Zhou Yun and Wang Minmin: On the Atheistic Implications of Song Dynasty Neo-Confucianism
Religion is essentially irrational because it cannot be demonstrated through reason. However, it is an inherent part of human nature to seek logical confirmation for all things. Consequently, in order to rationalize the belief in ghosts and spirits, thinkers subjected them to philosophical reflection. Yet, to a large extent, this resulted in a backlash against faith itself. Such was the case with Neo-Confucianism (Lixue). As Confucians, the Neo-Confucian thinkers held unwavering belief in the deities of traditional Confucian religion. Their primary purpose in introducing philosophy and constructing a discourse on the Dao was to provide a better and clearer explanation of ghosts and spirits, as well as the mechanisms of communication between these spirits and human beings. However, this inevitably produced a conflict between philosophy and religion. That is to say, on another level, the Neo-Confucians' act of "constructing the Dao" actually served to disenchant the natural world, dissolve the independence of ghosts and spirits, and propel the development of atheism.
I. The Neo-Confucians' Views on Sacrifice and Ghosts and Spirits
Thoroughgoing atheism did not exist in our nation’s history, as thoroughgoing atheism is the product of a high degree of epistemological development and the result of advanced scientific and technological levels. Therefore, when we say that Song Dynasty Neo-Confucianism possesses atheistic implications, we are speaking in terms of the developmental process of atheism, and it was not a result that the Neo-Confucian thinkers promoted consciously or voluntarily. As Confucians, their belief in sacrifices and ghosts and spirits was in fact very firm. Only by first understanding this point can we gain a clear and logical understanding of the atheistic implications of Song Neo-Confucianism.
1. The Neo-Confucians’ View of Sacrifice
"The great affairs of the state reside in sacrifice and warfare" [1]. Placing equal importance on sacrifice and military affairs is a Confucian tradition. The Neo-Confucian thinkers could only inherit this tradition, and they became even more fastidious regarding the importance and normativity of sacrificial rites.
In 1068, Zhou Dunyi wrote the "Text for the Shicai Ceremony upon the Relocation of the School in Shaozhou," specifically to report to Yan Hui [2] that the relocation of the Confucian Temple was complete and to invite Yan Hui to serve as an assessor in the sacrifices to Confucius. He offered a most pious sacrificial report: "Zhou Dunyi, Court Gentleman for Consultation, Vice Director in the Ministry of War, Vice Prefect of Yongzhou concurrently in charge of Agricultural Promotion, Acting Administrator of Shaozhou, Commandant of Fleet Cavalry, and recipient of the Crimson Fish Bag, dares to clearly announce to the Late Master, Yanzi, Duke of the State of Yan: Now that the relocation and renovation of the Temple school is complete, I respectfully perform the shicai [3] ceremony for the Ancient Sage, the Ultimate Sage, the Propagator of Culture and King. ... I conscientiously offer ritual silks and aquatic plants as a manifest offering, following the rites of accompaniment to the spirit."
During a discussion, Cheng Yi once expressed approval of Wang Anshi's re-standardization of sacrificial rituals. He said: "In our current dynasty, the Temple of the Ancestor [Taizu] is paired with the Circular Mound [4], and the deceased father is paired with the Hall of Light. Since Wang Anshi [Jiefu] proposed this, it has become correct. Prior to this, the Five Emperors were sacrificed to, as was the August Heaven, the Supreme Emperor, with six positions paired together. According to Wang's proposal, only the August Heaven, the Supreme Emperor, is sacrificed to, with the deceased father paired with Him" (The Collected Works of the Cheng Brothers: Discourse on the Di Sacrifice). This passage discusses who should be paired as an associate in the sacrifices to the Supreme Emperor. Rituals are not eternal; they undergo constant adjustment in practice based on different interpretations. However, this passage demonstrates that Wang Anshi, Cheng Yi, and others were consistent in their fastidiousness regarding the normativity of sacrifice. Cheng Yi even personally wrote the "Formula for Making Ancestral Tablets," specifically standardizing the production methods for ancestral tablets used in folk sacrifices.
Zhang Zai strongly advocated for the orthodoxy of sacrifice. The Records of Song and Yuan Confucianists states that he "was distressed that recent funerary and sacrificial rites lacked a standard... and that the rituals for sacrificing to ancestors followed vulgar customs; he thus advocated for a total adherence to ancient rites" (Records of Song and Yuan Confucianists: Records of the Hengqu School, Part I). In the tenth year of the Xining era (1077), because the ritual officials did not follow ancient methods in performing the Suburban Sacrifice [5], Zhang Zai submitted a memorial of criticism. When his opinion was not adopted, he resolutely resigned from office and returned to seclusion.
Zhu Xi emphasized the grassroots promotion of sacrificial rites even further. The first chapter of his Family Rituals is "The Offering Hall," which begins: "When a gentleman is about to build a residence, he first establishes an offering hall to the east of the main sleeping quarters. It shall have four niches to enshrine the ancestral tablets of previous generations." "In the event of flood, fire, or bandits, one must first save the offering hall, move the ancestral tablets and inherited books, then the sacrificial vessels, and only then attend to the family wealth." This is the attitude of "serving the dead as if they were alive" toward ancestral tablets. According to ancient systems, commoners were not permitted to establish temples. However, after Zhu Xi introduced the "offering hall" (citang), he changed the previous tradition wherein only the nobility and meritorious kin could enjoy sacrifices in family temples; the efforts of Neo-Confucians to strengthen the importance of sacrifice are thus evident.
