Liu Fujun and Zhang Ruxu: Atheist Thought in the "Xunwu Investigation" and Its Implications
After the failure of the Great Revolution in 1927, the Chinese revolution entered the period of the Land Revolutionary War. The Communists, with Comrade Mao Zedong as their chief representative, in the course of their armed resistance against the reactionary rule of the Kuomintang, creatively opened a new revolutionary path of encircling the cities from the countryside and seizing political power by armed force, establishing China's first rural revolutionary base—the Jinggang Mountains Revolutionary Base. By the summer of 1930, under the leadership of the Party, the masses had established more than a dozen rural base areas of varying sizes, which became the primary strategic positions for the resurgence of the revolution. In early May 1930, Mao Zedong and Zhu De led the Fourth Army of the Red Army to capture the county seat of Xunwu and established the Xunwu County Soviet Government. Exploiting the opportunity while the Fourth Army was dispersed to mobilize the masses in Anyuan, Xunwu, and Pingyuan, Mao Zedong, with the assistance of Gu Bo, Secretary of the Xunwu County Party Committee, held daily investigation meetings for over ten consecutive days to conduct a social investigation of Xunwu County. This was the largest-scale investigation Mao Zedong had conducted up to that time, and was later compiled into the more than 80,000-character Report from Xunwu (《寻乌调查》). Concurrent with the Xunwu investigation, he also theoretically synthesized his years of experience in investigative activities, writing the famous article "Oppose Book Worship" (originally titled "Investigative Work"). The Report from Xunwu comprises five chapters: "The Administrative Divisions of Xunwu," "Transportation in Xunwu," "Commerce in Xunwu," "Old Land Relations in Xunwu," and "The Land Struggle in Xunwu." It investigated in detail the geography, transportation, economy, politics, and the history and current status of various classes in Xunwu, providing an objective basis and the "right to speak" [1] for deep understanding of the rich peasant issue and urban commercial conditions, as well as for the formulation of corresponding policies. Relevant contents in chapters three, four, and five of the Report from Xunwu also deeply examined numerous issues of theism in the town and countryside of Xunwu County, consistently applying the Marxist standpoint, viewpoint, and method, and containing important atheist thought.
I. The problem of theism was an important issue that the Party had to treat correctly during the Land Revolutionary War
During the period of the Land Revolutionary War, the Communist Party of China encountered a large number of theism-related issues in the rural revolutionary bases, including the issue of "spiritual landlords" [2], the distribution of land for religious professionals, problems of folk belief, superstitions among the masses, and the issue of feudal secret societies [3]. These issues were closely linked and intertwined with various political, economic, and cultural problems in the New Democratic Revolution; they were important matters that the Party had to handle properly while leading the masses through the Land Revolutionary War. Mao Zedong was a great pioneer in the Sinicization of Marxist atheism. In his "Report on an Investigation of the Peasant Movement in Hunan," written in 1927, he explicitly proposed a series of new viewpoints, including that "religious authority" (神权) was a great rope binding the Chinese people, especially the peasantry. The atheist thought in the Report from Xunwu was formed on the basis of Mao Zedong’s long-term investigation and research, particularly his deep investigation of theism in the urban and rural areas of Xunwu. At that time, in the revolutionary struggle to create the Central Soviet Area, how to treat theistic organizations, theists, and theistic concepts had become an important issue for the Party in carrying out the land revolution, building Soviet political power, and developing educational and cultural undertakings in the rural revolutionary bases.
