Gao Tie-tai: The Impact of the Spread of Christianity on the Sense of Community for the Chinese Nation and Coping Strategies
General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out at the Central Conference on Ethnic Affairs: "We must take the forging of a sense of community for the Chinese nation as the main line of the Party's ethnic work in the New Era, encouraging all ethnic groups to strengthen their high degree of identification with the great motherland, the Chinese nation, Chinese culture, the Communist Party of China, and socialism with Chinese characteristics, and continuously advancing the construction of the Chinese nation community." [1] Identification with the great motherland and the Chinese nation is a vital component of the "Five Identifications" concept and an important cornerstone for the sense of community for the Chinese nation. Taking the China-Burma border region in the 1930s as a case study, this article explores how the spread of Christianity weakened the sense of community for the Chinese nation among local ethnic groups, and examines the perceptions of and solutions to this problem proposed by various circles of society. It should be noted that "Christianity" as used in this article is meant in its broad sense, encompassing both Catholicism and Protestantism.
I. The Confusion of National Identity among Ethnic Groups in the China-Burma Border Region in the Early 20th Century
Traditional China used the "distinction between Hua and Yi" [29] to represent the relationships between the Han and other ethnic groups, the center and the periphery, and civilization and barbarism. Different ethnic classifications were formed on this basis—such as the ethnonyms Man, Miao, and Yi in the southwest—but Han-language writing at the time did not pay attention to the complex autonyms and exonyms of these groups. In the early 20th century, as borders between nation-states became clearer, these so-called "Man and Yi" gradually developed concepts such as "the State," "China," "Minzu," and the "Chinese nation," coming to recognize the self, the other, the state, and the relationships between the three. In this process, the religious activities of Western missionaries in the southwest promoted the formation of modern ethnic and self-consciousness among southwestern groups. Simultaneously, to a certain extent, these activities diluted the concept of the motherland, neutralized the influence of traditional Chinese culture, and severed the relationship between the frontier and the interior. This led to confusion regarding state and national identity, and in some cases, even seriously threatened national security during boundary disputes. During the late Qing and Republican periods, the delimitation of the China-Burma border produced a series of disputes. Up until the 1930s, the southern and northern sections of the border had yet to be demarcated, during which time Britain continuously encroached upon Chinese territory. At the end of 1933, the Burma Corporation, under the escort of British colonial authorities, attempted to enter the Banhong area to develop the Lufang silver mine. This triggered an armed conflict between local ethnic groups and British-Burmese troops, an event known as the "Banhong Incident" [30].
After the "Banhong Incident," both China and Britain realized the severity of the undemarcated southern section of the border and restarted survey work that had been suspended for 30 years. In 1935, the two sides organized the "Sino-British Commission for the Boundary Demarcation of the Undemarcated Southern Section of the Yunnan-Burma Border" to conduct a joint survey. During the survey process, the national identity of the indigenous inhabitants of the Banhong area was quite confused. For instance, the King of Banhong hoisted the Nationalist Party flag to welcome members of the commission; the Chief Administrator Hu Hanmin stated: "For generations, my people have served the Han Dynasty [China]. The Han Dynasty has been good to my family, and I cannot betray the will of my ancestors. If the foreigners come, I must fight; that is my duty." [3] In the face of British economic inducements and military threats, the headman of Banlao also remarked: "Unless the day comes when the moon falls to the earth, I shall never surrender to the British." [4] However, the identity of the upper-level Tusi [31] and headmen in the Banhong area regarding "China" was not consistent. For example, the King of Yongbang "betrayed China" and became an enemy of Banhong and Banlao. Ma Meiting, the headman of Bannong, was utilized by the British and "forgot his roots to sell out the country." [5]
From 1936 to 1937, during the second Sino-British survey of the southern section, incidents even occurred where indigenous residents (primarily Christian converts) in places like Yonghe welcomed the British side while resisting Chinese personnel.
"Now the Lohei (Lahu) have become converts, and the Yonghe and Gannai villages of the Kawa [Wa] have entered their fold. On this occasion, the converts welcomed the British and blocked the Chinese commissioners; this was the masterstroke of the church, whose latent influence is not to be underestimated...
