Yu Shangping: A Historical Investigation into the Sinicization of Islam in Xinjiang
Seen from a historical perspective, the gradual drive toward Sinicization has been the primary historical characteristic of the development of foreign religions in our country—and Islam in China’s Xinjiang is no exception. After Islam entered China's Xinjiang at the turn of the 10th century, following a brief period of expansion through force and other coercive means, the religion took the initiative to adapt to the local humanities, geography, and customs in order to survive and develop. It underwent a continuous process of adjustment, absorption, and integration with the region's original religious beliefs and cultural practices, eventually taking root in Xinjiang and moving steadily toward Sinicization.
By examining the historical trajectory of the continuous Sinicization of Islam in Xinjiang, this article seeks to categorize the specific manifestations of this process across four dimensions: politics, culture, customs, and concepts.
I. Political Adaptation to the Historical Tradition of Separation of Church and State and the Primacy of the State over Religion
The traditional Chinese relationship between state and religion is characterized by the separation of church and state and the primacy of the state over religion—that is, religion obeys and serves the political regime. This is the most crucial characteristic of the relationship between religion and the political superstructure in China; as a cultural tradition, it has been inherited and passed down through the long history of Islam's Sinicization in Xinjiang. Historically, Islam is a religion with a relatively deep political coloring, and the regimes it established were basically theocratic in nature. However, a review of local regimes established in Xinjiang’s history—such as the Kara-Khanid Khanate, the Moghulistan (Eastern Chagatai Khanate), and the Yarkent Khanate—reveals that these were regimes of separation between church and state rather than theocracies. Islam played the role of obeying the interests of the ruling class and serving the political superstructure. During the Kara-Khanid period, the Muslim work Wisdom of Fortune and Glory (Qutadgu Bilig) explicitly stated: "Statutes and laws are all instituted by the monarch" and "the sovereign is born as the master of the state." This fully demonstrates that although the Kara-Khanid Khanate, a local Xinjiang regime, treated Islam as its official religion, the systems and laws were formulated by the Khan as a secular ruler, rather than through the implementation of Islamic Sharia law. During the Yarkent Khanate period, the state implemented a system of religious mentors. While this system highlighted the influence of religion over the secular regime and ruling class, religious and secular affairs remained separate, and royal power remained superior to ecclesiastical power within the Khanate. The anonymous History of Kashgaria [1] records: "Abd al-Karim Khan presided over justice with great impartiality, appearing in court personally twice a week. At one side sat the Qadi and Mufti, and at the other sat the Vizier (Chancellor) and the Hakim... cases related to Islamic law (Sharia) were handled by the Qadi and the Mufti, while matters belonging to customary law (Adat) were handled by the Emirs led by the Vizier." Clearly, the Yarkent Khanate remained a local Xinjiang regime characterized by the separation of church and state. After the fall of the Yarkent Khanate, the Dzungar Khanate established the rule of Afaq Khoja in southern Xinjiang. As a religious leader, Afaq naturally implemented theocratic rule. However, although Afaq Khoja ruled southern Xinjiang, he was in fact merely an agent "managing Muslim affairs for the Dzungars" [2]; the so-called "Afaq Khoja regime" was not a primary level of local political power. The same applies to the subsequent so-called "Ishaqi (Black Mountain) Khoja regime."
Even after losing its status as an official religion, Islam in Xinjiang remained capable of managing its relationship with the political superstructure, demonstrating strong flexibility in adapting to different political environments. During the Qara Khitai (Western Liao) period, the rulers implemented a policy of religious tolerance, and all religions held equal status. In this phase, Islam in Xinjiang lost its official status as the sole dominant faith for the first time. This shift in political status inevitably triggered internal changes within Islam. In some places, faith began to waver: "With the impact of other religions and the decline of social morals, some Muslims who had recently converted and whose faith was not firm began to waver, or even converted to other religions." In the 12th century, the famous Muslim poet Ahmad bin Mahmud Yükneki described the social conditions of the time in The Threshold of Truths (Atabetü'l-Hakayık): "Scholars have abandoned good deeds, hermits have cast aside piety, and even philosophers are dancing the joyful Sama [3] with hands and feet moving in rhythm. Those who forbid paganism have vanished without a trace, while heresies run rampant." Faced with changes in the socio-political environment, Islamic circles adjusted their strategy. On one hand, they took the initiative to maintain good relations with the Qara Khitai rulers, directly participating in and assisting with the administration and management of the realm—not only collecting tributes and taxes for the rulers, monitoring public sentiment, and maintaining local order, but also seeing some high-ranking religious figures enter the Qara Khitai ruling group. The religious community even ordered that mosques include the name of the Qara Khitai ruler when reciting the Khutbah [4] during prayers. Reciting a name in the Friday Khutbah is a fundamental expression of a sovereign monarch's authority in the Islamic world. Reciting the Khutbah in the name of a non-Muslim ruler is extremely rare in the history of world Islam.