First, how to treat theistic organizations was an important issue for the Party in carrying out the land revolution in the rural revolutionary bases. At the beginning of the Land Revolutionary War, the Party Central Committee pointed out in its report outline regarding the peasant land issue that importance must be attached to "the primitive superstitious organizations for peasant self-defense" when carrying out the land revolution. In January 1930, the "Resolution of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee on Accepting the Instruction Letter from the Comintern dated October 26, 1929" proposed that "the armed struggles of the Red Spear Society [4] and the Big Sword Society, which are under reactionary leadership, must be brought under revolutionary leadership." In addition to emphasizing secret societies like the Red Spears, the Party also attached great importance to social forces such as religious organizations and folk belief organizations. It can be said that how to treat the various theistic organizations mentioned in the Report from Xunwu—including religious organizations, folk belief organizations, and feudal secret societies—was an important theoretical and practical question the Party had to answer to carry out the land revolution. 1. Religious organizations: In analyzing the old land relations in Xunwu, Mao Zedong divided public landlords into three categories: ancestral landlords, spiritual landlords, and political landlords. Spiritual landlords included six types: deities (shen), altars (tan), local shrines (she), temples (miao), monasteries (si), and abbeys (guan); among these, monasteries and abbeys were the most exploitative. The Report from Xunwu also mentioned Catholic and Protestant churches and their complex relationships with multiple industries in Xunwu town. For example, Wang Putai, a medicinal herb merchant in Xunwu town, joined a reactionary organization and colluded with the local tyrant He Zizhen and Father Chen of the Catholic church. Another example: before the land revolution, Hu Donglin, the owner of the only woodwork shop in Xunwu town, had dealings with Pastor Bao of the Gospel Hall and contracted for some of the timber and woodwork for the construction of the Gospel Hall and the mission hospital outside the South Gate. 2. Folk belief organizations: The folk belief organizations involved in the Report from Xunwu were mainly reflected in the deities, altars, shrines, and temples among the spiritual landlords. Among these, the deities, altars, and shrines were primary, while temples were advanced; the altars to deities were needed by the landlords, the shrines were needed by the peasants, and the temples were needed by both. Furthermore, the ancestral landlords—whose annual rent "spent a small part on ancestral sacrifices, while the majority fell into the pockets of the head managers"—and organizations of a public welfare nature such as bridge associations, road associations, and grain associations among the political landlords, can in a certain sense also be included in the category of folk belief organizations. 3. Feudal secret societies: With the help of Guo Youmei, Mao Zedong investigated in detail the history and current status of the Xunwu branch of the "Society of Common Good" (同善社, Tongshanshe), noting that "three former county magistrates of Xunwu joined the Society of Common Good, and they kowtowed at the society just like the other members." It is evident that in the semi-colonial and semi-feudal society of old China, diverse theistic organizations were a special social organization and social force that could not be ignored. They held great influence among the masses, especially the lower classes, and were easily exploited by the forces of imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucrat-capitalism. It is not hard to see that how the Party treated these theistic organizations depended primarily on their attitude toward the land revolution and whether economic relations of exploitation existed.
Second, how to treat theists was an important issue for the Party in building Soviet political power in the rural revolutionary bases. In the early period of the Land Revolutionary War, due to the guidance of "Leftist" erroneous thought within the Party, the Party mainly adopted a policy of suppression toward religionists (religious professionals). Practice proved that how to treat various theists, including religionists, affected the Party's mass base and the development of the land revolution; it was an important theoretical and practical issue in the construction of Soviet political power. The theists mentioned by Mao Zedong in the Report from Xunwu were numerous and widely distributed, including religious professionals and the religious masses, folk belief practitioners, practitioners of superstition and masses with superstitious concepts, and members of feudal secret societies. This mainly included four aspects. 1. Religionists and the religious masses: In analyzing the population composition and political status in Xunwu town, the Report from Xunwu pointed out there were 10 Protestants, 3 Catholics, 6 lay Buddhist masters (zhaigong), and 3 monks. Although these religionists accounted for less than 1% of the town's total population, they belonged to the ruling class of Xunwu town. Compared to religious professionals, the number of religious believers in the town and countryside of Xunwu was large, including about a hundred monks and "about seven hundred people in five Protestant churches, and over a hundred in one Catholic church." Moreover, the class composition and motivations for belief among the religious masses were very complex. 2. Folk belief practitioners: The status and role of the deities, altars, shrines, and temples among the spiritual landlords were not entirely the same, and the class composition of the believers included landlords, rich peasants, and peasants. 3. Practitioners of superstition and masses with superstitious concepts: The Report from Xunwu repeatedly mentioned feudal superstitious practitioners such as "fortune-tellers and geomancy masters," "site-seers," "horoscope readers," and "fengshui masters." It also mentioned the ancient "nine social classes," namely: "first-class scholars, second-class doctors, third-class diviners, fourth-class geomancers (kanyu), fifth-class painters, sixth-class artisans, seventh-class monks, eighth-class Daoists, and ninth-class musicians." The "geomancers" (kanyu) here refers to feudal superstitious practitioners. Additionally, many masses in Xunwu held superstitious concepts. 4. Members of feudal secret societies: The members of the Society of Common Good mentioned in the Report from Xunwu included former county magistrates, military officers, landlords, merchants, local tyrants, butchers, and peasants; the class and stratum composition was extremely complex. It can be seen that the economic and political status of theists was divided between exploiter and exploited, ruler and ruled. How the Party treated theists depended primarily on their attitude toward the land revolution and their political and economic status.