While I (Fang Guoyu) was in Mengdong, we happened to be suppressing the Yonghe rebels. Someone reported: 'Wild Kawa from Yonghe are scouting nearby.' We sent men to capture one and asked: 'Who are you? What are you doing here?' He replied: 'I am a convert from Yonghe. The King of Yonghe sent me to deliver a message to the British camp.' When asked what the message was, he resolutely refused to answer. Even when threatened with execution, he said: 'I have joined the foreign religion. If the Han officials kill me, I have no grievance. But the secret matters between the King of Yonghe and the British cannot pass my lips.' Despite repeated questioning, he would not answer. Such is the nature of the foreign religion's schemes." [6]
Concepts of "China" and the "Chinese nation" among indigenous residents in the northern section of the China-Burma border were also extremely confused:
The Baiyi [Dai] near Kanti (Khamti, a district now governed by Kachin State in northern Burma), because the land is near Burma, have had little contact with us. Furthermore, having been influenced by the British earlier, currently only a few elderly people still hold a sense of nostalgia [for China]. The youth mostly recognize the British as their masters and harbor hostile feelings toward us. Thus, their people are well-liked by the British. The Qiu [Trong] people’s land is near ours; they stopped paying tribute to us only a few years ago. To this day, they frequently trade and interact with our people, and the closeness of the relationship is the same as in the past. Conversely, their relationship with the British is more distant, so their longing for our country is very deep... Moreover, the residents of the mountain ridges on the east bank of the Great Qiu River are Lisu and Nu who migrated from the Nu River. In the past, these people were mostly those who managed the Qiu people and collected their tribute; they always occupied a superior social status in the Qiu River region. Now that the land has been occupied by the British, they are treated like immigrants, and their status is actually lower than that of the Qiu people. Therefore, their hatred for the British is quite strong, and they are extremely willing to assist us... As for the Puman [Blang] people of Jiangxinpo, they quite detest the British and have never had the heart to submit to them, while they still maintain good feelings toward our country. [7]
It is evident that the ethnic composition of the China-Burma border region is complex. Influenced by various factors, the identification with "China" varied greatly between different ethnic groups and even between different branches of the same group. Because certain groups in the border region "lacked an understanding of the nation-state," they frequently moved entire tribes or villages to other countries. "In the border areas of Tengyue and Longling alone, reports show that an average of two to three thousand households of Yi people have migrated across the border annually in recent years." [8]
II. The Impact of Christianity on the Sense of Community for the Chinese Nation among Ethnic Groups in the China-Burma Border Region
The spread and development of Christianity in the southwestern frontier regions to some extent diluted the national and ethnic identification of local groups. Since the late Qing Dynasty, foreign missionaries arrived in the southwest one after another, even heading to remote areas with harsh environments to preach. By the 1930s, Western missionaries were spread throughout the southwestern frontier and were active among the Lisu, Jingpo, Lahu, Nu, and Wa peoples. In some groups, even "seven or eight out of ten were Christians." [9] For example, there were over 25,000 believers in Lancang County, mainly Lahu and Wa; the total number of believers in Shuangshan, Cangyuan, Gengma, and Mianning counties reached 20,000, the vast majority being Lahu. [10] In Lushui County, there were 9,000 Lisu believers, accounting for over 80% of the county's population. [11] The spread of Christianity in the border region had a huge impact on the society, thought, and culture of local groups, producing the following effects from the perspective of state and national identity:
(1) High religious appeal, lowering state prestige
These missionaries came to the Yunnan border and worked diligently, achieving significant results. In some places, the border residents "knew only the pastor and did not know the government." [12] They would even ignore summons from the Nationalist Government, yet when the pastor announced Christmas celebrations, they would travel dozens or hundreds of li, leading the old and carrying the young, to attend the festival. [13] Some missionaries with ulterior motives used their sermons to aggressively promote the power of Britain and America and the superiority of Western civilization, even sowing discord between ethnic groups.
Due to the Church's promotion of American material civilization and its tactics of provocation, the converts only know that America is the strongest in the world and that they must rely on it. They believe the Han people are all bad and do not interact with them. They sell their produce to America and then buy back the things they need. [14]
Such practices caused tension in ethnic relations in the border region. Some ethnic minorities developed a psychology of indifference toward China and the Chinese nation, cultivating a romanticized imagination of British Burma. For instance, Lisu converts in Lushui regarded the undemarcated area between China and Burma as a "pure land," believing that there was "no oppression and the burdens were very light." Once they felt "oppressed" by Tusi or merchants, they would take their families over the Gaoligong Mountains. [15] When missionaries discussed the relationship between the Jingpo people and Britain, they fabricated a story that the Jingpo Prince was actually King George VI, leading some Jingpo to believe they were Burmese rather than Chinese. [16] Other missionaries directly incited Lahu converts to break away from China, telling them they "could not accept the jurisdiction of Chinese officials," should not pay taxes or follow orders, and should not go to the authorities for civil litigation. [17]
(2) Developing religious education, weakening national identity
Since the Ming and Qing Dynasties, the central dynasties—in order to implement the policy of "replacing local headmen with central officials" (gaituliegui) in the southwest—adopted the principle of "pacifying the borders and civilizing the people." They established schools and academies at the prefecture and county levels. However, the scope of this "civilizing" was mainly concentrated on the upper classes of the ethnic minorities. Until the Republican period, the central government had failed to integrate the majority of southwestern indigenous residents into "Han" society. This problem was particularly prominent in the China-Burma border region.