After the Qing government unified Xinjiang, it deeply implemented the policy of separation of church and state under the basic principle of "governing according to their religion without changing their customs, and regulating their administration without changing what is appropriate" [5]. To manifest the authority of the central throne and national unity, the Qing dynasty vigorously promoted the Great Qing Code (Da Qing Lü) in Xinjiang, explicitly abolishing provisions for handling capital crimes according to Islamic law. During the Jiaqing and Daoguang reigns, the Regulations for the Muslim Frontier (Huijiang Zeli) were compiled and implemented. Furthermore, powerful measures were taken such as prohibiting Ahungs from interfering in administrative affairs and banning the "trial and sentencing based on scripture." These measures demonstrated the Qing government's firm determination to practice the separation of church and state. During this period, the relationship between Islam in Xinjiang and the political superstructure was characterized by obedience and adaptation to the laws of the Qing government, further deepening the direction of Sinicization.
II. Cultural Integration with Local Social and Cultural Traditions
The introduction of Islam was a profound event in Xinjiang's history, bringing significant intellectual transformation and ideological impact. As a foreign cultural system, Islam had both conflictual confrontations and processes of absorption and fusion with the indigenous culture of the Xinjiang region. The Wisdom of Fortune and Glory contains "not only the traditional culture of Turkic-speaking peoples and Arab-Islamic culture, but also Central Plains culture centered on Confucian thought, Indian Buddhist culture, ancient Greek culture, and Persian culture." Additionally, the book discusses how to treat astrologers, dream interpreters, and Kam (shamanic healers), reflecting the multicultural state of society at that time. Another Muslim work of the Kara-Khanid period, the Compendium of the Turkic Dialects (Dīwān Lughāt al-Turk), contains a considerable number of pre-Islamic religious terms and related folk songs and proverbs, such as Kam, incantations, divination, monks, and amulets. Furthermore, although Islam had been introduced for over 100 years at that time, the book continued to use the term "Tengri"—the supreme deity of the old local religion—to refer to the unique God of Islam, and used the local term for "cleaning" to replace the Arabic technical term for "circumcision." "Undoubtedly, until the mid-to-late 11th century, Muslims of the Kara-Khanid dynasty still retained many concepts from the old religions, and some pre-Islamic faiths were still active." As Ahmad Amin stated in The Cultural History of the Arab-Islamic World (Fajr al-Islam): "Every nation’s understanding of Islam is inevitably mixed with many traditions of its own ancient religions; every nation’s understanding of Islamic terminology must simulate it, making it approximate its own religious terminology." The above examples fully illustrate the selective absorption of original traditional culture by Islam during its dissemination in Xinjiang.
Music and dance were excellent cultural traditions of various ethnic minorities in Xinjiang at that time. For orthodox Islam, however, music and dance were opposed, especially as supplements to religious ceremonies. But after Sufism entered Xinjiang, it did not ban local music; instead, it integrated music into spiritual practices. This stance greatly promoted the development of local secular music, leading to the creation of the classic artistic masterpiece, the Twelve Muqam. Similarly, this stance created conditions for the development of Sufi music, adopting some melodies and poems from the Twelve Muqam as ceremonial music for Sufi practices.
Religious architectural art also fully reflects the Sinicization of Islam in Xinjiang. After Islam's introduction to Xinjiang, mosques consistently adopted the local flat-roofed residential architectural style; to date, no records have been found of early Arabic-style domed mosques in Xinjiang. Even today, mosques in the vast rural areas of southern Xinjiang retain the tradition of flat-roofed residential styles. This also fully demonstrates Islam’s adaptability to local architectural culture and social life.