Third, how to treat theistic concepts was an important issue for the Party in developing educational and cultural projects in the rural revolutionary bases. Various theistic organizations and concepts in old China were fundamentally determined by the economic base of the time. In old China, foreign churches controlled by imperialist forces became tools for cultural aggression and the enslavement of the Chinese people, while various religions and feudal secret societies controlled by feudal forces also became spiritual opium used to enslave the people. In analyzing the cultural condition of Xunwu, Mao Zedong pointed out that there were no more than 300 literate women in the whole county, and 60% of the total population was illiterate. Under the long-term oppression and enslavement by the reactionary ruling class, before the Party carried out the land revolution—that is, before the fundamental transformation of Xunwu's political and economic systems—the superstitious concepts of the Xunwu masses remained deeply rooted. Mao Zedong mentioned the superstitious concepts of the masses many times during his investigation. For instance, regarding the issue of house distribution during the land struggle in Xunwu, he mentioned a local custom: if someone else gave birth to a son in one's own house, it was believed that the "spiritual essence" (jingling) of one's family would be taken away by the newcomer, and the family would decline. The Report from Xunwu cited an event famous throughout the county: long ago, Zeng Hangsong of Fangtian Township in the Shuangqiao District of Xunwu was born in his maternal grandfather's house; later, he passed the imperial examinations and became an official, and people said Zeng Hangsong had snatched the fengshui of his maternal grandfather's family. Another example: "After the failure of the March 25th Uprising, Zhong Xiqiu, the commander-in-chief of the Liuche Uprising, took his wife to seek refuge at her maternal grandfather's house. Her grandfather, fearing she would give birth there, quickly told her to leave. Later she fled to a village in Longchuan County, where she built a shack on a hill before she could give birth to her son." In investigating the regional standards for land distribution, Mao Zedong also pointed out that peasants opposed using large areas (districts) or larger areas (townships) as units for land distribution. One important reason was that peasants "superstitiously believed in fengshui, thinking that the location of ancestral graves would bring misfortune if abandoned," so they were unwilling to relocate. For another example, when discussing the rules for admitting members into the Society of Common Good, he pointed out that admission required the approval of the deities: the applicant would reach into a tube to pick a paper ball; if they picked "Approved" (zhun), they entered the society; if they picked a blank one, they could not. One butcher picked a blank one three times, and one local tyrant picked a blank one four times; [people said] "Don't say there are no gods, there are gods indeed." In November 1933, in his "Report on the Investigation of Changgang Township," Mao Zedong also pointed out that "some old ladies, although they dare not worship gods openly, still believe in them in their hearts," further recognizing the long-term and complex nature of theism and proposing a work approach of "replacing interference with persuasion."
II. The main content of the atheist thought in the Report from Xunwu
Atheism is primarily defined in opposition to theism. The formation of atheist thought in the Report from Xunwu was linked to the class struggle, the land revolution, and the development of culture and education of that time; it emerged through the struggle against various forms of theism. In the Report from Xunwu, Mao Zedong analyzed specific forms of theism such as religion, folk belief, feudal superstition, and the Society of Common Good. He adhered to the basic theory of Marxist atheism, consistently applied the Marxist standpoint, viewpoint, and method, and embodied the important ideas of seeking truth from facts, the mass line, and independence and self-reliance. The main content of the atheist thought in the Report from Xunwu can be summarized into four viewpoints from the perspective of the manifestations of theism: theoretical viewpoints on the correct treatment of religion, theoretical viewpoints on the correct treatment of folk beliefs, theoretical viewpoints on the correct treatment of feudal superstition, and theoretical viewpoints on the correct treatment of feudal secret societies.
First, regarding theoretical perspectives on the correct treatment of religion. The Xunwu Survey mentions religious issues multiple times, embodying the fundamental Marxist principle of persisting in starting from reality in all things. The first aspect is the class analysis of religious adherents. Mao Zedong included religious practitioners within the ranks of the ruling class, pointing out that Buddhism was a religion utilized by the big landlord class and that monasteries were places of severe exploitation. Big landlords gave land to monks in the capacity of "benefactors" (shīzhǔ). As for Taoism, "the sources of the landed property of the abbeys and the conditions of exploitation are no different from those of the monasteries." Monasteries and abbeys, along with gods, altars, she [5], and temples—the land held by these "theological landlords"—accounted for 8% of all land in Xunwu and 20% of all public land. In his analysis of "middle landlords" among individual landlords, Mao cited the example of Hu Enrong in Xunwu, a "vegetarian practitioner" (zhāigōng) [6] who remained aloof from world affairs, specifically demanded two copper coins, and simply slept at home. Regarding this, on the question of "whether non-peasants receive land," Mao pointed out: "Monks, nuns, Taoist priests, and missionaries may only be permitted to receive land if they change their profession—that is, if they cease to be monks, nuns, Taoists, or missionaries." In other words, religious practitioners could only receive land if they ceased living off exploitation and instead lived by their own honest labor. The second aspect is the composition analysis of the religious masses. Mao analyzed the complex composition of Xunwu’s religious followers, among whom widows (including poor peasants) and elderly women (wives of landlords) accounted for 30%; crafty and eccentric gentry and their families accounted for 30%; peasants from weak lineages or small clans accounted for 20% (peasants from powerful lineages and large clans did not join); young intellectuals of landlord origin who had no other way out accounted for 10%; and others accounted for 10%. The third aspect is the analysis of the purpose for joining a religion. Mao pointed out that those who joined generally fell into two parts: "One part is very bad, and the other part is very weak. The very bad ones are not hooligans, but the treacherous, cunning, and sinister characters in the villages who want to be local tyrants; they join the religion to utilize it for their own ends. The other kind is the poor and weak people who are oppressed and crave protection; their purpose is to avoid calamity." It is clear that the cohort of religious adherents included both oppressed, poor, and weak groups, as well as "very bad" groups of treacherous characters seeking local dominance; their motivations cannot be generalized. These expositions helped refine the Party's religious policy.
