Kong Fanxi: "Expounding Religion Through History"
Historical materialism, as a vital constituent of Marxist philosophy, serves both as the ideological foundation of the Marxist theoretical system and as the concentrated expression of the Marxist standpoint, viewpoint, and method. Historical materialism provides a scientific worldview and methodology for the study of religion. Ren Jiyu’s study of historical materialism began after the founding of the People's Republic [1]. He actively participated in ideological remolding movements and was enlightened by early Marxist theorists such as Ai Siqi [2], gaining a preliminary understanding of historical materialism. By systematically reading Marxist classics and related reference books, he laid a solid theoretical foundation. He noted: "After Liberation, the conditions for study changed. We had ample time and access to the important works of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin. Though the Collected Works had not yet been fully translated, we could read some foreign language editions (such as English, German, and Russian)." While consolidating his theoretical foundation, Ren Jiyu actively threw himself into the Land Reform movement [3] and attempted to observe social phenomena using historical materialism. After a period of "revolutionary" practice, he became more convinced that academic research must be rooted in Chinese social issues. His genuine understanding of Chinese society and the peasantry led him to gradually develop doubts about Confucianism: "I had always been a believer in Confucianism. Comparing the new China with the old, I gradually began to doubt the Confucian 'learning of investigating things, extending knowledge, sincerity, and rectitude' and the 'way of self-cultivation, family regulation, state governance, and bringing peace to the world.' My understanding of Marxism-Leninism became increasingly clear. In 1956, I wrote to Mr. Xiong [4] explaining that I had abandoned Confucianism and believed the doctrine of Marxism-Leninism to be the truth." Ren Jiyu’s transition from "abandoning Confucianism to following Marx" completed an "ideological rebirth." He consciously applied historical materialism to analyze Chinese religious issues specifically and historically, proposing the viewpoint of "explaining religion through history." He emphasized that religious phenomena must be analyzed and observed under specific socio-historical conditions to see through the mists and grasp their essence. Ren Jiyu’s understanding of historical materialism and its application in religious studies laid a firm foundation for the establishment and development of Chinese Marxist religious studies.
I. Combining Historical Materialism with Buddhist Studies
"Historical materialism explains all historical events and ideas—all politics, philosophy, and religion—based on the material economic conditions of a given historical period." Ren Jiyu had a profound grasp of this: "Philosophy and religion may seem to soar into the clouds as if they do not consume the food of the mortal world, but in reality, they remain reflections of the economic and political life of a specific society. Sometimes they are direct reflections, sometimes indirect, and sometimes distorted. Social economic and political life is always developing and changing, and consequently, the philosophy and religion that reflect them change accordingly. We should examine the entire process of Buddhism’s initial transmission, growth, prosperity, and decline in China to find the underlying laws." In his religious studies, Ren Jiyu first combined historical materialism with Buddhist studies. His major achievements include Collected Essays on Buddhist Thought of the Han and Tang Dynasties, The History of Chinese Buddhism, and related papers. Collected Essays on Buddhist Thought of the Han and Tang Dynasties gathers seven of Ren’s papers from the 1950s to the 1970s. Every one of these articles shines with the brilliance of historical materialism. Ren consciously integrated the basic tenets of Marxism with the study of Buddhism, outlining the development of Buddhist thought from the Han to the Tang, and determining the developmental trajectory and sectarian characteristics of this period. His work includes both broad overviews and meticulous analyses. Using Marxism as a guiding principle and applying historical materialism to study religious issues, he pioneered a new path for Chinese Marxist religious research. The History of Chinese Buddhism (three volumes) examines Buddhism within the social environment of successive Chinese dynasties, thoroughly implementing a Marxist perspective to observe religious issues. It serves as a classic work of Buddhist history guided by historical materialism. Due to space constraints, this article will elaborate on the following points.