In the mid-to-late 19th century, after Yaqub Beg of the Kokand Khanate invaded Xinjiang, he built and expanded Arabic-domed Islamic structures—represented by the bangke [6] tower of the Id Kah Mosque in Kashgar and the Afaq Khoja Mazar—in order to use Islam to control and exploit the Muslim masses. In the early 20th century, when the Russian consul in Kashgaria, N. V. Bogoyavlensky, visited the region, he still described the local mosques as follows: "Even the mosques are not built magnificently; they are likewise made of mud and straw, with flat roofs just like residential houses, only much larger in area." From this, it can be inferred that the mosques in Kashgar at that time were still primarily of the flat-roofed residential style. Due to earthquakes, wars, and other factors, the structures Yaqub Beg had built—the Id Kah bangke tower and the Afaq Khoja Mazar complex—had been significantly damaged and failed to catch the Russian consul's attention. In 1773, the Baitulla Mosque in Yining was completed with funds specifically approved by the Qianlong Emperor of the Qing dynasty; this was the first mosque in the history of the Uyghur people in Xinjiang built in a traditional Chinese palace style. The minaret of that mosque can still be seen today. In the late Qing period, with the migration and integration of Hui Muslims from the interior, a group of traditional Chinese palace-style mosques were established in Urumqi, Hami, Yining, Wushi, and Changji. These instances fully demonstrate the absorption and acceptance of traditional Chinese culture in the architecture of Islam in Xinjiang.
III. Behavioral Acceptance of Original Customs and Legacy Religious Elements
It is well known that alcohol is prohibited in Islamic doctrine. Historically, various ethnic groups in Xinjiang have had the habit of drinking. After the introduction of Islam, this habit was not eradicated but was instead retained. The Kara-Khanid Khanate, the first local regime in Xinjiang to embrace Islam, specifically established the official post of "Cupbearer." The Wisdom of Fortune and Glory contains a dedicated chapter (Chapter 37) discussing the qualifications a cupbearer should possess. The Compendium of the Turkic Dialects also discusses wine and drinking vessels, and includes a quatrain describing drinking: "The jug is slender like a goose's neck, the fine wine in the cup is bright as an eye; it drives away all sorrow and grief from the heart, one only wishes to stay drunk and never wake." During the Yarkent Khanate period, drinking was quite prevalent among the royal nobility. According to the History of Islam in China’s Xinjiang, in the year 1522, Said Khan of Yarkent damaged his health due to excessive drinking. Furthermore, according to the Chronicles [7]: "In the first month of the Hijri year 1045, such a terrible event [referring to death from excessive drinking] occurred to Sultan Muhammad Khan in the Khan's city of Yarkent." These are powerful illustrations of Islam's adaptation to the drinking habits of local social life.
For orthodox Islam, the veneration of Mazars (shrines) is also forbidden. However, under the influence of Sufism, Mazar worship became a typical characteristic of the Sinicization of Islam in Xinjiang. The reason Mazar worship was widely accepted and even sanctified to a certain extent—besides the influence of Sufism—was...
"The Mazar pilgrimages in Xinjiang have a certain lineage of connection with the original ancestor worship and primitive religious beliefs of the region." [8] Within pilgrimage activities, one can clearly see the influence of previously prevalent religions such as Zoroastrianism and Shamanism. For instance, when worshipping at a Mazar, some people carve a hollow into a mud brick, place embers inside, and set it near the tomb after lighting it; this is clearly a remnant of the fire-worship customs of Zoroastrianism. At Mazars with significant social influence, the surroundings are densely planted with branches adorned with a dazzling array of decorations: small flags, yak tails, ram horns, or entire sheepskins stuffed with wheat straw. Occasionally, one finds various forms of copper, iron, or wood-carved floral ornaments, as well as strings of rhombus and triangular cloth patches in various colors, with nearby shrubs tied full of rag strips. In 1874, after visiting the Afaq Khoja Mazar, the British scholar Elias recorded in his travelogue: "The marks of the sacred tomb consist of four high posts, decorated atop with yak tails and banners bearing Arabic scriptures, along with large antelope horns brought from the nearby mountains." Lin Zexu [9] personally witnessed Mazar pilgrimages and expressed confusion regarding them: "They do not bend their waists to clay idols, but kneel long in the open air to receive nāmaz (prayer). Why then do they kowtow only at the ma-zha-er (Mazar), where long poles hang high with the hair of horses and cattle?" Historically, during the festivals of Eid al-Fitr and Eid al-Adha, it was customary to perform collective Sama dances in the square of the Id Kah Mosque in Kashgar, a tradition that continues to this day. Many places also have the tradition of dancing the Sama after the conclusion of a Mazar pilgrimage. This dance is very similar to the "spirit-dancing" movements of Shamanic priests. From this, one can see the profound influence of Shamanism on Mazar worship; Mr. Ma Pinyan, an expert in Xinjiang religious studies, vividly described it as "Shamanic worship wearing the cloak of Islam." Furthermore, in the 1980s, when female bakhshi (shamans) in Kuqa County performed spirit-dances, their movements included the anjali mudra (palms pressed together) and the "lotus hand," which are quite different from the hand gestures of Uyghur folk dance. These gestures are found in Buddhist murals and are residues of Buddhism. After the Kazakh people generally accepted Islam, they not only permitted Shamanism to continue its activities but also allowed it to adopt Islamic forms. For example, when Shamanists performed rain-making rituals during droughts, or fire-worship rituals during livestock epidemics, they would—in addition to following ancient traditions—hang a copy of the Quran from a rope between two trees. When the Shaman recited prayers or incantations, the name of the sole God of Islam was added at the end.