Second, regarding theoretical perspectives on the correct treatment of folk belief. Folk belief is a phenomenon of non-institutionalized theistic belief that circulates spontaneously among the people, characterized by its folkloric, decentralized, regional, and hereditary nature. The Xunwu Survey mentions folk belief issues many times. One is folk belief within the category of theological landlords. The Xunwu Survey points out that "gods" (shén) refers to various kinds of deities, many of whom have associations (huì) but no temples; an "altar" (tán) is formed by setting up a stone or stacking several stones into a small hut—"a very efficacious god is hidden inside, hence it is called an altar"; the shè is a type of "village altar" distinct from the "god-altar," and every village has one; a "temple" (miào) is a building with Bodhisattvas inside, the nature of which is based on the idea that "those who have merit among the people should be sacrificed to." "God-altars are needed by the landlords, village altars are needed by the peasants, and temples are needed by both landlords and peasants." Temples possessed very little landed property and their exploitation was not serious. The second is the "ancestral landlord" [7]. Nominally, rent was collected for the ancestors in rotation, but in reality, people took turns collecting rent for themselves; most of the rent was occupied by the managers (guǎntóu), which was "precisely the fundamental reason for the existence of the public hall economy." This shows that landlords and rich peasants often used the name of ancestral landlords to carry out exploitation and oppression. The third is the "Bridge Associations" (qiáohuì) and the like among political landlords. Bridge associations were highly developed in Xunwu; not only did large and long bridges have associations, but small village bridges often had them as well. Every December, they would settle accounts and worship the bridge god, a practice called "holding a bridge association." However, where there was an association, there was land, all donated by landlords and merchants, used to exploit through annual lending and land acquisition. Therefore, "the bridge association is actually an exploitative organ." From this, it can be seen that in old China, folk belief was also a "theocracy" controlled by feudal forces to exploit the peasants.
Third, regarding theoretical perspectives on the correct treatment of feudal superstition. The Xunwu Survey primarily discusses three issues related to feudal superstition. The first is the manifestation of feudal superstition. At that time, superstitious ideas were very prevalent among the masses, especially the lower strata. The aforementioned notion that giving birth to a son in someone else's house would snatch away that family’s "vital spirit" (jīnglíng), as well as the peasants' "belief in feng shui" and subsequent reluctance to relocate during land distribution, were essentially superstitious ideas. The second is the source of feudal superstition. Regarding the peasants' reluctance to relocate during land distribution, Mao Zedong pointed out three types of sources: geographical, psychological, and economic. Geographically, peasants considered specific issues related to their actual interests, such as whether the relocation site had convenient transportation or was isolated. Psychologically, peasants held outdated ideas, "believing that since their ancestors' graves are there, it would be disadvantageous to leave." Addressing the superstitious notion that giving birth to a son in someone else's house would snatch away their "vital spirit," Mao further pointed out after his investigation: "Now, households generally occupied by workers and peasants, though they dare not openly oppose others giving birth in their homes, are inwardly dissatisfied." Economically, peasants were unwilling to move because "'Moving from an upper house to a lower house costs a basket of grain,' meaning that moving house entails losses." "Peasants' belief in feng shui is beneficial to their production. Land they have come to know well, houses they are accustomed to living in, and social relations they are familiar with are indeed valuable treasures to the peasants; to abandon these for a new place would result in many intangible losses." Mao emphasized: "It is incorrect to think that peasant parochialism is due only to outdated thinking—that is, to acknowledge the psychological cause but not the economic cause." Therefore, one must focus on investigating the sources of superstitious ideas from the perspective of the peasants' immediate interests and seek the fundamental way to break superstition through real social life. Mao pointed out in the Changgang Township Survey: "Since last year, wives who were too devoted to the gods (burning incense, offering food, praying to gods and Buddha) have completely disappeared, but there are still one or two people in each village who 'call back souls' (jiàohún)." The reason superstition was swept away so quickly was that "the local tyrants were struck down and the land was divided." The third is how to treat feudal superstition. On the issue of house allocation, to resolve the fear of the worker and peasant masses that their so-called "vital spirits" would be snatched, the Party adopted the method of allocating landlords' houses exactly like their land—"this is also a tactic to shake the feudal foundation and win over the poor peasants." Regarding land distribution, the Xunwu County Soviet government "made no regulations for fortune-tellers and feng shui masters, as they were very few and generally received land like everyone else."