Missionary activities in the southwest were accompanied by the promotion of education. [18] "If you do not run schools, you cannot get a foothold." [19] After missionaries took root in the Yunnan border, their urgent priority was to build churches and schools. Statistics show that missionaries opened nearly a hundred primary and secondary schools in ethnic concentrated areas of Yunnan, along with numerous training and crash courses. Compared to the interior, the characteristic of these church schools on the Yunnan border was the integration of schooling with religious education and activities; the church was the school. [20]
These church schools not only had a strong religious character but also possessed a powerful political orientation. Regarding teaching materials, many were compiled in "Yi scripts," English, or Burmese. The teachers were mostly members of the local ethnic group who had studied in Burma (often religious figures), or were sent directly from Burma by the Church. The teaching content was often "inconsistent with national and ethnic thought." For example, textbooks in church schools in the Lahu areas of the Lancang River contained lessons like "The Han are coming, I am afraid," and prayers like "O God, the Han people oppress us." [21] Literacy primers in the Jingpo mission area wrote "Our leader is the British King," and students' daily prayers often included "God bless you—America." These practices resulted in students being familiar with London, Rangoon, Myitkyina, and Bhamo, while being entirely ignorant of Beijing, Shanghai, and Kunming. [22]
The "Yi scripts" mentioned earlier were mostly scripts created by various missionaries for the scriptless ethnic groups of the southwest. Usually, Western missionaries assigned to Chinese dioceses were required to learn Mandarin first. But the Yunnan border had many ethnic groups and complex languages; many of these border residents did not speak Mandarin, nor did they understand Han writing. To facilitate proselytizing, missionaries learned local languages and created scripts for groups without their own writing. [23] On this basis, they translated and printed scriptures in various scripts. The "Yi scripts" created by missionaries objectively solidified ethnic boundaries, manifested the southwestern minorities' categorization of "Han" and "non-Han," [24] and strengthened self-consciousness, which to some extent also weakened the indigenous residents' identification with the state and the Chinese nation.
It cannot be denied that the establishment of church schools and the creation of scripts ended the long-standing situation where scriptless ethnic groups on the Yunnan border recorded history through oral tradition or notched wood and knotted cords, thus promoting social development. However, these church schools were heavily religious, and their primary purpose was proselytizing. The content taught was "inconsistent with national and ethnic thought" and posed a "tremendous obstacle to the national body and administrative power." [25] Some even prohibited converts from continuing to secondary school after graduating from primary school: "It is enough if you can read the Bible after finishing senior primary school; if you have too much knowledge, you will become troublesome." [26]
(3) Reconstructing historical memory, neutralizing traditional Chinese culture
Christianity is an "imported product" (bolàipǐn), significantly different from Chinese civilization and the cultures of the southwestern ethnic regions. Missionaries initially utilized Western "civilization"—such as medicine, magic lanterns, and films—to attract the masses and achieved certain successes. However, as a foreign religion, if it wished to conquer the locals' faith and change their thoughts and concepts, it had to integrate with local history and culture. Consequently, missionaries began to utilize the legends of Kongming [Zhuge Liang] that were widely circulated in the southwest. "Among the border ethnic groups, those who hold the deepest reverence for Lord Wu [Zhuge Liang] are the Yi people of the western Yunnan border." [27] These groups included the Wa, Jingpo, Lisu, Lahu, and Hani, who worshipped Kongming as a supreme deity and developed related customs. Some groups even believed their ancestors migrated to the region following Zhuge Liang's "Southern Expedition." Western missionaries made full use of Kongming worship to proselytize. For example, the Lisu people from Pianma (now Pianma Town, Lushui City, Nujiang Lisu Autonomous Prefecture, Yunnan Province) to Weixi initially "considered themselves subjects of the Great [Qing] Dynasty and were unwilling to be controlled by foreigners," moving elsewhere to avoid Western missionaries. The missionaries first used Western technology to attract them. Once they saw initial success, they opportunistically declared: "God has two sons: the eldest is Jesus and the second is Kongming. Both were sent to forgive all sins and save people from all disasters." "Since you believe in Old Father Zhuge Liang, you must listen to the teachings of his brother Jesus," and so on. This caused "the masses to believe without doubt," achieving ideal proselytizing results. [28]
The legends and worship of Kongming [4] represent a search by the ethnic groups of the Southwest for an appropriate "heroic ancestor" within Chinese historical memory. This served to prove their descent from the Huaxia [5], functioning as a cultural foundation and expression of "Chinese" (Zhongguo) identity; as a contemporary observer wrote: "Among the general wild tribes (yeyi) [6] who consider themselves descendants of the Great Han Dynasty, the cohesive power of Kongming is truly significant" [33]. Missionaries first equated Jesus with Kongming and then used Jesus to replace him, thereby altering the historical memory of the Southwest ethnic groups and forming a new psychological mapping that diluted the shared culture of the Chinese nation (Zhonghua Minzu).