(1) New Principles and New Directions in Buddhist Research
In the 1980s, Ren Jiyu looked back on his experience in Buddhist research and concluded: "Although I have studied Buddhism for decades, it was only by adopting scientific methods and reaching conclusions that align with reality—relying on historical materialism—that I could use this weapon to avoid losing my way in the vast sea of data. Though I have studied Buddhism for decades, truly using scientific methods to research it only began after the liberation of the whole country and the study of Marxism-Leninism." In 1955, Zhonghua Book Company was to reprint Mr. Tang Yongtong’s History of Buddhism in the Han, Wei, Jin, Northern and Southern Dynasties. Mr. Tang had studied and accepted Marxism and underwent an ideological shift; he felt uneasy about presenting the book to readers in its original form. However, as Tang was ill and unable to revise it, he entrusted Ren Jiyu to write a "Postscript" to be appended to the book. Having accepted Marxism, Ren Jiyu’s own thinking had been refreshed, and he had begun to consciously apply Marxism to guide his academic work. Rereading the book, Ren felt "apprehensive" and offered three suggestions: first, the development of Buddhist thought is inseparable from the social conditions of the time—"only by grounding religious and theological issues in the foundation of real-world problems can they be correctly understood"; second, one cannot study thought for thought's sake or faith for faith's sake in isolation, but must correctly recognize the role Buddhism played in Chinese society; third, the book "overemphasized the role of individual historical figures in Buddhist history while completely ignoring the decisive constraints that the entire process of historical development placed on the development of Buddhism." These three points closely revolve around historical materialism, emphasizing the need to examine religious and theological issues within real-world problems and focusing on the role of Buddhism in Chinese society and the impact of the historical process. These points represent Ren Jiyu’s new principles and directions, marking his successful academic transformation after learning Marxism.
(2) Grounding the Examination of Buddhist Development in the Social Base
"Studying historical materialism further clarified the relationship between the superstructure and the base. One can recognize not only that the base determines the superstructure, but also the reaction [5] of the superstructure upon the base. From the introduction and spread of Buddhism, we can see that foreign ideas alone do not exert a major influence on society; they only cause deep and extensive impact when they integrate with the specific historical conditions of that society." Ren examined Buddhist development over nearly a thousand years from the Eastern Han to the Sui and Tang dynasties. He pointed out that from the day it arrived in China, Buddhism spread its religious doctrines according to the needs of China’s feudal society, fully embodying the law of historical materialism where the economic base determines the superstructure. In the Han dynasty, Buddhism combined with Chinese "occult arts" (daoshu) and "fangshi" [6] thought, being understood merely as a type of occult practice; it had some influence among the imperial family and upper nobility but did not attract attention among the masses. During the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties, Buddhism combined with "Dark Learning" (xuanxue) [7], and was understood as a branch of that school—what Ren called "Xuanxue-ized Buddhist philosophy"—as Chinese society began to value the Prajna [8] teachings. In the Sui and Tang dynasties, Buddhism entered its peak; the formation of the "monastic economy" provided the economic base for the emergence of sects, with the Tiantai, Huayan, Faxiang, and Chan sects being the most influential. "Whatever suited the economic base developed; what did not suit it stagnated; what was forcibly transplanted withered. This fact illustrates the principle of historical materialism regarding the relationship between the economic base and the superstructure." The Tiantai, Huayan, and Chan sects could adapt to Chinese social conditions and achieve long-term development. The Faxiang sect [9], however, imported Indian scholastic philosophy wholesale. Despite temporary prosperity backed by the rulers of the time, this unmodified "imported good" could not adapt to the social base of the Tang dynasty, failed to take root, and quickly withered. "The fact that Xuanzang established the Faxiang sect only for it to fail shortly thereafter shows that the superstructure—even something like religion, which is relatively distant from the economic base—must ultimately suit its economic base." During the Song, Yuan, Ming, and Qing dynasties, as feudal society entered a stage of stagnation and decline, the religious spirit of Buddhism integrated into traditional Confucian culture. As "Confucianism as a Religion" [10] formed, Buddhist influence tended toward decline. Buddhism rose by relying on the growth of Chinese feudal society and fell along with its decline.
(3) Focusing on the Role of Buddhism in Chinese Society
Chinese Buddhism is not merely a religion; it has become an organic component of Chinese thought and culture. This was the starting point of Ren Jiyu’s research. Taking his analysis of the "Nirvana" doctrine—which was popular in the Southern Dynasties during the Jin and Song periods—as an example, he placed great importance on the reaction of religion as part of the superstructure back upon social existence. At the end of the Eastern Jin, the boundaries between aristocratic clans became absolute. On one side was a strictly hierarchical and extremely unequal reality, while on the other, the doctrine that "everyone has Buddha-nature" was propagated. Buddhism prompted people to believe that justice, unattainable now, existed in another world. This view was a useful ideological weapon for the ruling class and a "painkiller" for the oppressed masses. "To blur the people's will to resist oppression, Buddhism provided a distorted answer for the feudal rulers regarding the inequality of man-to-man oppression. They declared that true equality and happiness did not exist on earth at all." Grounded in the unequal social reality of the time, Ren Jiyu pointed out with piercing insight that the Nirvana doctrine played a negative role by blurring the people’s will to resist and providing distorted justifications for oppression. "Buddhism sold people cheap 'admission tickets' to the Land of Ultimate Bliss. This is the practical significance of the 'Nirvana' and 'Buddha-nature' doctrines of the Southern Dynasties." Buddhism portrayed the suffering and happiness of actual society as insignificant, rendering the happiness of the Western "Pure Land" as thousands of times greater than that of the real world, and the pain of "Hell" as thousands of times worse. They told people that current suffering was nothing compared to the long hardships of countless kalpas [11], and that peacefully enduring all pain could be traded for a hundredfold happiness in the future.