Fourth, regarding theoretical perspectives on the correct treatment of feudal secret societies and superstitious sects (huìdàomén). The primary secret society discussed in the Xunwu Survey is the Fellowship of Goodness (Tóngshànshè), covering four issues. First is the analysis of its historical origins. The Fellowship of Goodness "advocated the 'unity of the three teachings' [8], preaching the use of 'Confucian etiquette, Taoist practice, and Buddhist attainment,' and enshrined Confucius, Laozi, and Sakyamuni"; it had great influence at the time. Mao Zedong pointed out that the Fellowship originated in Sichuan, from where official business was dispatched to start branches in various provinces; after provincial government approval, they opened in each county. Around the 27th or 28th year of the Guangxu reign [9], a so-called Mr. Tian'en came from Ganzhou to Xunwu to establish the society. "He first called upon the County Magistrate; the Magistrate approved and issued a protection proclamation, allowing the Fellowship of Goodness to expand greatly." Thus, one must persist in using a historical lens to analyze the issues of the Xunwu societies and grasp their origins and development. Second is the analysis of the Fellowship's important activities. Believers practiced meditation three times a day—morning, noon, and night—called "doing the work" (zuò gōngfu). "The Fellowship holds two 'Dragon Flower Assemblies' (lónghuáhuì) each year, attended by all members, where each person pays twenty cents, kowtows to the patriarch, plays drums and music, and eats vegetarian food." Third is the analysis of the composition and gender of the Xunwu branch. Among the believers, merchants accounted for 50%, landlords 20%, and peasants 30%; of the more than 200 members, 30 to 40 were women. It is evident that the Xunwu branch was predominantly male, with merchants and landlords in dominant positions. Fourth is the analysis of its social role. Under the utilization of the reactionary government, the Fellowship developed rapidly: "By joining the Fellowship, one gains friends and can become an official."
III. The Historical Status of Atheist Thought in the Xunwu Survey
The atheist thought in the Xunwu Survey is an important achievement in the Sinicization of Marxist atheism and Mao Zedong’s own atheist thought. Through investigation and research, Mao gained deep insight into the actual situation of theistic issues in old China, providing an objective basis for correctly understanding and treating various theistic problems during the Agrarian Revolutionary War. Its historical status can be summarized from the perspectives of theoretical, policy, and methodological significance: it enriched the ideological treasure house of Sinicized Marxist atheism, provided an objective basis for refining the grand principles and policies of Marxist atheism, and formed the basic method for correctly understanding theistic issues.
First, its theoretical significance lies in enriching the ideological treasure house of Sinicized Marxist atheism. First, it addressed various theistic issues. The Xunwu Survey touches upon religion, folk belief, feudal superstition, and feudal secret societies, deepening the theoretical understanding of theistic issues in old China. Second, it embodied the principle that handling theistic issues must be subordinate to the Party's central task. Mao’s analysis persisted in the consistent Marxist-Leninist proposition that dealing with theism must serve the Party's central mission, reflecting Mao's innovative approach of integrating the resolution of theistic issues into the resolution of social problems. Mao mentioned that Xunwu had an old custom of setting off massive firecrackers on New Year’s Day, but "in the areas of the southern half of the county where the peasant uprisings took place, superstition was thoroughly broken and firecrackers were no longer wanted." Third, it proposed the concepts of "ancestral landlords" and especially "theological landlords." Theological landlords included those associated with folk belief (gods, altars, she, and temples) and those with religious forms (monasteries and abbeys); religious exploitation was extremely severe. Mao pointed out incisively: "The old social relations are man-eating relations!" He also mentioned that after the land revolution, "the southern half of the county has completely no monks, nuns, Taoists, missionaries, fortune-tellers, or feng shui masters; they all changed their professions. When the father of the Huangsha Township Government Chairman died, he invited monks to perform Buddhist rites, and the peasants opposed it." Fourth, it analyzed the realistic roots of the existence of theistic issues. The existence of theistic issues has realistic roots, including class, geographical, psychological, and economic roots, which objectively requires Communists to focus their investigations on the real interests of the masses. For example, those public halls and divine associations controlled by the local gentry "forced peasants to deliver grain to the granaries in order to facilitate their own embezzlement (selling for more money when the price of grain was high)." Furthermore, peasants were unwilling to use the district or township as the unit for land distribution; "in their hearts, they still wanted to distribute land by village, so that the land of their village would be entirely obtained by their village." The most important reason for this "belief in feng shui" among peasants was their consideration of real interests.