Furthermore, in the Lahu concentrated residential areas of western Yunnan, missionaries claimed that the Lahu and Western peoples were originally of one family—Westerners being the sons of the maternal uncle and the Lahu being the sons of the paternal aunt—initially living together in the West. They claimed the Lahu ancestors migrated to the East and had no original relationship with the Han people, and that the land they cleared and farmed was not Chinese territory. They preached that if one did not want to forget their ancestors, they could not believe in the "Han religion" but should follow the Western religion, for Westerners believe in God, do not believe in ghosts, and do not sacrifice to ancestors; they even claimed there were still Lahu living in the West [34]. To facilitate proselytization, missionaries combined Christianity with ethnic legends, reconstructed social memory, and even distorted history. These actions altered the identification of various border ethnic groups with "China," threatening the territorial security of our nation's Southwest frontier. A missionary active in the undemarcated northern section of the China-Burma border once stated: "In this undemarcated place, you Chinese say it is China's, and the British say it is Britain's. I say, it would be best to hold a vote and adopt democracy to see which country the people belong to" [35].
Beyond military aggression against our territory, colonizers utilized Christianity for ideological conquest. Missionaries actively established churches and schools in the China-Burma border regions to disseminate Christian thought among local ethnic minorities. "The British sent preachers to every village to explain and propagate at any time. The ignorant border peoples (chimiao bianmang) [7] were gradually numbed" [36]. Those with ulterior motives guided matters of faith toward ethnic antagonism and the confrontation between China and the US/UK [37], severing the relationship between ethnic minorities and China, dividing and disintegrating the Chinese nation to seize land and expand borders, thus endangering our national territorial security.
III. The Understanding of and Response to the Christian Issue in the China-Burma Border Region by Various Sectors of Society
After the "September 18th Incident" [8], Japan intensified its efforts to divide and incite the various ethnic groups of our nation’s frontiers. For instance, Japan supported and encouraged Thailand to advocate for "Pan-Thaiism" in a vain attempt to split our Southwest frontier. The frontier crisis had seriously threatened the survival of the state and the nation, making national defense construction particularly crucial at this time. "As for so-called national defense, the will and spirit of the people are most important; if the people all possess a strong consciousness of the state and nation, then even if military force is somewhat lacking, they can still defend the country against enemies" [38]. However, at that time, the sense of statehood and national consciousness among the ethnic groups of our Southwest frontier was weak, even reaching the point where "they even harbor feelings of hostility toward us" [39]. To this end, the academic community conducted various investigative studies and launched the discussion on "The Chinese Nation is One."
Under the contest for the "frontiers," the merging of the "Huaxia" and the "Four Frontiers" (Siyi) [9] into the "Chinese nation" (Zhonghua Minzu) gradually became the national-ethnic blueprint in the minds of many Chinese intellectuals during the late Qing and early Republican periods [40], initiating "Southwest Ethnic Studies" in modern China [41]. During this period, the central government and the Yunnan provincial government organized multiple investigations covering various issues such as Yunnan's ethnic groups, the tusi system (native chieftains), and the frontier. The Yunnan Provincial Government also established research institutions such as the "Yunnan Provincial Research Association on Miao and Yi [10] Ethnic Issues" and the "Frontier Administrative Design Committee." Members of these institutions actively carried out social investigations of ethnic groups and wrote numerous reports [42]. Additionally, universities and research institutions that had migrated west [11] organized scholars to conduct large-scale field investigations and established specialized academic frontier institutions and journals. Their participation not only strengthened the discipline's capacity to research practical social problems but also brought about significant changes in the research lineup, the depth and breadth of investigations, and the quality and quantity of research outputs [43]. In the 1930s, governments at all levels, scientific research institutions, and scholars paid high attention to the Christian issue in the Southwest frontier and proposed corresponding solutions.
(1) Social Understanding of the Christian Issue in the China-Burma Border Region
Around the 1930s, the "Anti-Christian Movement" and the "Movement to Recover Educational Sovereignty" occurred. The suspicious actions and sinister intentions of missionaries regarding the China-Burma border demarcation and Southwest ethnic issues also provoked strong resistance among the Chinese people. Various articles and investigation reports not only outlined the dynamic evolution of the China-Burma border issue but also clearly pointed out the severity of the Christian issue in the border region.