Through this analysis of the negative effects of the "Nirvana" doctrine, Ren Jiyu fully realized that religion reflects social existence in a phantom-like way; it is a protest against real-world suffering and the "silent sigh of the oppressed." Ren became more convinced of the historical materialist stance on religion: "Religion is not isolated from society; it is a mirror of the political and economic status of real society. Religion is not just about the kingdom of heaven; it involves real life. It is a distorted reflection of real life. We do not use religion to explain history; we use history to explain religion."
II. The Application of Historical Materialism in Taoist Theory
Ren Jiyu once pointed out: "The greatest contribution of Marxist philosophy is its historical materialism, a part of which—from categories to systems—is still in the process of growth. For example, 'base and superstructure' was originally a borrowed metaphor that later ascended to a category; some ideas expressed as propositions have not yet been fixed as categories, such as 'the people are the masters of history'; others are shared with other disciplines, such as 'productive forces and relations of production.'" Although the principles of Marxist historical materialism are few and simple, how to correctly apply them to Chinese religion and philosophy is a difficult process of constant exploration. In this process of scientific research practice, it was inevitable to take detours, and Ren Jiyu’s research on Laozi is an example.
Ren placed great importance on the study of Laozi’s thought, believing it held extraordinary importance in the history of Chinese philosophy. However, his research on Laozi went through many twists and turns. In the last century, influenced by the Soviet Union, the Chinese academic community engaged in heated debates over whether Laozi was a materialist or an idealist. In 1959, Ren Jiyu published "Research on Laozi," arguing that Laozi’s Dao cannot be explained as a conceptual "thing" that is infinitely large. "Laozi’s 'Dao' is nothing more than a category of matter. A category itself is not material—one cannot say the world is composed of a hollow 'matter'—it is a summary of material existence; it does not mean there is a specific 'matter' existing between heaven and earth." Ren’s judgment that Laozi was a materialist focused on how Laozi explained the beginning of all things, believing that Laozi used "Dao" to replace God, thereby philosophizing God and striking a blow against the religious theology of the time. In 1963, the History of Chinese Philosophy edited by Ren Jiyu continued the view that Laozi was a materialist.
Following more than a decade of exploration, Ren Jiyu concluded that it was plausible to regard Laozi's philosophy as idealism: "Laozi's doctrine of 'Dao' is a type of objective idealist philosophy. On the surface, it differs from the creationism of 'God' in traditional religious idealism, but it is more refined and possesses greater deceptiveness. Looking at its schema for the constitution of the world, this objective idealist 'Dao' has no essential difference from religious idealism; both attempt to prove that the material world is produced by some kind of spiritual force. The so-called 'Dao' is merely religion carved more exquisitely." During this period, Ren Jiyu abandoned the view that Laozi's "Dao" was a material existence, turning instead to the acceptance of Laozi's "Dao" as something akin to Absolute Spirit.
After the start of Reform and Opening-up, thought was liberated. In the 1983 volume The History of the Development of Chinese Philosophy: Pre-Qin Volume, Ren Jiyu offered a more mature reflection on Laozi: "Is Laozi’s philosophy ultimately materialism or idealism? This question can continue to be debated. However, it must be seen that there are indeed unclear areas within Laozi’s philosophy itself. One of our tasks is to explain clearly and articulately the philosophical ideas that the ancients (Laozi included) were indeed unclear about, pointing out the locations and reasons for this lack of clarity; this is a necessary prerequisite for studying the thought of ancient philosophers." In his article "The Transformation of My Understanding of the Laozi," he also comprehensively reviewed previous Laozi scholarship, finally moving beyond the determination of whether Laozi's philosophy was materialism or idealism: "It is incorrect to characterize it as either materialism or idealism. Laozi did not have this problem at the time; it was forced upon him by later generations. In trying to speak clearly for Laozi, I ended up making things unclear instead."