Second, the policy significance lies in providing an objective basis for perfecting the Party’s principles and policies regarding religious work. First, it perfected policies toward religious professionals. At that time, the lumpenproletariat were customarily referred to as liumang [10]. In June 1930, a joint conference of the Front Committee of the Fourth Army of the Red Army and the Western Fujian Special Committee of the CPC passed the "Resolution on the Liumang Question," revised and approved by Mao Zedong. This resolution classified practitioners of feudal superstitions and religious believers—including "diviners," "fortune-tellers," "physiognomists," "geomancers (with some exceptions)," "Buddhist monks (with some exceptions)," "Taoist priests (with some exceptions)," "spirit mediums (shiniang)," and "religious disciples (with some exceptions)"—within the category of liumang. It formulated a strategy: "Win over the liumang from beneath the ruling class, provide them with land and work, compel them to labor, and change their social conditions, thereby transforming them from liumang into non-liumang." According to the "Resolution on the Liumang Question," theists belonged to the category of liumang. In October of the same year, in his Xingguo Investigation, Mao Zedong included "Taoist priests," "Buddhist monks," "diviners," "Guanyin-bearers" [11], and "fortune-tellers" in the category of vagrants (youmin), noting: "Vagrants have gained many benefits during the revolution" and "generally welcome the revolution." Here, Mao Zedong further analyzed the attitudes of various types of theists toward the revolution, providing an important basis for the Party to further refine its policies toward theists. The Draft Constitution of the Chinese Soviet Republic formulated in November 1931 stipulated that missionaries, pastors, monks, Taoist priests, geomancers, and all those who took preaching as a profession had no right to vote or be elected. This policy stipulated that professional practitioners of superstition and religious professionals lacked these rights, yet the ordinary religious masses still enjoyed such rights according to the law. In January 1932, the "Analysis of Classes and Strategies Toward Each Class" formulated by the Political Department of the Xiang-Gan Military District pointed out: "Nuns, monks, Taoist priests, character-readers, fortune-tellers, diviners, priests, and pastors are all appendages of the reactionary ruling class; they cannot be allocated land and have no civil rights in the Soviet." In the spring of the same year, the "Regulations of the Jiangxi Provincial Soviet Government on the Confiscation and Distribution of Land," approved by the Provisional Central Government of the Chinese Soviet Republic, stipulated that if an individual "makes a living exclusively by religion as a profession, they shall not be allocated land, and land previously allocated should be reclaimed; if they take religion as a sideline and farming as their main occupation, they may be allocated land with the masses' approval; if the family members of such persons do not rely on the aforementioned professions for a living, but are workers, farm laborers, poor peasants, or middle peasants, they shall still be allocated land according to their status." This regulation began to use whether one engaged in religion as a primary profession or a sideline as the important basis for land distribution. In October 1933, the "Decision of the Central Government of the Chinese Soviet Republic on Some Issues in the Land Struggle," issued by Mao Zedong as Chairman of the Central Government, further stipulated: "Anyone who, for three full years immediately preceding the uprising, relied on religious and superstitious professions such as pastor, priest, monk, Taoist, lay devotee (zhaigong), geomancer, fortune-teller, or diviner as their primary source of livelihood is called a religious professional. Religious professionals have no right to vote and shall not be allocated land." This decision integrated practitioners of feudal superstition into the category of religious professionals, refined policies toward them and their families, and no longer classified religious professionals as liumang or vagrants. Second, it perfected the policy toward managed public halls (guangongtang). In the early stages of the Land Revolution, the Party followed a policy of confiscating land belonging to public halls. Through investigation and practice, it was discovered that "managing a public hall is an act of exploitation. However, a distinction should be made between public halls managed by landlords, rich peasants, and capitalists and those managed by workers and poor peasants," and corresponding policies were adopted. Third, it perfected the policy of freedom of religious belief. The Outline of the Constitution of the Chinese Soviet Republic passed in November 1931 stipulated that within the territory of the Soviet regime, workers, peasants, Red Army soldiers, and all toiling masses and their families, regardless of religious belief, were equal before Soviet law. The Soviet regime "aims to ensure that the toiling masses of workers and peasants enjoy the reality of true freedom of belief, and absolutely implements the principle of the separation of church and state." In December of the same year, the "Land Law of the Chinese Soviet Republic" issued by Chairman Mao Zedong also reflected the principle of respecting the religious beliefs of the masses, stipulating: in the disposal of public land, it "must obtain the voluntary support of the peasants, with the principle of not offending their religious feelings."