The importance Neo-Confucians placed on sacrificial rites was, first of all, a response to the inertia of Confucian tradition. Sacrifice is a fundamental tenet of Confucian thought; therefore, a "pure" Confucian would pursue the complete practice of sacrificial rites as a goal. For example, Zi Gong believed that the ritual of announcing the new moon had fallen into disuse and suggested that there was no need to continue sacrificing a live sheep. But Confucius objected: "Ci [Zi Gong], you love the sheep; I love the ritual" (Analects: Ba Yi). What Confucius emphasized was the subjective emotion toward the ritual itself; this is the manifestation of a Confucian’s purity.
Secondly, the importance Neo-Confucians placed on sacrificial rites stemmed from the need to maintain the stability of an ethical society. Zhu Xi said: "The Di is a great sacrifice; therein lies the righteousness of ruler and minister, and the intimacy of father and son" (Classified Conversations of Master Zhu: On the Analects VII, Ba Yi Chapter). The ethics of "the intimacy of father and son" are manifested in practice as ancestor worship, the goal of which is to maintain the stability of the ethical society. Neo-Confucians directly participated in discussions regarding ancestral sacrifice. During the Northern Song, Confucians debated whether it was necessary to establish Xizu as an "unmoving" ancestor (butiao). Xizu—Zhao Tiao—was the great-great-grandfather of Zhao Kuangyin [the Song founder] and lived during the Tang Dynasty. Because he was so distant in time, some argued he should be moved to the peripheral shrines. Cheng Yi and Wang Anshi both thought this improper, and Zhu Xi also agreed that Xizu should remain "unmoving." Because the ancestor is the source of all things, for the state, the ancestor is the source of supreme power. Thus, to value sacrifice is to value the stability of the ethical society.
Finally, the importance Neo-Confucians placed on sacrificial rites stemmed from their belief in traditional ghosts and spirits. Sacrifice is an interactive activity between a subject and an object: the subject is the human, and the object consists of ghosts and spirits. If one does not believe in ghosts and spirits, the practice of sacrifice cannot be established. As Mozi said: "To hold that there are no ghosts yet to study sacrificial rites is like having no guests yet studying the rites of hospitality" (Mozi: Gong Meng). Zhu Xi once explicitly criticized Ouyang Xixun’s denial of ghosts and spirits: "These words are particularly harmful to principle (li). If one speaks thus, then it is mere pretense; how then can it be called ‘the sincerity that cannot be concealed’?" (Collected Works, Vol. 69, "Reply to Ouyang Xixun"). Therefore, the piety of the Neo-Confucians toward sacrifice must be grounded in a belief in ghosts and spirits.
2. The Neo-Confucians’ View of Ghosts and Spirits
Although sacrifice had multiple layers of practical significance, the view of ghosts and spirits was the basic core required for its effective implementation. The Neo-Confucian thinkers, who insisted on pious sacrifice, held firm beliefs regarding ghosts and spirits.
Generally speaking, traditional Confucians adopted "Sacrifice as if they were present; sacrifice to the spirits as if the spirits were present" (Analects: Ba Yi) as their principle of sacrifice. Although it cannot be certain that Confucius was the first to say this, it received his affirmation because it established a self-evident sacrificial norm. However, Zhu Xi maintained a significant degree of vigilance toward "sacrifice as if they were present" acting merely as a behavioral norm. This was because the phrase could easily be extended to mean "the spirits do not exist when one is not sacrificing to them." This would mean that ghosts and spirits are placed within the realm of subjective will, to be accepted or rejected at whim. Zhu Xi looked beyond the normative level of understanding and saw the problem of "spiritual hollowing" that might arise from mere ritualism. For instance, someone asked: "Fan [Zuyu] says: 'If there is sincerity, there is spirit; if there is no sincerity, there is no spirit.' I fear this means that if my mind thinks they exist, they exist, and if I think they do not, they do not." Zhu Xi replied: "If it were merely based on one's own thinking they exist or not, that would be private whim. This is a matter of one's own debt to them; it is like sacrificing into a void while one's sincerity does not reach them—it is as if one had never sacrificed at all" (Classified Conversations of Master Zhu, Vol. 25). That is to say, if ghosts and spirits existed based on subjective will, then a sacrifice lacking sincerity would dissolve the object of sacrifice, and subsequently dissolve the meaning of the sacrifice itself. Therefore, in Zhu Xi’s view, the existence of ghosts and spirits was not a subjective question, but an objective one.
With sacrifice at the center, Zhu Xi clarified that piously sacrificing was not a normative issue, but essentially a factual issue concerning the existence of ghosts and spirits. Other Confucians emphasized the certainty of ghosts and spirits more from the perspective of direct affirmation. For example, Cheng Yi said: "When the spirits arrive, it means they look down and grant you much fortune" (Cheng’s Explanations of the Classics, Vol. 4, "Explanations of the Odes: Tian Bao"). Zhang Shi said even more succinctly: "Because there are these ghosts and spirits, there are these rites and music" (Explanations of the Analects: Ba Yi). Similarly, Zhu Xi said: "When the ancient sages performed sacrifices for them, there must have been those spirits" (Classified Conversations of Master Zhu: Rites VII). In short, the sacrificial rites existed to serve the ghosts and spirits.
Neo-Confucians also firmly believed in divination. Cheng Yi said: "As far as outside the six realms [6], as close as within one's own body, as fleeting as a blink, as subtle as stillness and movement—there is nothing that does not have the image of the hexagrams, and nothing that does not have the meaning of the lines" (Preface to the I Ching). Confucians such as Zhang Zai, Zhu Xi, and Zhang Shi all made statements expressing their unwavering belief in divination.