Regarding traditional festivals, Nowruz was the first and most important of the seven major festivals of Zoroastrianism, the former state religion of Persia. The festival is set on March 21 of the Gregorian calendar; in Persian, it means "Spring Rain Day" or "Welcoming Spring Day," equivalent to the traditional Chinese "Spring Festival" (Lunar New Year). After the introduction of Islam, this festival was not banned but has instead continued to this day, becoming an important festival for six ethnic groups in Xinjiang that practice Islam, such as the Uyghur, Kazakh, and Kyrgyz. Lin Zexu recorded in a poem: "The haylandar (dervishes) let their hair hang in twin tresses, as singers and dancers compete to rush toward nu-lu-si (Nowruz)." This vividly describes the scene at that time where people celebrated Nowruz and Sufis sang and danced to pray for a bountiful year.
Islam's restrictions and requirements regarding women’s clothing have consistently been strict. However, in Xinjiang, a region where multiple religions coexist and diverse cultures integrate, the Islamic regulations concerning women wearing veils have exhibited localized characteristics in practice. This is a true manifestation of the inclusive and tolerant character of Chinese culture within Xinjiang, a phenomenon rarely seen in other parts of the world.
In the mid-19th century, the Tsarist Russian officer Shoqan Walikhanov recorded in Kashgaria: "Here, Islam must follow local customs and habits, and religious fanaticism is somewhat restrained. Women enjoy freedom. This phenomenon is something other Muslim countries do not have, and it is a powerful piece of evidence." He personally witnessed the sense of superiority in women’s status there: "The black or white face-covering veil is also an indispensable attire for urban women. However, for women, putting on this chader is entirely a form of beautification to enhance their appearance; their faces are always left exposed." At the end of the 19th century, the Tsarist Russian explorer Pevtsov also discovered while investigating Kashgar that "women in the more prosperous villages and towns do not wear veils, and those doing business in the markets have never covered their faces." He lamented at the time: "The custom of Muslim women wearing veils, which was strictly observed in Kashgar during the Yaqub Beg period, is now beginning to be frequently violated, and it seems it will entirely disappear with the passage of time." Additionally, in Korla, he saw that the women there—"except for particularly pious elders—generally no longer cover their faces and freely participate in male social activities."
IV. Formation of National Consciousness and Patriotic Conceptions
In the process of Sinicization, the patriotic sentiments and national consciousness of the broad masses of Muslims in Xinjiang gradually formed, achieving a sublimation from spontaneity to self-awareness. The Khans of the Kara-Khanid Khanate always considered themselves Chinese; it was customary to prefix the Khan's name with the title "桃花石" (Tāmǎghāch). They believed they were the kings of a Chinese local political power and that their dynasty was a local dynasty of China. Mahmud al-Kashgari also mentioned "Tàmǎghāch" in the Dīwān Lughāt al-Turk (Compendium of the Languages of the Turks), explaining "Qin" (China) as follows: "Tàmǎghāch. The name of the state of 'Māqīn.' This state is four months' journey from Qin. Qin was originally divided into three parts: first, Upper Qin, located in the East, called Tàmǎghāch; second, Middle Qin, called Khitai; third, Lower Qin, called Barkhan, which is in Kashgar. However, it is now considered that Tàmǎghāch is Māqīn, and Khitai is 'Qin'." This discourse "simply reflects the 'China consciousness' of the Kara-Khanid Khanate, which is extremely precious." In 1840, after the outbreak of the Opium War, China fell into a semi-colonial and semi-feudal society, and Xinjiang, located at the motherland's frontier, also suffered from external aggression and oppression. In 1865, Yaqub Beg invaded Xinjiang and implemented thirteen years of reactionary, terroristic rule, causing the people of all ethnic groups to fall into dire straits. Inspired by patriotic sentiments, the broad masses of Muslims rose up in resistance, actively cooperating with the Qing central government to expel the invading forces, effectively upholding national unity and territorial integrity. This heroic feat sublimated the national consciousness and patriotic sentiments of the people of all ethnic groups in Xinjiang, including the broad masses of Muslims. During the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, people of all ethnic groups across Xinjiang strove to support the national frontline; in the early stages of the war, they donated funds to purchase ten fighter planes named "Xinjiang" to participate in the Defense of Wuhan. In 1938, at a critical moment in the Chinese nation's struggle against Japan, Ma Liangjun, a representative figure of Xinjiang's Islamic circles, delivered numerous anti-war speeches, propagating that "patriotism is a part of faith." With shared hatred for the enemy, he stated: "We have only one enemy—Japan. We must resist the war in unison. Although I am a seventy-year-old man, I am willing to lead my Hui compatriots throughout Xinjiang to fight for the salvation of the nation!" In 1943, Xinjiang launched the "One Plane per County" movement; the sons and daughters of all ethnic groups north and south of the Tianshan Mountains, including the broad masses of Muslims, exceeded their targets. In one year, a total of 5.37 million yuan was raised across Xinjiang, and 144 planes were donated, more than doubling the original plan of 64. The Uyghur poet Lutpulla Mutellip (1922–1945) also inspired the people of all ethnic groups in Xinjiang to fight heroically to save the motherland with his poem China: "China! China! You are my hometown!" In short, in this struggle against Japanese aggression that concerned the life or death of the Chinese nation, the people of all ethnic groups in Xinjiang, including the broad masses of Muslims, manifested a great spirit of patriotism: "unity against outsiders, and solidarity in resisting Japan."