Third, the methodological significance lies in the formation of basic methods for correctly understanding the question of theism. The article "Oppose Book Worship," written by Mao Zedong during the Xunwu Investigation, "preliminarily formed the three basic points of the living soul of Mao Zedong Thought: namely, seeking truth from facts, the mass line, and independence." These ideological methods were similarly reflected in Mao Zedong's investigation and research on the question of theism at that time. First, one must persist in seeking truth from facts when investigating theism. Mao Zedong pointed out that one must correct book worship that is divorced from reality; if one "blindly carries out the instructions of higher levels to the letter and without disagreement, this is not truly carrying out the instructions; it is the most sophisticated way to oppose or sabotage them." Therefore, understanding China's theism question must persist in proceeding from reality; once the "source" of the so-called difficult problem is found and its "current state" is clarified, the problem can be easily solved. Second, one must follow the mass line when investigating theism. When Mao Zedong held investigation meetings in Xunwu, he sat in the first position by the door—the lower seat—content to be a junior student and humbly learning from primary-level cadres and the masses. He pointed out that we must cry out loudly to wash away the idealist spirit and cause comrades to "go to the masses and conduct practical investigations!" Investigating theism likewise requires following the mass line and mastering necessary investigation techniques, including holding discussion-style investigation meetings, setting detailed investigation outlines, taking personal charge, going deep, and keeping one's own records. Finally, one must persist in the principle of independence when investigating theism. Mao Zedong pointed out, "No investigation, no right to speak," and "the victory of the Chinese revolutionary struggle depends on Chinese comrades understanding Chinese conditions." The question of theism within the revolution must also rely on Chinese comrades to investigate and understand, and on the Chinese people themselves to handle. It was precisely by applying the basic theories of Marxist atheism to Chinese reality and guiding the practice of solving theism-related problems—while constantly overcoming the erroneous tendency of sacralizing Comintern resolutions and Soviet experiences, as well as "Left" and Right opportunist errors within the Party—and independently analyzing theism in the revolution, that Mao Zedong promoted the process of the Sinicization of Marxist atheism.
IV. Contemporary Inspirations of the Atheist Thought in the Xunwu Investigation
In the primary stage of socialism in China, the roots of the existence of theism are long-term and complex, which objectively requires Party committees and governments at all levels, as well as the broad ranks of Party members and cadres, to conduct in-depth investigations into the question of theism and persist over the long term in the publicity and education of Marxist atheism. The contemporary inspirations of the atheist thought in the Xunwu Investigation can be summarized from the perspectives of emphasizing investigation, innovating theory, and strengthening education: guiding the investigation of theism with the "Six Must-Persists," promoting the Sinicization and modernization of Marxist atheism with the "Two Combinations," and performing publicity and education work on Marxist atheism with the "Three In-Depths."
First, guiding the investigation and research of theism with the "Six Must-Persists." The Xunwu Investigation is a model for Mao Zedong’s investigation of theism. In March 2023, the "Working Plan on Promoting the Great Practice of Investigation and Research Throughout the Party" issued by the General Office of the CPC Central Committee pointed out the need to "be adept at using the Party's innovative theories to study new situations, solve new problems, summarize new experiences, and explore new laws." The worldview and methodology of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era—namely the "Six Must-Persists"—are sharp ideological weapons for guiding the investigation of theism under the new situation. (1) One must persist in putting the people first to practice the original aspiration and founding mission of investigating theism. We must stand firmly on the side of the people, vigorously develop productive forces, promote all-around human development, and always adhere to the people-centered development philosophy. (2) One must persist in self-confidence and self-reliance to manifest the important principles of investigating theism. We must always adhere to the major principle of Marxist atheism, persist in adapting measures to local conditions, and conduct comprehensive and in-depth investigations of actual conditions. (3) One must persist in upholding the fundamentals and breaking new ground to enhance the breadth and depth of investigating theism. We must go deep into primary-level units, comprehensively employ various methods, and fully utilize modern information technology to improve scientific rigor and effectiveness. (4) One must persist in a problem-oriented approach to clarify the goals and direction of investigating theism. We must deeply grasp the new characteristics and situations of theism under the new era and find new ideas and methods to solve problems. (5) One must persist in a systems-oriented thinking to innovate scientific methods for investigating theism. We must persist in using the perspectives of universal connection, comprehensive systems, and development and change to understand the question of theism. In recognizing and handling theism, we must "be adept at seeing reality through history, grasping the essence through phenomena, and properly handling the relationships between the whole and the part, the present and the long term, the macro and the micro, primary and secondary contradictions, and the special and the general." (6) One must persist in maintaining a global perspective to expand the world vision of investigating theism. The question of theism also has international characteristics; we must resolutely resist and guard against the infiltration of various theistic trends of thought, and also tell China’s story of atheism well to the world, striving to enhance the discourse power and international communication capacity of Marxist atheism.