"Whenever they (missionaries) reach a place, it is usually a three-pronged approach of church, hospital, and school: from group training to individual influence, from treating diseases to distributing medicine, and from kindergartens and primary schools to middle schools and universities—nothing is missing, and facilities are established where needed... Thus, they treat missionary work as a lifelong career... Because the border races are complex, popular intelligence is low, life is full of suffering, and the air is filled with miasma (zhangyan) [12], as soon as they encounter foreigners from beyond the heavens, they regard them as the saviors of the human world; as soon as they see a brand-new hospital, they view it as a vessel of universal salvation (pudu cihang) [13]... The 'Great Han Dynasty' that used to linger in their minds has been replaced by 'England' and 'America'; 'Grandfather Kongming' who occupied their hearts has become 'Jesus the Savior' and 'Christ the True God.' The clergy and pastors, who are the tools of the imperialists, besides winning over people's hearts in daily life, also investigate local products and strategic passes. They cause their home governments to find pretexts, understand border conditions through reports, and eventually interfere in civil and criminal cases, influencing political affairs and causing constant disputes between converts and non-converts. Once a change occurs, the imperialists' planes and cannons fly in from afar under the guise of protecting expatriates, and the tens of millions of Miao people, intoxicated by the pastors' coconut wine and morphine, welcome the foreign forces with 'baskets of rice and jugs of wine' (danshi hu-jiang) [14]" [44].
People of the time clearly saw the strength of Christianity and missionary schools in the China-Burma border region, realizing that they not only seriously hindered the advancement of border education but also brought about a crisis of secession, threatening national sovereignty and the security of the Southwest frontier. This caused the frontier to "change from China's shield into a spearhead turned against us, such that the vast desolate border risks changing its political color" [45].
Personnel investigating the China-Burma border region also saw that missionary schools "enlightened" the people, broke local superstitions, and improved local social customs. They greatly admired the missionaries' spirit of sacrifice and their indomitable will. From the perspective of those from the interior, the Yunnan border was a place of "barbarian mists and miasmic rains, poisonous snakes and mute springs" [15], where customs were "fierce and stubborn, cruel and inhuman." From the interior, "few go there, and few know of it"; even officials of the National Government "regarded the border as a perilous path and hesitated to advance" [46]. Yet these missionaries could risk their lives, "as foreigners with strange appearances and different languages," and integrate with the border people, to the point where the border people "only know the pastor and do not know there is a government." Meanwhile, personnel sent by the National Government to the border "mostly could not settle into their positions" [47].
(2) Social Responses to the Christian Issue in the China-Burma Border Region
At this time, various sectors of society realized that the development of Christianity in the Southwest frontier seriously affected national and ethnic identity as well as territorial security, but they did not directly interfere with the religious beliefs of the border people. Faced with the prosperity of Christian forces—especially missionary schools—in the China-Burma border region, people generally believed that frontier education should be promoted, shared historical memory should be strengthened, and the border people's concept of the state and nation should be awakened to establish the firm conviction that "The Chinese Nation is One."
1. Constructing a Shared Culture and Promoting Frontier Education
People of the time believed that "where China's civilization/education (jiaohua) [16] does not reach, church influence is created" [48]. The key to building a shared culture lay in developing frontier education: "Only by popularizing education for border people can we promote the spirit of a shared destiny and life-cooperation for the entire nation" [49]. To this end, the academic community engaged in in-depth discussions on the content, personnel, funding, and teaching materials for frontier education. Regarding the secession issue brought by Christianity, they suggested the following measures:
First, emphasize National Language (Guoyu) education, prohibit the use of scripts created by the churches, and expand the use of phonetic symbols (zhuyin fuhao) for border dialects [50]. As a symbolic system, language is not only an important medium for social interaction but also a shaper of concepts. The Southwest border had numerous ethnic groups and complex languages; with the exception of the Dai, most had no written scripts. Thus, "if foreigners wanted to enter their territory, they could not do so without learning these languages, and because there was no written script, it was difficult for many foreigners to learn" [51]. This also made it difficult for the National Government's administrative orders to be implemented in the Southwest frontier, affecting normal ethnic interaction. Between the "barbarians" (yi) [17] and the Han, "a deep chasm was formed, making these ethnic groups, who belong to one family, appear as two opposing entities" [52]. Therefore, scholars suggested that the National Government expand phonetic symbols, placing them to the left or bottom of Chinese characters, to improve the efficiency of National Language education. This would unify language and script, enhance ethnic exchange, and achieve the effect of "unifying culture through the National Language and script" [53].
Second, compile textbooks and reading materials suitable for the border regions. Before missionaries entered the China-Burma border region, most ethnic groups in the area preserved their history and legends through oral tradition. Restricted by language and cultural factors, textbooks and books published domestically were unsuitable for the border and thus did not circulate widely. The churches, however, printed religious stories in the "barbarian languages" (using missionary-created scripts), and people competed to read them. In response, researchers suggested compiling appropriate textbooks and reading materials. Regarding content, these should clarify our nation's history and appropriately incorporate the oral stories of our border compatriots to enhance the sentiments between border compatriots and the interior and instill a "national-ethnic" (guozu) consciousness. Furthermore, they should introduce knowledge of nature, science, and medicine—such as explaining the origins of diseases and the phenomena of thunder, lightning, rain, and dew—to counteract religious influence and break the authority of the clergy.