Beyond ghosts, spirits, and divination, there were also Neo-Confucians who believed in mystical experiences. For instance, the Southern Song's Yang Jian claimed that one night when he was twenty-eight, while reflecting on the ancestral teaching of "frequent self-reflection," he "suddenly felt a void with no inside or outside, no boundaries; the three powers [Heaven, Earth, and Man], the myriad things, the myriad transformations, the myriad affairs, the dark and the light, being and non-being, all became one integral whole, without the slightest fracture" (Late Works of Cihu, Vol. 1, "Seeking Instruction from Lecturer Bing"). At age thirty-one, Yang Jian met Lu Jiuyuan lecturing on the "original mind" in Fuyang; after internalizing this, he "suddenly felt this mind was serene and clear," and "could not sleep all night; as the sun began to glow at dawn, he felt refreshed as if something had shed away, and this mind became even more luminous" (Records of Song and Yuan Confucianists: Records of the Cihu School). While in mourning for his mother at age thirty-three, he again gained a mystical experience: "Formerly, in the midst of bitter grieving, I was suddenly silent and unmoving... and I believed all the more that my mind possesses this spiritual and wonderful function" (Yang’s Commentary on the I Ching, Vol. 20).
Yang Jian’s mystical experiences may be closely related to his proximity to Chan Buddhism. However, clues for "the unity of being and non-being," "the single principle of the dark and the light," "serene and clear," and "silent and unmoving" can all be found in traditional Confucian propositions. It is just that while general philosophers explain these principles on a theoretical level, Yang Jian realized them through mystical experience. In essence, this transformed what was originally philosophical cultivation (gongfu) into religious cultivation.
II. Rational Critique and Theoretical Transformation of Ghosts and Spirits
The Neo-Confucian thinkers performed a dual task of "deconstruction and construction" regarding the traditional view of ghosts and spirits. On one hand, they conducted a rationalistic critique of the superstitious beliefs in ghosts and spirits that pervaded traditional society; on the other hand, they carried out a theoretical transformation of the ghosts and spirits they themselves believed in. Although they had not yet reached the stage of thoroughgoing atheism, their transformed view of ghosts and spirits disenchanted these beliefs to the greatest possible extent.
1. Rational Critique of Ghosts and Spirits
The Neo-Confucians' prominent contribution to traditional thought lay first in their elevation of the value of reason. Regarding their understanding of ghosts and spirits, they resolutely opposed "monstrous creatures and wicked spirits" (wuguai shenjian), rejected idol worship, and propelled the progress of human rational thinking.
Zhang Zai’s critique of monstrous creatures and wicked spirits was extremely fierce. He said: "Fan Xunzhi once spoke of 'wicked spirits and monstrous creatures.' I challenged him with words, saying that the thunder and lightning, flora and fauna of Heaven and Earth are most strange, yet because they have a fixed form, they are not 'monstrous'; the smelting, boats, and carts of men are also most strange, yet because they have a fixed principle (li), they are not 'monstrous.' Now, those who speak of ghosts say their forms cannot be seen, or that those who claim to see them see nothing stable—this is the first reason they are hard to believe. Furthermore, to say that something without form can move or change something with form cannot be deduced by principle—this is the second reason they are hard to believe... Currently, when people speak of ghosts and spirits, they say they are formless like Heaven and Earth, yet their actions are no different from humans; can it be said that the ghost of a dead person can actually combine the powers of both Heaven and Man? Let us further evaluate this by secular claims: if all dead people have consciousness, then surely a mother who deeply loved her son would, once transformed and gone, return every day through the words of others or in dreams to look after him? And if it is said they can 'bless the good and bring disaster to the wicked,' then instances where a small evil meets a heavy penalty while a great villain enjoys thick blessings are too numerous to count. It is also said that 'a person of refined spirit can become a vengeful ghost (li)'—did the First Emperor [of Qin] alone fail to punish Zhao Gao, or did Emperor Taizong alone fail to punish Empress Wu? It is further said that 'what the multitudes pass down cannot be entirely false'—yet did the ancient sages alone fail to pass down a single word on this? Sages might perhaps allow for silence, but from Confucius and Mencius down to Xun Kuang, Yang Xiong, Fan Zhongyan, and Han Yu—though their learning did not reach that of the sages—neither were they seen to say a word on this. If we assume such things exist, and these several masters just happened not to speak of them, then even among the somewhat honest people of today, there has never been one who claimed to have seen them with his own eyes" (Gleanings from the Study of Nature and Principle).
In Zhang Zai’s view, there is an essential difference between "monstrous creatures and wicked spirits" and the "ghosts and spirits" [to which he subscribes]. The so-called monstrous and wicked can be summarized by two characteristics: first, they can change from formless to formal, which is a rare phenomenon; second, although formless, they can speak like humans and are clever enough to "bless the good and bring disaster to the wicked." The fundamental point of divergence between these two characteristics and the "ghosts and spirits" Zhang Zai recognized is that the former are said to have direct sensory connection and contact with humans. Belief in such perceptible and touchable ghosts and spirits is fundamentally blind and irrational; hence they are "hard to believe." He cited a series of facts to expose the internal contradictions in the existence of perceptible ghosts and spirits. For example, his rebuttal of the idea that "a person of refined spirit can become a vengeful ghost" was quite unique. The Zuo Zhuan says that "Bo You became a vengeful ghost" because his use of material essence was abundant [7]. Both the Cheng brothers and Zhu Xi agreed with this, and a custom of sacrificing to vengeful ghosts (li) was later added to Confucian religious ritual. But Zhang Zai went against the grain, arguing that if an abundance of material essence really allowed one to become a vengeful ghost, why did the First Emperor of Qin not seek revenge on [the traitor] Zhao Gao? This rebuttal is quite lethal, directly negating the misunderstandings and superstitions of the masses regarding ghosts and spirits on a secular level. Thus, Zhang Zai’s opposition to monstrous and wicked spirits reflects his strong rational spirit.
