and judgment.
3. Some studies lack a deep enough understanding of the research subjects. Indeed, as a spiritual phenomenon, religious belief is difficult to quantify. Therefore, when conducting surveys, one needs a very clear understanding of religious belief itself to grasp the essence behind the phenomenon. Additionally, some issues—such as the funding channels for family churches [7]—are quite sensitive, and it is very difficult to clarify them through actual observation. Many investigators start from traditional ideological and political education concepts; their religious knowledge is relatively insufficient, and their mastery of sociological survey methods is not proficient enough. Consequently, their surveys lack focus and effectiveness. For example, regarding students' understanding of doctrine and its practice in their lives, existing surveys mostly use questionnaires, leading to a general assumption that students have a deep understanding of doctrine. However, there has been no in-depth observation and analysis of their understanding of key doctrinal issues such as "sin" [8], nor how this understanding affects their values and behavior. Is the religious belief of university students more a pursuit of "truth" or a means of obtaining "psychological comfort"? Is it driven primarily by utilitarian or value-based motives? Furthermore, research on this phenomenon requires a broad vision. For example, regarding "cultural proselytization" [9], the spread of religion by foreign teachers and international students on campus, and the hiring of theological figures as professional instructors by some universities—allowing religious believers to hawk their own religious theories in the classroom—these areas require detailed investigation. More broadly, the content and teaching staff of religious knowledge courses already established in some of our universities also require detailed inspection.
In summary, we still need to conduct further in-depth research on the phenomenon of university students practicing religion. We must face the objective existence of this phenomenon and, on the basis of fully respecting students' religious beliefs, guide those beliefs to adapt to the socialist core value system. Moreover, we must actively develop research, propaganda, and education on scientific atheism, uphold the principle of the separation of education and religion, and especially resist the penetration [10] of overseas religions into universities, guiding students to live a fulfilling university life under the care of humanism.
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