V. Conclusion
Through this historical investigation into the Sinicization of Islam in Xinjiang, we can derive four important insights.
First, the Sinicization of religion in our country has different standards and connotations in different periods. Analyzing the historical trajectory of the Sinicization of Islam in Xinjiang, its historical progression was characterized by four main aspects: political submission to the rule and management of the political power of the time; cultural integration with local culture; social acceptance of local customs and traditions; and conceptual identification with the Great Unification of China.
Second, integration and coexistence are the mainstream and characteristic features of religious relations in Xinjiang. Since the 16th century, although Islam has occupied the position of the primary religion in the Xinjiang region, it has inherited and carried forward the tradition of "pluralistic harmony" [10] inherent in Chinese religious culture. In its process of Sinicization, it has coexisted harmoniously with other religions, maintained a historical pattern of religious pluralism, and preserved a relationship of mutual integration, absorption, respect, and tolerance. This allowed it to take deep root in the fertile soil of Chinese culture from the beginning, achieving a deep integration with Chinese culture.
Third, adaptation to the surrounding society is a universal law and basic trend for the survival and development of any religion; it is an inevitable requirement of the society and an internal need for the religion to realize its own development and protect its own interests. Regarding this, the famous Russian Orientalist Barthold also pointed out that all religions must inevitably adapt to actual living conditions. In its developmental course, Islam in Xinjiang has also traveled a winding road, but it has been able to engage in active self-adjustment and actively adapt to the host society. Not only was it not eliminated by society, but it also became what Engels called a "religion adapted to the times," achieving normal and orderly transmission and development. The historical process of the Sinicization of Islam in Xinjiang further confirms the Marxist viewpoint that "the development of religion is determined by social development; the laws of religious development can only be found by combining it with the historical process of social development."
Fourth, gradually moving toward Sinicization is the historical tradition of Islam in Xinjiang. Among the five major religions currently existing in China, all except Taoism are exogenous religions. However, whether endogenous or exogenous, they have all gradually adapted to Chinese society for their own survival and development, continuously Sinicizing to become Chinese religions. The development of Islam in Xinjiang fully proves this point. It is precisely because of this that Islam in Xinjiang has formed a version of Islam distinct from its place of origin in the Arabian Peninsula, possessing Chinese endowments, Chinese characteristics, and a Chinese character. However, one must also clearly see that due to insufficient absorption of mainstream traditional Chinese culture, the degree of Sinicization of Islam in Xinjiang is not deep, its foundation is not firm, and the process is slow. Especially when encountering the impact of "de-Sinicization" counter-currents such as religious extremism, "Saudization," or "Arabization," previous achievements in Sinicization are prone to regression. Events in Xinjiang in recent years have fully demonstrated this.
At the third Central Symposium on Xinjiang Work, Xi Jinping proposed the scientific thesis of "adhering to the orientation of the Sinicization of Islam in Xinjiang and realizing the healthy development of religion," which pointed out the fundamental direction and provided the fundamental follow-through for deeply promoting the Sinicization of Islam in Xinjiang. For many years to come, adhering to the orientation of the Sinicization of Islam in Xinjiang requires us to build upon the existing historical foundation of Sinicization, draw lessons from historical experience, focus on guidance by Socialist Core Values, and saturate the religion with Chinese culture. We must strive to work on deep-level, foundational, and strategic tasks to ensure that Islam in Xinjiang achieves healthy development and healthy transmission along the path of Sinicization.