The Cheng brothers [8] also launched fierce critiques against strange phenomena and malevolent spirits. Cheng Yi stated: "If a shaman is here and the 'spirit' speaks over there, it is merely a trick of ventriloquism; there is absolutely no such principle. As for the claim that spirits leave behind medicine, it is even more obviously false... Even a man as intelligent as Shao Yaofu [9] could not help but harbor doubts. He once mentioned a case where someone heard the sounds of men and horses in the empty air. I say: if there are men and horses, they must have saddles and bridles. Where would such things come from?" (Extant Works of the Chengs, Vol. 2B). Cheng Yi’s critique of these two types of supernatural phenomena follows the same logic as Zhang Zai’s. The logic of the first critique is: if ghosts and gods are incorporeal, how can they speak, or even leave behind tangible medicine? The logic of the second is: items like saddles and reins are ordinary physical objects—how could they appear simultaneously with men and horses in the void and become "ghosts"? In short, how can an incorporeal thing perform corporeal acts, and how can corporeal objects become incorporeal ghosts? Thus, they are logically untenable.
The Cheng brothers critiqued many other instances of "strange phenomena." For example, when people in Sizhou rumored that a sage had descended from heaven, Cheng Yi refuted this by pointing out that everyone’s description of the event differed; when the official Zhu Ding of Sizhou treated the Sangha [10] as a divine object for averting fire, Cheng Yi refuted him by asking why he didn't try throwing it into a fire to see. The essence of "strange phenomena" is the supernatural—that which violates logic. While logic cannot explain everything, those things that are clearly illogical must be vigorously critiqued and their absurdity exposed. This vividly reflects the spirit of rationality championed by the Neo-Confucians.
The opposition to idolatry was another manifestation of the rationalism upheld by the Neo-Confucians. Idolatry is a vestige of primitive religion. Although Neo-Confucians believed in natural deities, they resolutely opposed creating statues for them, standing in direct opposition to vulgar worldly customs. Zhang Zai remarked: "In the sacrifices to mountains and rivers, it is simply because they are so majestic and high, or so deep and profound, and their evaporation is sufficient to move clouds and bring rain, that one must repay them—hence the sacrifice. They are treated like the Three Dukes or the Marquises [11], but when was there ever a human image of them? When a Sage governs, he must abolish such things" (Philosophical Depths of Classical Studies: Sacrifices).
This passage disenchanted the sacrifices to mountains and rivers on two levels. First, although Zhang Zai considered the bringing of rain a "divine" act, he argued it was not mysterious; there is an explicable principle (理, li)—because the mountains are high and the waters deep, they produce the moisture that causes rain. This is something humans cannot do, so the mountains and rivers are sacrificed to as deities in gratitude for their bounty. Second, the ability of mountains and rivers to "move clouds and bring rain" results from their physical structure; therefore, the mountain or river itself is the "deity," and there should not be a separate corporeal spirit.
These two points were actually derived from the Confucian classics. For instance, the Record of Rites (Ritual Methods) states: "Mountains, forests, valleys, and hills that can produce clouds, make wind and rain, and manifest wonders are all called 'gods' (shen)." Zhang Zai inherited this thought, but his creativity lay in his ability to explain why mountains and rivers are "gods" through their physical structure, reflecting the epistemological height he had reached.
Zhu Xi held similar views against anthropomorphic idols. He once critiqued: "Nowadays, when sacrificing to the gods of Heaven, Earth, mountains, and rivers, people mold images to worship; this is utterly devoid of principle." He also said, "Even for the Proclaimed Sage [Confucius], statues should not have been established. During the spring and autumn sacrifices, simply setting a tablet is sufficient" (Topically Arranged Conversations of Master Zhu, Vol. 7: Rites). Chen Chun [12] also critiqued how people of his time painted stars as human figures, calling it a "complete ignorance of the nature of ghosts and gods." He further asked: "Mount Tai is just a mountain; how can it have a human appearance?" (The Meaning of Terms, "Ghosts and Gods"). He found it inconceivable that people would dress such "gods" in ceremonial robes and crowns or even provide them with "queens" as mates. Zhang Shi [13] asked: "That mountains stand and rivers flow—this is their form. Why treat them as human? That their breath (qi) circulates and can connect with us—why house them in buildings?" (Collected Works of Nanxuan, Vol. 10).
The Neo-Confucian critique of strange phenomena and opposition to idolatry were closely related to the scientific atmosphere of the time. From the Song to the Yuan dynasties, the state consciously promoted the development of science and technology, leading to peaks represented by Shen Kuo in the Northern Song and Guo Shoujing between the late Song and early Yuan. As intellectual elites, Neo-Confucians actively participated in this. For example, Shao Yong studied "the physics of things" under Li Zhicai; the Cheng brothers discussed the calendar; Zhang Zai’s "The Three Entities" in Correcting Ignorance is a scientific reflection on the movement of the universe; and Zhu Xi conducted "thing-by-thing" investigations into the formation of the universe, the luminosity of the sun, moon, and stars, the creation of frost, snow, rain, and rainbows, and even how "burning different types of wood produces different types of gas" (Topically Arranged Conversations of Master Zhu, Vol. 4). It was exactly this scientific atmosphere that drove the elevation of the rational spirit among Neo-Confucians.
2. The Theoretical Reconstruction of Ghosts and Gods
Critiquing strange phenomena and opposing idolatry merely cleared away irrational, crude superstitions. The more important task for Neo-Confucians was to clarify what kind of existence the "ghosts and gods" they believed in actually were. The supreme among these were the "Heaven" (Tian) or "Emperor" (Di) of Confucian faith, which were significant deities recorded in the classics and invoked in statecraft. Therefore, Neo-Confucians devoted more effort to the theoretical interpretation of "Heaven" or the "Emperor" to refine their faith.