Third, train teaching staff for border schools. After Li Yuegai and Ke Shuxun [18] founded several schools on the Yunnan border, local educational endeavors largely stagnated, one reason being that "it was not easy to recruit teachers" [54]. Investigators believed that ideal teaching staff for border schools should be hardworking, full of a spirit of service, and well-versed in local dialects [55]. However, people meeting these criteria were few; most went to work in the frontiers out of curiosity, "yet most could not settle into their positions" [56]. People of the time, on one hand, called for border teaching staff to "have no habits of officialdom but the spirit of missionary preaching" [57]; on the other hand, they suggested improving the treatment of border personnel and strengthening professional training, especially the teachers' ability to use the National Language and script.
Fourth, strictly limit the scale and teaching content of missionary schools. It was suggested that in the Southwest frontier, especially in strategic national defense zones, administrative means should be used to limit church-run hospitals and schools. They suggested that the state provide supplementary funding and replace principals so these institutions could gradually break free from the shackles of the church, allowing the authorities or direct supervisory agencies to exercise complete control [58]. Lancang County and other local governments took measures to limit the activities of individuals like William Marcus Young [19], and Shuangjiang Normal School took the opportunity to reclaim the site of the Mengmeng Church.
2. Awakening Historical Memory and Strengthening the Construction of a Shared Psychology
First, various Southwest ethnic groups worshiped Kongming; as mentioned earlier, missionaries cleverly utilized this for their own ends. People of the time noticed this—while they thought the missionaries' methods were fantastical and almost absurd, they acknowledged they achieved good proselytizing results and were worth referencing. Zhuge Liang was an important link maintaining the bond between the Central Plains and Southwest border compatriots, and an important basis for "the general wild tribes to consider themselves descendants of the Great Han Dynasty" [59]. Therefore, it was suggested that he be included in textbooks and that various commemorative activities be carried out—such as building shrines and erecting stone tablets for Zhuge Liang—to tighten the ties between border people and the interior. This would achieve the goal of using "material icons" to transmit and shape the collective memory of the populace, molding social members with a shared memory [60].
Second, history textbooks should promote instances of mutual harmony among various ethnic groups, explain the history of ethnic fusion, and describe the close geographical and economic relationship between the frontiers and the interior. They should emphasize that the today's Chinese nation (Zhonghua Minzu) is not one race but a mixture of many, making it clear that the various Southwest frontier ethnic groups are members of the Chinese nation so that they are not deceived or lured by foreigners into self-division [61]. Furthermore, research should be conducted from historical, archaeological, and linguistic perspectives on the "common origin and common race" (tongzhong tongyuan) of the Chinese nation. People of the time believed this was not just a historical fact but should become national policy, requiring designated scholars to research the issue. This coincided with the "The Chinese Nation is One" discussion [62]. Influenced by this atmosphere, scholars researching the Southwest frontier wrote articles emphasizing that Yunnan only has one Chinese nation and no other nations [63]. Some scholars specifically researched and wrote articles on the common origin of the Han and Southwest ethnic groups, such as Zhang Tingxiu's "On the Common Origin of Miao, Yi, and Han" and "Further Discussion on the Common Origin of the Yi and Han," which elicited active responses from the academic community [64].
3. Strengthening the Management of Christianity and Promoting the Localization of the Church...
"While the essence of proselytization by foreigners might not imply that every individual harbored imperialist ambitions," [81] the result was an increase in the centrifugal forces among the various ethnic groups of the southwestern frontier. Various sectors of society began to observe, reflect upon, and coordinate issues regarding religion and the frontier. Generally speaking, during this period, people advocated for the localization of Christianity. First, it was suggested that religious organizations and doctrines be made transparent, and missionaries should exercise self-restraint to avoid entanglement with political or military affairs. Second, the government should encourage and support domestic churches, providing a degree of financial assistance to prevent them from seeking aid from abroad [82]. Domestic churches and believers could organize themselves to replace Western missionaries in traveling to the frontier to preach [83]; for any "excellent sects" that promoted Chinese culture, the various levels of government should provide assistance when they preached in provinces such as Yunnan, Guizhou, and Sikang [20]. Third, frontier churches should be guided to serve the frontier, thereby eliminating the negative impacts brought about by the improper proselytization of certain foreign missionaries. Fourth, the organizations of all sects receiving government assistance were required to follow the organizational forms of Euro-American churches, and missionaries were required to receive a university education and obtain formal diplomas; contemporaries attempted to use this to standardize the content of proselytization, making religious activities rational and intellectual rather than resorting to "crooked paths" [21]. Fifth, any proselytizing organization involved in secret rituals, doctrines, or behaviors such as summoning spirits, planchette writing [22], or chanting incantations should be dissolved, and the person in charge of the local public security organ should be punished according to the law [84].