Second, promoting the Sinicization and modernization of Marxist atheism with the "Two Combinations." The atheist thought in the Xunwu Investigation is rooted in the soil of Chinese history and culture and the reality of the Chinese revolution; it is permeated with the Marxist standpoint, viewpoint, and method, making it an important milestone in the Sinicization of Marxist atheism. To open a new realm for the Sinicization and modernization of Marxist atheism, we must persist in the "Two Combinations." On one hand, we must persist in combining the basic theories of Marxist atheism with the specific realities of the question of theism in China. We must persist in using the worldview, methodology, and the standpoint, viewpoint, and method that permeate Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era to recognize and grasp the characteristics and laws of theism under the new situation, resolutely resist and guard against the infiltration of various forms of theism, and always maintain the dominant position of Marxist atheism in the thinking of the masses. Simultaneously, we must fully, accurately, and comprehensively implement the Party's policy of freedom of religious belief, respect the religious beliefs of the masses, and constantly consolidate the patriotic united front between the Party and the religious circles. On the other hand, we must persist in combining the basic principles of Marxist atheism with fine traditional Chinese atheist thought. Valuable ideas in fine traditional Chinese atheist thought—such as emphasizing humans over spirits, self-improvement, the human capacity to conquer nature, and the idea that the soul perishes when the body dies—are highly compatible with the value propositions of Marxist atheism. We must strengthen historical and cultural confidence, systematically organize and deeply tap into fine traditional Chinese atheist thought, and persist in integrating the essence of Marxist atheist thought with the finest elements of traditional Chinese atheist thought and the atheist values that the Chinese people "use daily without even realizing it." We must constantly consolidate the historical foundations, cultural roots, and mass basis for the Sinicization and modernization of Marxist atheism, forming a contemporary Chinese Marxist atheist thought with Chinese characteristics, Chinese style, and Chinese flair, allowing Marxist atheism to take firm root and blossom in China.
Third, we must carry out the propaganda and education of Marxist atheism through the "Three In-depths." Investigation and research into the problem of theism in the Report from Xunwu was, in the final analysis, for the purpose of serving the Land Revolutionary War [15] and the people. The propaganda and education work of Marxist atheism must "focus on consolidating the guiding position of Marxism in our country's ideological field, focus on serving the central task of economic construction and the overall situation of the work of the whole Party and the nation, and focus on promoting comprehensive social progress and the comprehensive development of human beings." The "Opinions on Strengthening and Improving Ideological and Political Work in the New Era," issued by the CPC Central Committee and the State Council in 2021, proposed to "strengthen education in Marxist materialism and atheism." To do a good job in the propaganda and education of Marxist atheism in the New Era, we should adhere to the "Three In-depths."
First, we must persist in going deep into reality (深入实际). We must base ourselves on the greatest reality, which is the primary stage of socialism, and persist in liberating the mind, seeking truth from facts, advancing with the times, and upholding the fundamentals and breaking new ground. We must keep abreast of new situations in the struggle against illegal religious activities, cult organizations, various forms of pseudoscience, and superstition. We must strengthen the guidance of propaganda and public opinion regarding religion and comprehensively grasp the new situation of the continuous development and change of theistic problems. We should "promote the scientific spirit, popularize scientific knowledge, resist superstition and decayed, backward culture, and guard against the penetration of extremist religious ideologies and illegal religious forces," while persisting in carrying out Marxist atheist propaganda and education work tailored to local conditions, people, events, and timing.
Second, we must persist in going deep into life (深入生活). We must go deep into the daily lives of the masses, better integrating the forms, content, and methods of propaganda and education into the lives of the masses, serving their lives and guiding their lives. We must take the satisfaction of the people’s ever-growing needs for a better life as the starting point and ultimate goal of Marxist atheist propaganda and education. When the masses "possess culture, practice hygiene, and live a good life, 'ghosts' will naturally be driven away."
Third, we must persist in going deep among the masses (深入群众). We must adhere to the mass line, take deep root among the masses, think what the masses think, worry about what the masses worry about, resolve what the masses are concerned about, and provide what the masses need, starting primarily with the most realistic interest-based problems of the masses.
In summary, the atheist thoughts in the Report from Xunwu, formed by Mao Zedong on the basis of long-term practice and in-depth investigation and research, have enriched the treasury of Sinicized Marxist atheism with a series of theoretical viewpoints on the correct treatment of religion, folk beliefs, feudal superstition, and feudal secret societies [16]. They provided an objective basis for the Party to improve its major principles and policies regarding Marxist atheism and established the basic methodology for the Party to correctly understand the problem of theism. These thoughts provide important insights for conducting investigations into theistic issues under the current new situation, promoting the Sinicization and modernization of Marxist atheism, and doing a good job in the propaganda and education of Marxist atheism in the New Era.
(Author Bios: Liu Fujun is a professor at the School of Marxism, Beijing Union University, and Deputy Director of the Institute of Religious Policy and Religious Culture; Zhang Ruxu is a master's student at the School of Marxism, Beijing Union University.)
Online Editor: Tongxin Source: Science and Atheism, No. 6, 2023