Zhang Zai first affirmed the divinity of Heaven, saying: "Earth is matter; Heaven is spirit (shen). There is no principle by which matter exceeds spirit" (Correcting Ignorance, "The Three Entities"). However, this "deity" was not mysterious. Zhang Zai provided a three-layered interpretation of "Heaven." In terms of physical form, Heaven is a mass of void-vapor (xu qi): "From the Great Void comes the name 'Heaven'" (Correcting Ignorance, "Great Harmony"). In terms of nature and principle (xingli), Heaven is the Ultimate Principle: "'The sun and moon attain Heaven' means they attain the spontaneous principle of nature, not some azure-colored physical form" (Correcting Ignorance, "The Three Entities"). In terms of ethics, Heaven is the source of all things: "Heaven’s production of things has a sequence; once things are formed, they have an order" (Correcting Ignorance, "Animals"). Subsequent Neo-Confucians' understanding of ghosts and gods, represented by Heaven, essentially remained within these established boundaries.
The Cheng brothers directly used "principle" (li) and "vapor" (qi) to explain students' questions about Heaven and ghosts and gods. They said: "Heaven is Principle. Spirit (shen) is a term for the subtlety of the myriad things. The 'Emperor' is a name based on his role as sovereign over affairs" (Extant Works of the Chengs, Vol. 11). Another asked skeptically: "Since there are sacrifices, must there be gods?" They replied: "The vapor (qi) itself is the god. People today do not understand this principle. As soon as there is a drought, they go to a temple to pray. They do not know what rain and dew are or where they come from, yet they seek them in a temple?" (Extant Works of the Chengs, Vol. 22A). Similarly, Zhang Shi said: "Though ghosts and gods are hidden, they are not outside of Principle" (Explanation of the Analects). Chen Chun said: "In discussing the greatness of the Way, its source out-flows from Heaven" (The Meaning of Terms, Vol. 2). Besides using li and qi, the Chengs and Zhu Xi also strove to make ghosts and gods "perceivable and visible." They explained ghosts and gods through natural changes like the passing of seasons or the melting of ice: "Ghosts and gods refer to the traces of creation and transformation; one can see their activity in the flourishing and withering of the myriad things" (The Cheng Commentary on the Book of Changes, Vol. 4). These efforts did as much as possible to clear away mystical understandings and move the discourse into a philosophical context.
The Neo-Confucian reconstruction of ghosts and gods was intended to solve specific problems. First, sacrificing according to ethical rules is a fundamental Confucian task, and the "philosophized" ghosts and gods provided a theoretical basis for this. The principle that the Son of Heaven sacrifices to Heaven and famous mountains/rivers, while feudal lords sacrifice to the mountains/rivers within their own territories, is a basic tenet of traditional Confucian official sacrifice. Since Confucius, Confucians vigorously opposed "transgressive sacrifices." The Analects records Confucius’s exclamation: "Can it be said that Mount Tai is less discerning than Lin Fang?" [14]. According to ritual systems, the Ji family’s sacrifice to Mount Tai was a transgression. However, while there was classical justification, a higher-level philosophical rationale was missing. The philosophy of li and qi filled this void from the perspective of "natural law."
Hu Shuqi asked: "The Son of Heaven sacrifices to Heaven and Earth, the feudal lords to mountains and rivers, the high officials to the Five Sacrifices, and the scholars and commoners to their ancestors. Is this because their stations are as such?" Zhu Xi replied: "It is also because their qi is connected. As the Son of Heaven is the master of Heaven and Earth, he can sacrifice to them. If anyone else did it, it would have nothing to do with them—then what are they sacrificing to?" (Topically Arranged Conversations of Master Zhu, Vol. 7: Rites). The same applied to family sacrifices: one should not sacrifice to another’s ancestors because "other than one’s own ancestors, there is no connection, and thus no principle for sacrifice." "Illicit sacrifices [15] bring no blessing because the 'meridians' of qi are not connected" (The Meaning of Terms, "Ghosts and Gods"). Zhang Shi said: "If one forces an act without the underlying principle, though they bow a hundred times and provide abundant offerings, if there is a response, it is merely a coincidence" (Collected Works of Nanxuan, Vol. 10). Thus, the philosophy of li and qi provided a "rationalized" and "principled" defense for the ethical norms of sacrifice.
Secondly, the essence of sacrifice is the intersection of humans and ghosts/gods. The "philosophized" ghosts and gods provided a theoretical basis for this interaction. The principle of human-spirit intersection is the concentration of the spirit (jing-shen) to "induce" (gange) the ghosts and gods. Chen Chun said: "In ancient sacrifices, there had to be a real principle of connection. One would fast for three days and maintain abstinence for seven to concentrate one's spirit. Once one’s spirit is concentrated, the spirit of the entity being sacrificed to also concentrates; there is naturally a principle by which they 'come and reside.'" If one asked further why concentrating the spirit could induce ghosts and gods, this involved qi. "Humans, Heaven, Earth, and the myriad things all share one common qi between them. Descendants and ancestors share a specific 'meridian' within that common qi" (The Meaning of Terms, "Ghosts and Gods"). Thus, the intersection in sacrifice is possible because the "channels of qi" are connected; otherwise, the sacrifice is invalid.
This concentration of spirit and qi was actually a concrete extension of "Sincerity" (cheng) found in the classics. The Doctrine of the Mean says: "Sincerity is the beginning and end of things; without sincerity, there is nothing... The Way of UTmost Sincerity allows for foreknowledge... when fortune or calamity is about to arrive, if it is good, it must be known beforehand; if it is bad, it must be known beforehand. Therefore, Utmost Sincerity is like a god." The Great Learning says: "Those who wished to rectify their hearts first sought to be sincere in their intentions." Mencius states: "Sincerity is the Way of Heaven; to think how to be sincere is the Way of man. No one has ever remained unmoved when sincerity was carried to the utmost." The first chapter of Zhou Dunyi’s Penetrating the Book of Changes is "Sincerity," emphasizing that "Sincerity is the root of the Sage" and "'Great is Qian the Origin! All things owe to it their beginning'—this is the source of Sincerity." "Sincerity" is an attitude, but because it originates from within—true, non-false, and fundamental—it was extracted by Neo-Confucians and "canonized" into a principle of human-spirit connection and mutual induction.