4. Strengthening National Political Propaganda At that time, the academic community advocated for and vigorously publicized the idea that "the Chinese nation is one," importing new knowledge, "molding a new people," and cultivating sound citizens for the state [85], thereby promoting and strengthening the "nationalization" of southwestern frontier ethnic groups and the "recognition of one country, one government, and one leader" [86]. In the process of gradually advancing frontier education in the southwest, and in response to the severe miasma and extreme remoteness of the China-Burma border area which precluded the establishment of schools, "itinerant teaching teams" were organized to provide mobile instruction. These teams were responsible not only for teaching activities but also for investigating mountains, rivers, topography, popular sentiment, customs, transportation, and products, while propagating national consciousness. The mules and horses of the teaching teams flew a national flag, and the teams carried national flags and portraits of the President to distribute to "frontier compatriots" at any time. During the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, the focus was on publicizing the significance of national resistance, national reconstruction, and ethnic unity, striving to eliminate the estrangement caused by regionalism and narrow ethnic concepts [87]. Furthermore, the Three People's Principles [23], important speeches of the leader, and pamphlets on the war and reconstruction were translated into Yi and Dai scripts with phonetic annotations and distributed in the China-Burma border area to conduct national propaganda, enhance the national and ethnic consciousness of frontier residents, and consolidate their national identity and sense of community for the Chinese nation.
In the 1930s, the various measures taken by Chinese governments at all levels, officials, and intellectuals resisted, to a certain extent, the fragmentation and disintegration of the Chinese nation caused by Christianity in the China-Burma border region. This prompted various sectors of society to consider and explore the "Sinicization" of Christianity, and Christian thinkers also began to reflect, from their perspective as believers, on "what contribution Christians can make to the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation" [88].
IV. Contemporary Inspirations from the Spread of Christianity in the China-Burma Border Region in the 1930s Yunnan is a frontier province with a diversity of ethnic groups and religions, a long border line, and many trans-border ethnic groups. It is a major corridor for overseas hostile forces to conduct land-based infiltration into our country, and the situation regarding infiltration and counter-infiltration is severe. In particular, since the 1980s, the state has adjusted its religious policies, and the church has recovered and developed in the border regions. Following China's comprehensive opening up, and especially in recent years, many overseas religious and hostile forces—leveraging modern information technology and using slogans such as "Frontier Projects" and "Sowing Plans"—have engaged in large-scale religious infiltration in the Yunnan border areas [89]. Drawing lessons from the responses of various social sectors to the Christian issue in the China-Burma border region in the 1930s, resisting overseas religious infiltration and maintaining the security and stability of frontier ethnic regions requires adhering to the "Sinicization of religion" and "forging a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation." These are the main themes of our country’s current work on ethnic and religious affairs and the core issues of ethnic and religious research.
(1) Promoting the Sinicization of Christianity in Frontier Ethnic Regions The core elements of the Sinicization of Christianity are its identification with Chinese politics, its adaptation to Chinese society, and its expression through Chinese culture. Christianity in China must identify with our basic political system and relevant policies. To this end, the Central Committee has continuously emphasized adhering to the principle of independence and self-governance, actively guiding Christianity to adapt to socialist society, and guiding religion to strive to serve economic development, social harmony, cultural prosperity, ethnic unity, and the reunification of the motherland [90]. Furthermore, we should improve and develop the organizational functions of the two national Chinese Christian organizations (the National Committee of the Three-Self Patriotic Movement of the Protestant Churches in China and the China Christian Council), particularly leveraging the political, religious, and social functions of the grassroots "Two Councils." Culturally, Christianity must integrate with China's intellectual and cultural traditions, expressing and constructing its own Christian theological discourse system. The daily life and religious rituals of the church should also be adapted to the times and to Chinese culture, forming Christian life with Chinese characteristics.
After more than a hundred years of dissemination and development in the frontier ethnic regions of Yunnan, Christianity has integrated with local multi-ethnic cultures, reconstructing a "trans-border ethnic Christian culture" that combines Christian and frontier cultures, gradually transforming it from a "foreign religion" into the "Christianity of Yunnan's trans-border ethnic groups" [91]. Although the national identity of Christian believers in the Yunnan frontier has generally improved significantly, the influence of overseas Christian forces still exists in certain local areas. For instance, the development of Christianity among ethnic groups of the same origin across the border in Northern Myanmar and the infiltration of overseas religious forces have, to a certain extent, affected the national and ethnic identity of trans-border groups in Western Yunnan. In response, the Sinicization of Christianity in the China-Burma border region should ensure that both ethnic and Christian identities return to and are integrated into the daily social life of frontier ethnic minorities after being imbued with national attributes. This will ultimately complete a "trans-border severance" of the religious and ethnic identities of trans-border groups at both the level of institutional norms and psychological identity [92].