The aforementioned twists and turns in Laozi scholarship led Ren Jiyu to a more comprehensive and profound realization regarding the historical materialist [12] conception of history: "Historical materialists should simply state, as they are and accurately, the 'not-so-clear' parts of the ideas and categories that the ancients themselves were not clear about. In the past, we often lost our sense of proportion, trying to speak clearly for the ancients, which instead created confusion. Subjectively, we demanded scientific rigor, but objectively, we produced unscientific results. This fault is not only manifest in Laozi scholarship, but it is most obvious in the problems exposed therein." To adhere to historical materialism, one must "know the person and discuss their age" [13], placing the researched issues within a specific historical scope and striving to restore their original historical appearance. As Zhang Qizhi said: "Applying the historical materialist conception of history to the study of Chinese culture can be summarized in one sentence: conducting concrete analysis of concrete historical and cultural problems; this perhaps is the core of historical materialism." Only by grasping the core of historical materialism can one "respond to all changes by remaining unchanged" [14]. In the process of his persevering exploration of Laozi’s thought, Ren Jiyu fully grasped the scientific spirit of seeking truth from facts and proceeding from reality that lies behind historical materialism. He realized that adhering to historical materialism requires analyzing a research problem specifically, dialectically, and historically, rather than following conventions or being confined to dogmas and books.
Secondly, he emphasized grasping the regional characteristics of thought and culture. Ren Jiyu believed that a major oversight in his previous research was the failure to note regional differences in cultural development. To adhere to historical materialism, one must focus on grasping the regional nature of thought and culture and the characteristics of multi-cultural integration. Chinese religious and philosophical schools were often produced within specific social environments, frequently bearing the style of their own people and regional imprints. Ren Jiyu pointed out that Laozi's thought possesses distinct characteristics of Jing-Chu culture [15]. First, Laozi’s learning originated in Jing-Chu; he inherited the characteristics of Jing-Chu culture, valuing simplicity and spontaneity while opposing artificial carving and ornamentation. Second, Jing-Chu was a land of rivers, where water nourished all things; Laozi offered much praise for "water," such as "the highest good is like water" and "water excels in benefiting all things without contending."
III. The Integration of Historical Materialism and the Study of Confucianism as a Religion
Ren Jiyu’s theory of Confucianism as a religion (儒教) was set against the background of China’s Reform and Opening-up, using historical materialism as the standard and basis for scrutiny. He examined the emergence of Confucianism based on the history and overall characteristics of Chinese feudal society, reflecting on and tracing the characteristics and historical evolution of Confucianism. By repositioning Confucian thought, he reached the conclusion that Confucianism is, in essence, a religion.
(1) Examining the emergence of Confucianism based on the history and overall characteristics of Chinese feudal society
Religion possesses a distinct national character; the nature and appearance of Confucianism were determined by the historical conditions of Chinese feudal society. China has nearly four thousand years of recorded history, over two thousand of which were spent in a feudal society; the development of the history of Chinese philosophy was primarily carried out within this feudal society. Ren Jiyu categorized the historical characteristics of Chinese feudal society into five points: (1) Chinese feudal society lasted for a long time and remained stable; (2) the feudal patriarchal system (宗法制度) [16] was relatively well-developed; (3) the unified multi-ethnic state structure under centralized authority (中央集权) [17] formed early, and divisions could not last long; (4) peasant uprisings were frequent and large-scale; (5) under China's feudal system, capitalism did not achieve significant development. He divided the development of feudal society into six periods: from the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods to before the Qin unification, China was in a period of decentralized rule by feudal lords; the feudal autocratic system of centralized authority was established during the Qin and Han dynasties; the Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties entered the period of autocracy by powerful aristocratic clans (门阀士族); the Sui, Tang, and Five Dynasties were a period of reconstruction, prosperity, and local fragmentation of a unified feudal state; by the Song, Yuan, and Ming dynasties, the system of centralized authority in the feudal state became increasingly complete, and feudal society's development stagnated; in the Qing dynasty, feudal society began to ossify and decline. "The aforementioned historical characteristics and processes of feudal society created a feudal ideology centered on Confucianism. This ideology, which corresponded to the feudal patriarchal system and the unified political power of monarchical autocracy, played a massive role in anesthetizing and deceiving the laboring people, thereby effectively stabilizing the feudal social order." Successive feudal rulers and their thinkers, in order to make Confucianism better serve the function of consolidating the feudal economic and political systems, continuously processed and refined it. This transformation included a series of religious activities [18], such as the idolization of Confucius, the sanctification of Confucian classics, and the absorption of ideas from Buddhism and Daoism. Through constant modification, Confucianism gradually became elaborate and meticulous, forming a massive Confucian religious system that integrated politics, philosophy, and ethics. Confucianism adapted to the feudal patriarchal system and the unified political power of monarchical autocracy, serving to consolidate the feudal system and stabilize the feudal social order. Therefore, feudal rulers and thinkers of all dynasties worked tirelessly to refine Confucianism, allowing it to maintain an orthodox position in the ideological realm.