Finally, the Neo-Confucians had their limitations; their "philosophized" ghosts and gods also provided a theoretical basis for supernatural phenomena they believed in. Cheng Yi once experienced a supernatural event: when Shao Yong was on the verge of death, the group went to visit him. They whispered among themselves about changing the burial site Shao had chosen for himself, yet Shao always knew the content of their discussions and repeatedly sent people to correct them. Even when they moved far from his bedroom, Shao knew what they were discussing. Regarding how Shao could "know beforehand," Cheng Yi explained: "To others, it seems strange, but it is simply that his heart-mind was empty and thus luminous (心虚而明), so he could hear." "Empty and luminous" sounds mysterious, so his students followed up, noting Shao was not like this before he was ill. Cheng replied: "This is only because after his illness, when his qi was nearly exhausted, his heart-mind had no distracting thoughts and was not clouded." This means as a person's qi diminishes and they lack the strength to think about too much, the heart-mind becomes ethereal and clear. Someone else asked how to explain foreknowledge among Buddhists. He replied: "It is simply an 'unmoved heart-mind' (bu dong xin)... If a person can trace the origin and know the principle of life, they can reach the end and know the principle of death. If they do not understand this, no matter how they arrange things, it will be of no use" (Extant Works of the Chengs, Vol. 18).
Due to historical limitations, some natural phenomena were misreported as supernatural ones. Neo-Confucians believed these reports and used li and qi to explain them. Regarding inhabitants of remote islands, Cheng Yi said: "There are those who are born of 'vapor-transformation' (qihua) and then reproduce by seeds... Once the qi has transformed, it no longer transforms, and they continue via seeds. This principle is very clear." There were also social rumors about "insentient things transforming into sentient ones, like a maple tree turning into an old man, or sentient things turning into insentient ones, like a 'husband-watching' wife turning into stone." [16] Zhu Xi believed this and explained: "It is not that such a principle does not exist... in Sichuan, there are cicadas that turn into flowers and earthworms that turn into lilies; such a principle certainly exists" (Extant Works of the Chengs, Vol. 18).
Someone asked about dream divination. Zhu Xi replied: "The human spirit circulates with the Yin and Yang of Heaven and Earth. Thus, what one does by day and dreams by night, the good and bad fortune each arrive according to their kind. This is why the early kings established officials to observe the conjunctions of Heaven and Earth, distinguish the qi of Yin and Yang, and use the sun, moon, and stars to divine the auspiciousness of the six types of dreams... At the point where Heaven and man interact, they observed with detail and treated it with utmost reverence" (Collected Commentaries on the Book of Songs, Vol. 11).
The "principles" (li) that Cheng Yi summarized for Shao Yong’s foreknowledge, island dwellers, and maple-men, or that Zhu Xi used for dream divination, were actually "empty principles." When something can explain anything, it explains nothing clearly. But this was not the point; the fact that a "principle" was proposed at all was what mattered. Because the proposal of li disenchanted those supernatural phenomena to the greatest extent possible, preventing people from falling into mysticism, it was highly beneficial for promoting the progress of social thought.
III. The Atheistic Implication of Song Neo-Confucianism
Song Neo-Confucianism was not a thoroughgoing atheism. Like all ancient schools of thought, it was merely an intermediate stage in the development of atheism. However, it still holds significant atheistic implications, reflected in two aspects: on one hand, the philosophized view of ghosts and gods dismantled mysticism; on the other hand, the internal inconsistencies of Neo-Confucianism served as counter-evidence for the illusory nature of ghosts and gods.
1. The Dismantling of Mysticism by Philosophized Ghosts and Gods
In Confucianism, "Heaven" (天, tian) was originally the Lord on High (上帝, shangdi), the supreme deity; therefore, the generation of the myriad things by Heaven necessarily carried a sense of mystery. Zhu Xi said, "To be able to generate things is to be divine [神, shen]" (Zhuzi Yulei, Ritual VII). This aligns with the discourse of the Confucian classics. However, merely speaking of "unceasing generation" [17] does not reach the terminus of explanation. Further explanation has the potential to dissolve the mystery of how Heaven and Earth generate things, and subsequently dissolve the mystery of the Lord on High, ghosts, and spirits.
When Zhou Dunyi composed the Taiji Tu (Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate), he synthesized the intellectual achievements of his time to provide a philosophical explanation for how "Heaven and Earth generate things." As shown in the diagram—this being the version revised by Zhu Xi—the first circle represents the undifferentiated Wuji (Limitless). Propelled by the two forces of "Yang in motion" and "Yin at rest," the universe enters the state of Taiji (Supreme Ultimate). The Supreme Ultimate in turn generates the Five Phases (wuxing), and the "generation" of these phases follows a specific order: Metal generates Water, Water generates Wood, Wood generates Fire, Fire generates Earth, and Earth generates Metal. Earth is connected to the small circle at the bottom, signifying that "each individual thing possesses its own Supreme Ultimate," and finally, the myriad things are generated.
The generation of things by Heaven and Earth was originally merely a programmatic claim, appearing mysterious because it lacked concrete details. Once the Taiji Tu provided a philosophical description of this process, everything appeared natural and spontaneous; the volitional Heaven or Lord on High was directly eliminated.