(2) Promoting the Popularization of the Standard Spoken and Written National Language Language and script are tools for human communication and important carriers for the inheritance of civilization and culture. Using the standard national language is not only a responsibility and obligation endowed upon all citizens by the Constitution and laws but also a political bond that unites the Chinese nation. General Secretary Xi Jinping has pointed out: "Cultural identity is the deepest form of identity; it is the root of ethnic unity and the soul of ethnic harmony. We must earnestly carry out the work of promoting the standard spoken and written national language and comprehensively implement the use of nationally unified textbooks" [93].
From the perspective of the development of the state, the region, and local ethnic minorities, promoting the standard national language provides an important tool for ethnic minorities to learn modern science and technology and achieve modern information exchange. It promotes economic, political, and cultural development in the state and frontier ethnic regions, acting as a sharp tool for strengthening the economic interest bonds of the Chinese nation [94]. From the perspective of ethnic exchange, the standard national language is a shared linguistic tool. For frontier ethnic minorities to adapt to modern society and to engage in exchange, interaction, and integration with other ethnic groups within the country, they need to master the Chinese nation’s "inter-ethnic common language"—the standard spoken and written national language [95]. From the perspective of national and ethnic identity, the standard national language is an important carrier of Chinese civilization and a cultural symbol of the community with a shared future for the Chinese nation. Promoting the popularization of the standard national language facilitates the participation of frontier ethnic groups in national construction and helps establish and strengthen the emotional, intellectual, and cultural identity of all ethnic groups, enhancing identification with Chinese culture and the identity of the Chinese nation.
In short, to resist overseas religious infiltration, maintain frontier stability and national security, and enhance the sense of community for the Chinese nation, we should heighten the requirements for promoting the standard national language, standardizing its writing and expression. Especially in frontier ethnic regions, we need to adopt various methods and leverage modern information technology to promote the standard national language in an all-around way.
(3) Strengthening the Historical Memory of the Chinese Nation Historical memory is not a simple summation of individual memories, but the "process and result of community members sharing the past" [96]. It emphasizes the primordial emotional connections of a nation, ethnic group, or social group, also known as "primordial history," which functions to shape ethnic identity [97].
The history of China is a history of the integration and convergence of various ethnic groups into a "pluralistic unity" of the Chinese nation; it is a history of the various ethnic groups jointly creating, developing, and consolidating a great, unified motherland [98]. In the long course of historical development, the Chinese nation has formed a rich and vivid historical memory that is constantly enriched, developed, and continued. The Chinese nation possesses a vast amount of historical documentation recording exchange, interaction, and integration among various ethnic groups, such as the connections between the "Southern Barbarians" and the Yellow Emperor, or the worship of Zhuge Liang [24]. These historical memories are precious carriers for us to forge a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation. In modern times, facing foreign aggression and oppression, the Chinese nation united to resist. During the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, frontier ethnic minorities in Yunnan actively participated in building the Yunnan-Burma Road, joined field service corps, organized donations, saw off new recruits, and comforted military families. This not only reflects that the sense of community for the Chinese nation was widely recognized by all ethnic groups in the Yunnan frontier during the war, but also formed new historical memories that could further enhance the solidarity of community members.
In addition to documents and historical records, historical memory includes "images" such as museums, cultural sites, exhibition halls, and ethnic artifact centers, as well as "social behavior scenes" such as public holidays and commemorative rituals, all of which can transmit and shape historical memory. By guarding and inheriting historical memory and deeply excavating the spiritual connotation of historical resources—"moistening the frontier with culture"—we can internalize these as the source of power for consolidating the deep-seated identity of the Chinese nation.
The world today is undergoing profound changes unseen in a century, and our country is in a critical period for realizing the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Ethnic and religious work faces new situations and tasks. To maintain the stability and development of frontier ethnic regions in the New Era, we must take the forging of a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation as the main theme, promoting high-quality development of the Party's ethnic work in the New Era [99]. We must guide people of all ethnic groups to firmly establish the shared concepts of sticking together through thick and thin, sharing honor and disgrace, and sharing life, death, and destiny. Facing the infiltration of overseas Christian forces, we should actively guide religion to adapt to socialist society, improve the self-management level of the religious community, and increase the level of the rule of law in the governance of religious affairs, striving to create a new situation in religious work [100].