(2) Tracing the historical process of Confucianism's gradual evolution into a religion
During the Spring and Autumn period, the Confucian school founded by Confucius was a system of political ethics and not yet a religion. However, Confucius directly inherited the religious ideas of Mandate of Heaven (天命) theology and ancestral worship from the Yin and Zhou slave-society period; his thought contained religious elements. The ancestral lessons in the Confucian classics—such as "revering Heaven and following the ancestors," "honoring the honorable and loving the kin," and "revering virtue and protecting the people"—all carry traces of primitive religion and heavy religious traditions. Later, the Confucian school continuously provided new interpretations and injected new content into the transmitted Six Classics. The core of Confucian doctrine always emphasized honoring the honorable and loving the kin, maintaining the absolute ruling position of the sovereign and father to serve the consolidation of the patriarchal autocratic hierarchy. With slight modification, the Confucian doctrine could be adapted to the needs of feudal rulers. Ren Jiyu believed that Confucianism developed into a religion through two major transformations.
The first transformation of Confucianism occurred during the Han dynasty. Han-era Confucians adapted to the needs of the unified, centralized feudal patriarchal autocratic state. Emperor Wu of Han adopted Dong Zhongshu's measure to "proscribe the hundred schools and hold sole deification of Confucianism." Han Confucianism began to integrate closely with the unified feudal royal power and divine power. Confucius was elevated to the status of a religious leader (教主): "Confucius was both the noble 'Uncrowned King' (素王) and a puppet idol; he became a composite of god and man." Ren Jiyu pointed out the essence of the teleological theology from Dong Zhongshu to the White Tiger Hall Conference in the Han dynasty: "The Han Confucians first modeled the Heavenly Kingdom after the earthly kingdom, and then used the divine will of the Heavenly Kingdom as a pretext to issue instructions for all activities in the earthly kingdom." The order of the natural world represented the social order on earth: Heaven was Yang, the ruler, the father, and the husband; Earth was Yin, the subject, the son, and the wife. The natural world was endowed with the attributes of feudal ethics and morality. Han Confucianism already possessed the embryonic form of a religion, although certain religious characteristics awaited further perfection.
The Yellow Turban Uprising at the end of the Han dynasty shook the foundation of the Han dynasty's political rule. Chinese society entered an era of local fragmentation and division, and the orthodox Confucian teleological theology, which combined royal and divine power, suffered a fatal blow. During the Wei, Jin, and Southern and Northern Dynasties, although Confucianism remained the orthodoxy of feudal thought, its supreme status was challenged by Buddhism and Daoism. By the Sui and Tang dynasties, the three religions of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism coexisted and eventually merged. "Having experienced the constant fusion and mutual influence of Buddhism and Daoism during the Sui and Tang, and further driven by the conscious promotion of feudal emperors, the conditions for the 'Three Religions in One' (三教合一) had matured. Centered on Confucian feudal ethics and absorbing some religious cultivation methods from Buddhism and Daoism, the establishment of Song-Ming Neo-Confucianism marked the completion of the Chinese Confucian religion."
In the Song dynasty, the Confucian religion had already attained a mature religious form, marking the completion of the second transformation of Confucianism. As a religion, "it worshipped 'Heaven, Earth, Sovereign, Parents, and Teacher,' organically combining the feudal patriarchal system with a mysterious religious worldview. Among these, the sovereign and parents were the core of the Chinese feudal patriarchal system. Heaven was the theological basis for the divine right of kings, Earth served as the foil to Heaven, and the Teacher was the member of the 'clergy' who spoke for Heaven, Earth, Sovereign, and Parents, possessing the highest power of interpretation—just as Buddhism reveres the Buddha, the Dharma, and the Sangha as the Triple Gem; without the monk (Sangha), the Buddha and the Dharma could not be spread. When Neo-Confucianism rose in the Song dynasty, it was precisely when the Buddhist and Daoist religions were in decline. Buddhism, which had swept the country and spread overseas, declined in form but did not actually perish, because the Confucian religion successfully absorbed it."