Thus, it can be said that while Neo-Confucianized ghosts and spirits were originally intended to serve faith, they actually had the opposite effect. In the face of "Heavenly Principle" (tianli), nothing mysterious remains mysterious. For instance, when someone asked about the Way of Heaven (tiandao), Cheng Yi replied: "It is simply Principle (li). Principle is the Way of Heaven. As for the saying that 'August Heaven is incensed,' it is not as if there is someone above who is actually angry; it is simply that Principle is thus" (Ercheng Yishu, Vol. 22A). Regarding "monstrous phenomena" (wuguai), Zhang Zai argued: "That which is seen by the masses is my Principle—it is the divine (shen); that which is seen only by a few is either an illness or a fabrication" (Zhangzi Yulu, Vol. A). August Heaven is a god, yet its essence is Principle; even common sights like the sun, moon, and meteorites are Principle—this is the true essence of the divine. Faced with the same object, if I designate it as a god, it falls into mysticism; but if I rename it "Principle," its mystery vanishes instantly.
Neo-Confucianized ghosts and spirits could also serve as tools to actively dismantle certain superstitions. Zhang Shi once stayed in a temple where "at night he heard the sounds of tens of thousands of chicks; getting up to look, he saw the ground covered in bright lights as if filling the air." A monk told him the site was an ancient battlefield and that such anomalies occurred on dark, overcast days. Zhang Shi did not accept the connection between the battlefield and the anomaly. He argued: "If the qi does not dissipate, the steaming and friction of Yin and Yang produce sound. The qi creates the sound itself; what does it have to do with humans!" (Nanxuan Xiansheng Ji Buyi). Zhang Shi used the theory of the aggregation and dissipation of qi to debunk superstitious explanations of natural anomalies; we might even call this a rudimentary scientific explanation.
Zhu Xi’s Revised "Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate" (Cited from Song-Yuan Xue’an, Vol. 1, Zhonghua Book Company, 1986, p. 497.)
Neo-Confucians advocated for sacrifices and divination. Although the essence of these acts is communication between humans and spirits, the Neo-Confucians were unwilling to stop at crude appearances; they thus synthesized the concept of "Sincerity" (cheng). However, by overemphasizing the subjective effort of "Sincerity," the ghosts and spirits—which the Neo-Confucians originally assumed were objective—ended up being controlled by subjective mental intent.
Zhu Xi stated: "In the suburban sacrifices, the heavenly spirits descend; in the ancestral temple, the human ghosts enjoy the offerings—all are brought about by oneself." "Sincerity is reality; ritual is the formal shell" (Sishu Zhangju Jizhu). He further noted: "The one presiding over the sacrifice must exert the utmost Sincerity of intent to move and invite [the spirits]" and "If the distance is too great, nothing short of terminal Sincerity will suffice to invite them" (Zhuzi Yulei, Analects VII). He also noted: "Praying for rain and the like is also using Sincerity to stimulate its qi. Praying to gods and Buddhas is likewise a matter of the qi of the mountains or rivers where they reside being stimulate-able" (Zhuzi Yulei, Ritual VII). although Zhu Xi opposed the standard of "sacrificing as if [the spirits] were present" and rejected the popular saying that "if there is Sincerity, there is a god; if there is no Sincerity, there is no god," under the deep development of the philosophy of "Sincerity," the existence or non-existence of ghosts and spirits still became something controllable by human subjective will.
As the interaction between humans and spirits became increasingly determined by "Sincerity," pushing forward, "Sincerity" eventually became the ontological substance (ben-ti) of the ghosts and spirits themselves. Diverging from Zhu Xi’s opposition, Chen Chun believed the saying "where there is Sincerity there is spirit, where there is no Sincerity there is no spirit" was "said best." He added: "There must be this actual Principle, and then one directs toward it Sincerity and reverence, supplemented by a real heart—how could [the spirits] then not enjoy the offering?" (Beixi Ziyi). Starting from practice, Zhu Xi worried that ghosts and spirits would fall under human subjective control. But Chen Chun, from an ontological perspective, endorsed "Sincerity equals spirit." On the surface, this binds spirits to Sincerity; in reality, it ontologizes Sincerity, making it the direct substance of ghosts and spirits.
Chen Chun's approach had precedents among earlier Confucians. For example, Cheng Yi said: "The height of Filial Piety and Fraternal Love communicates with the Divine. The Divine and Filial Piety are not two different things; Filial Piety itself is the Principle of the Divine." When someone asked the reason for the miracle of Wang Xiang reclining on ice to catch carp [18], he replied: "This resonance came from within Wang Xiang's Sincerity; it was not that Wang Xiang was filial here and the object came from there" (Ercheng Yishu, Vol. 18). Cheng Yi meant that Filial Piety and Fraternal Love are subjective attitudes; rather than treating them as intermediaries between humans and gods, it is better to understand them as unified with the spirits. Zhang Zai said: "The Way by which Heaven endures without ceasing is what is called Sincerity," and "The unification of nature and the Way of Heaven resides in Sincerity" (Zhengmeng). The difference between "Sincerity" and "Principle-qi" is that Principle and qi are objective existences, while Sincerity is a subjective attitude. Both Cheng and Zhang unified originally objective existence with subjective Sincerity, which meant that the power of the subjective will was infinitely magnified. In fact, Zhu Xi also unconsciously fell into a logic centered on the subject, stating: "Heaven is only within me; what is there to pray for? Within one's own person, all thoughts and movements are nothing other than Heaven" (Zhuzi Yulei, Ritual VII). Indeed, the Neo-Confucians placed great weight on the phrase "without Sincerity, there are no things" from the Doctrine of the Mean, and Zhang Zai also had his theory of "enlarging the mind" (daxin), both of which provided important inspiration for the School of Mind (xinxue). In terms of atheism, after merging with "Sincerity," ghosts and spirits suddenly became subjective creations, and their objective reality naturally dissolved.
