Han Qi: A Study on the Religious Beliefs of American Youth
The study of religious belief among youth is a research topic that began as early as the start of the 20th century in the United States. In 1906, scholars used 19 universities and Christian colleges in the American Midwest as survey units to examine the religious life of college students. To date, research in the field of American youth religious belief has reached a relatively mature stage. Changes and developments in the religious status of American youth are under the dual influence of American social change and religious transformation, serving as a mirror for various social trends and religious shifts. This article attempts to selectively sort through relevant research on the religious status of American youth, presenting typical changes and developments therein to provide reference and inspiration for corresponding fields in China. Based on several classic studies, the field can be divided into three stages, taking the 1960s and the beginning of the 21st century as watersheds.
I. Before the 1960s: The Continuous Weakening of Religious Attitudes Among American Youth
The United States has a long history of research on the religious beliefs of youth, covering a rich array of themes. Before the 1960s, this field was in its infancy, consisting almost entirely of quantitative surveys and dominated by descriptive statistics. Research themes during this period primarily examined youth attitudes toward religion, using these attitudes to analyze religious transformations or the impact of these attitudes on youth behavior.
In 1921, a study discussed and categorized the attitudes of contemporary college students toward organized religion. This was one of the earlier articles on the religious attitudes of college students in The Journal of Religion, though it had not yet adopted empirical research methods. In 1927, a study analyzed the religious attitudes of students in the Department of Sociology at the University of Washington. Students' belief in God and the immortality of the soul had significantly weakened compared to a decade prior, and gender was found to have an impact on religious attitudes. This study also advocated for the quantitative study of attitudes within the religious sphere. In 1932, a study objectively measured the impact of the college experience on students' concepts of God; the results found a definite weakening effect and further compared the extent of this influence across different types of institutions. That same year, "Attitudes of Jewish College Students toward Their Religion: A Social Survey of Religious Change" pointed out that only one-third of Jewish students still retained a concept of God, while the other two-thirds were primarily characterized by skepticism rather than atheism or agnosticism, suggesting that the institutional religion of the time failed to meet the needs of believers.
In 1957, a study conducted experiments measuring the influence of religious factors on the performance of college students. The hypothesis was that in church-affiliated schools, students whose religious beliefs aligned with the denomination would have significantly higher Grade Point Averages (GPAs) than those whose beliefs did not. The experimental results confirmed the hypothesis, namely that a student's religious background indeed impacts their performance in college.
II. From the 1960s to the End of the 20th Century: The Conservative Shift or the "Return to the Fifties" in Youth Religious Belief
Starting in the 1960s, research on the religious status of American youth entered a phase of deeper thematic exploration. This period saw discussions on the relationship between religion and science, the measurement of religiousness, and longitudinal studies tracking trends in youth religious perspectives. Furthermore, the field no longer relied solely on conducting original surveys but began to employ quantitative techniques to directly analyze existing data, propose hypotheses, and conduct testing. On the whole, the research themes of this stage focused on examining changes in youth religious concepts, which is inseparable from the rapid transformation of American society and the trend of secularization in the second half of the 20th century.
(1) Before the Mid-1970s: The Trend Toward Religious Liberalism and Weakening Religious Participation
Havens [1] summarized the major surveys regarding the religious status of college students over the preceding thirty years (up to the 1960s), examining the developmental trend of religious liberalism among students against the backdrop of rapid value shifts. He detected the essence of students' religious issues, clarified their impact, and pointed out that socio-psychological categories such as roles and group identity can enlighten our understanding of religious change.
Stark [2] used sample data from a 1958 National Opinion Research Center study of American graduate students to analyze whether religion and science are compatible, responding to the great debate between religion and science at the time. He constructed two indicators: "religious involvement" and "exposure to scientific-scholarly perspectives." The index analysis showed that emerging "academic men" were likely to be irreligious, but this did not mean that science and religion were necessarily or eternally at odds; the results only showed that the binary debate between science and religion had a realistic basis.
Faulkner and DeJong [3] argued that inconsistent definitions and operationalizations of religiousness had led to conflicting conclusions in previous research on college student religiosity. They treated five core elements of religious systems—religious belief, ritual practice, religious knowledge, experiential-emotional elements, and the secular effects of religious participation—as five dimensions for measuring religiousness. Testing this on a simple random sample of college students, they confirmed that multidimensional measurement of religiousness contributes to a more comprehensive and sufficient understanding of religious participation than single- or two-dimensional perspectives, and that students' involvement varied across each dimension. Students' religiosity was markedly low, with no strong commitment to institutional religion, yet they were not universally irreligious; most students possessed a moderate religiousness and tended toward low religious participation. Therefore, only by clearly defining the dimensions of religiousness can one conclude whether college students are experiencing religious revival, secularization, or religious differentiation between groups.