Ren Jiyu believed that "what makes a religion a religion consists of its essential part and its shell." The so-called shell refers to the organizational forms, objects of belief, recited classics, and ceremonial rituals, similar to religious regulations, leaders, doctrines, and scriptures; the shell often varies from religion to religion. "The religious leader of the Confucian religion is Confucius; its doctrine and objects of veneration are 'Heaven, Earth, Sovereign, Parents, and Teacher'; its scriptures are the Confucian Six Classics; its sects and lineage of transmission are the Confucian 'Succession of the Way' (道统), containing the so-called 'Sixteen-Character Heart-Transmission.'" The "essential part" is "the field of belief and pursuit regarding the relationship or communication between man and god." This "relationship or communication between man and god" is what ancient Chinese people often called the "relationship between Heaven and Man" (天人关系). In Ren Jiyu's view, this is the fundamental criterion for determining why a religion is a religion. The scope of religion must be based on real social life, dealing with issues of good and bad fortune in reality, yet when dealing with concrete real-world problems, it must resort to supra-real external forces for explanation. "The 'relationship between Heaven and Man' involves two objects: 'Heaven' and 'Man.' Between them, one end is a vacuum—Heaven—and one end is real—Man. This inevitably creates a peculiar connection between its fictionality and its practice." Ren Jiyu pointed out that Neo-Confucianism is called a Confucian religion because it possesses both the shell and the essential part of a religion, using rationalism as a means to ultimately lead people toward fideism.
Combining the aforementioned division of Chinese feudal society into six periods, Mr. Ren Jiyu divided the historical development of the Confucian religion into "six stages," as seen in Table 1.
Ren Jiyu pointed out that the Confucian religion possesses both the commonalities of general medieval world religions and its own unique individuality; the unity of this commonality and individuality fully reflects the historical conditions of Chinese feudal society. From the perspective of historical materialism, Ren Jiyu expounded on the emergence of the Confucian religion based on the historical reality of Chinese feudal society, traced the evolution from Confucianism to the Confucian religion, and revealed the role played by the Confucian religion in the development of Chinese history. As Xiao Yan said: "By introducing the philosophical method of historical materialism and examining the emergence of the Confucian religion and its role in the process of Chinese historical development within the historical and cultural ecosystem of Chinese society, [Ren] undoubtedly opened a brand-new path for Confucian religious studies. This liberated the study of the Confucian religion from the confusion of cultural identity and allowed it to become confident after a period of isolated academic hesitation."
IV. Conclusion
Historical materialism provided Ren Jiyu with a scientific theory and methodology for religious studies. By taking historical materialism as the fundamental guide, Ren Jiyu was able to peer through the layers of religious fog to discover the essence of religion. Ren’s understanding of historical materialism also underwent constant sublimation through its concrete application; from his early understanding to his specific research on Buddhism, Daoism, and Confucianism, his cognition showed a trend of continuous broadening and deepening. Regarding how to apply historical materialism to guide religious studies in China, Ren Jiyu ultimately summarized his perspective—through constant and repeated exploration—as "explaining religion through history." This highlights the importance of explaining religion through history rather than explaining history through religion, emphasizing that religious issues and phenomena must be analyzed and examined within specific socio-historical conditions. One cannot ignore that religion carries national, historical, social, and cultural traditions, as well as regional characteristics.
Ren Jiyu's understanding of historical materialism and its concrete application in religious research provide a successful scholarly paradigm and an exemplary model for further combining the basic tenets of Marxism with fine traditional Chinese culture [19] and promoting the Sinicization of Marxism in the New Era. With the Marxist view of religion as the guiding principle and the application of historical materialism to study Chinese religious issues, Ren Jiyu pioneered a new path for Chinese Marxist religious studies, laying a solid theoretical foundation for its creation and development. The fundamental theory and research method of "explaining religion through history" have pointed the way and played a leading role in the current construction of a disciplinary, academic, and discourse system [20] for Marxist religious studies with Chinese characteristics, Chinese style, and Chinese ethos.