2. Internal inconsistencies and contradictions reinforced the illusory nature of spirits
Due to historical limitations and various intellectual burdens, the Neo-Confucians' disenchantment with ghosts and spirits was incomplete. This led to theoretical inconsistencies, thereby planting the seeds of "the illusory nature of spirits" and unconsciously promoting the development of atheistic thought.
First was the conflict between philosophical rationality and traditional belief. Zhang Zai not only understood the principle that "ritual is what is appropriate to the times," but he also unconsciously emptied ritual sacrifice of its religious character. He once argued that sacrifice was actually a performance: "If floods and droughts are caused by qi, what is the point of praying? When the people suffer so, one cannot stand by; the Sage simply worries for the people" (Jingxue Liquor). This passage reaches the pinnacle of a utilitarian and realist understanding of sacrifice. Yet, when facing traditional belief, he still criticized people for "not knowing that ritual is the spontaneity/naturalness of Heaven," reinforcing the apriority of ritual and elevating its divinity.
Zhang Shi opposed the popular legend that "Fuxi obtained the He Tu (Yellow River Map) and Luo Shu (Lo Shu Square) to create the Eight Trigrams," as well as various scholarly interpretations of these as physical texts. Yet he firmly believed: "The Yellow River communicates with Heaven; a dragon-horse emerged carrying the Map—this is the Sage's virtue matching with Heaven above, and Heaven sending down its auspicious sign. The Luo River is central to the Earth; a divine turtle emerged carrying the Writing—this is the Sage's virtue reaching the Earth below, and the Earth presenting its omen" (Nanxuan Yishuo). This shows that traditional beliefs were deeply rooted and could not coexist consistently with philosophical rationality in the minds of Neo-Confucians.
Second was the conflict between philosophical rationality and the defense of the Classics. Just as Zhang Zai once saw sacrifice as a tool for governing the people, Zhang Shi also stripped divination of its supernatural character, viewing it as a governance tool. He said: "The people care more about auspiciousness and ill-omen than they do about quantity or weight. The Sages created the milfoil stalks, the hexagrams, and the six lines to benefit the people's conduct. If the people of the world all know what is right or wrong, advantageous or harmful, then why should I labor and worry about the reasons?" (Nanxuan Yishuo). His meaning was that compared to material distribution, the common people care more about the mysterious matters of luck; thus, divination was merely a pedagogical tool crafted by the Sages in response to human nature.
However, divination is an absolute dogma within the Confucian classics; Neo-Confucians had to affirm it. Zhang Zai, in explaining phrases from the Book of Changes regarding the "way of the Sages" and "using divination to know the future," wrote: "He who values divination will surely know what is to come... showing people good and bad fortune, the Way is manifest; knowing the future and storing the past, the virtuous conduct is divine" (Zhengmeng). Zhang Shi, explaining "Heaven produces divine things, and the Sage takes them as models," wrote: "Heaven producing divine things refers to the milfoil and turtle shell's ability to explore the hidden and reach the distant." He added, "The milfoil is a plant, sufficient to handle the numbers of Heaven and Earth; the turtle is an animal, sufficient to see the images of Heaven and Earth" (Nanxuan Yishuo).
Furthermore, the Book of Documents (Shangshu) contains explicit commands regarding officials of divination and the reliability of the great turtle's shells. The Doctrine of the Mean states: "When a nation is about to flourish, there must be auspicious omens; when it is about to perish, there must be monsters/evil portents." Given these explicit thoughts on divination in the classics, Neo-Confucians could only defend them, constituting an irreconcilable contradiction with their Neo-Confucianized view of spirits.
Last was the conflict between philosophical rationality and the residual supernatural beliefs of the Neo-Confucians themselves. Chen Chun was quite opposed to the folk superstition of "planchette writing" (fuluan). He said: "Literate people can do it, illiterate people cannot. If a literary person does it, the poetry is fresh; if a non-literary person does it, the poetry is crude. If the practitioner knows the matter, they can write it; if not, they cannot... when asking about future events, there is no response at all." He used logic to tell us that the efficacy of the planchette depended entirely on the quality of the practitioner; it was the medium, not a spirit, who responded.
Had he stopped there, Chen Chun's critique of the planchette would be considered thorough. However, he added: "This is not a fabrication based on the person's knowledge, for ghosts and spirits are dark and hidden; they rely on the human spirit to manifest, following the limits of human knowledge. Thus, one sees that the 'demon' cannot exist without the human" (Beixi Ziyi). This supplement renders his logic inconsistent; the demons he had just negated returned.
Chen Chun also said: "The flourishing of all kinds of spirits is caused by the human heart." "If people believe it is spiritual, it is; if they do not, it is not." Yet he also claimed that aside from orthodox gods, if monkeys or birds are caught within a statue, "if the masses pray and burn incense day and night, it will become spiritual"; if a temple is built on a powerful vein of a mountain or river, it can also "create a spiritual qi." Or even if a main hall is not spiritual, a side hall might be because "it is situated on the primary pulse of the mountain and river." Chen Chun said these instances of "efficacy" were all "simply one Principle and one qi." Although he used Principle and qi to explain these phenomena, the "spirit" in this context was not created by the human heart, contradicting his earlier claim.
In summary, Song Dynasty Neo-Confucianism reached the zenith of the rational speculation and philosophical sophistication of its time. Neo-Confucians attempted to use the philosophy of Principle, qi, and Mind-Nature to explain all phenomena, including prevalent mysticism. Consequently, superstition suffered a heavy blow. However, the Neo-Confucians' promotion of atheistic thought was unconscious; their residual supernatural beliefs and philosophical rationality formed contradictions that could not be self-consistent. On one hand, this served as counter-evidence of the illusory nature of spirits, unconsciously driving the development of atheism; on the other hand, the existence of these contradictions acted as the motive force and source for further theoretical development.