(2) After the Mid-1970s: The Conservative Shift or the "Return to the Fifties"
Starting in the 1970s, Hoge [4] published a series of articles on the religious aspects of college students. Through long-term longitudinal surveys, he vividly demonstrated the trends of change among American college students in the mid-to-late 20th century, becoming a model for diachronic research and representing the peak of development in this stage of research.
Through diachronic comparative research collecting data from long-term fixed-point surveys at certain colleges or universities, Hoge discovered that the overall trend among American college students from the 1950s through the 1970s was a weakening commitment to traditional religion, a liberalization of belief, a decrease in religious behavior, and a continuous decline in church participation. Simultaneously, political participation increased, egoism weakened, and criticism of social institutions grew. Overall, there was a strong humanist [5] tendency, and the proportion of college students opposing their parents' faith increased (from 57% in 1948 to 79% in 1974). However, starting in the latter half of the 1970s, there was a slight shift toward conservative beliefs and increased church participation among students; after 1974, the number of students opposing their parents' faith did not increase. By the mid-1980s, college students' attitudes toward many religious and moral issues underwent a massive shift toward conservatism, and egoism became prominent. This was termed by the academic community as the "Return to the Fifties"; in fact, in most value domains, the attitudes of mid-1980s college students were either similar to those of the 1950s or were moving in that direction.
In fact, after entering the 1970s, as represented by Hoge’s tracking studies, the field began to focus on data analysis, emphasizing the use of various quantitative techniques, and themes became more refined. Some studies used survey data from specific universities, applying hierarchical clustering methods within cluster analysis to develop and validate an empirical typology of individual religiosity. Other studies used cluster analysis to assess the religious needs of different types of students. Still others used scales to measure the relationship between Christian college students' concepts of God and their commitment to God. In short, from the 1960s to the end of the 20th century, research on the religious status of American youth was intertwined with the application and development of quantitative research itself; as quantitative techniques expanded, research in this field grew increasingly profound.
Hoge’s diachronic research also showed that starting in the 1970s, the influence of universities on students' religious lives in American society decreased—that is, the stage of religious formation moved to an earlier age, such as middle school. Consequently, religious researchers gradually shifted their attention to the adolescent stage. Moreover, with social change, the age of education lengthened, marriage occurred later, and global economic changes led to increased instability in individual careers. Correspondingly, the duration of parental financial support for children extended. All these factors combined to make the "youth" stage longer—the transition from adolescence to adulthood has lengthened, and "emerging adulthood" has stood out as a special stage of life. Therefore, in the United States, a portion of the research on youth religious belief has actually been incorporated into research concerning this special life stage. This represents a shift in research perspective accompanying social change and the deepening of scholarly inquiry.
III. From the 21st Century to the Present: Religious Belief and Spiritual Seeking of "Emerging Adults"
Entering the 21st century, research on the religious status of American youth has seen several distinct changes. First, new research perspectives and themes have emerged; below, I will explore two typical ones: "emerging adults" and "spirituality." Second, there is an increasing amount of research utilizing qualitative analysis. Third, large-scale surveys have appeared that synthetically use both quantitative and qualitative techniques. In this stage, comprehensive research dominated by various new perspectives and themes has become representative. Compared to the previous two stages, the strength of religious attitudes or the rapid transformation of religious concepts and behaviors among American youth are no longer the primary focus. Instead, the religious state and the problems faced by young people in their early transition to adulthood—this special stage of "emerging adulthood"—have become a focal point. Furthermore, "spirituality" has entered the research field, and the "spiritual seeking" of young people has begun to replace "religious change" as a favored new theme for researchers.
(1) The Religio-Cultural Structure of "Emerging Adults"
Following a series of social changes in the second half of the 20th century, "emerging adulthood" became prominent as a unique stage of life for Americans. In addition to the four influential factors mentioned above, the effectiveness and widespread adoption of birth control, as well as the popularized spread of post-structuralist and postmodernist theories within American social culture, provided the corresponding technical and cultural support for the emergence of this stage. Young people are no longer in a hurry to work, marry, and raise children; instead, during this transition period, they continuously explore, experience, learn, and experiment, focusing on the self, exploring identity, experiencing instability, and sensing various possibilities and opportunities. The academic community generally considers this transition period to be between the ages of 18 and 30.
Famous research regarding the religious status of "emerging adults" includes that of Christian Smith [6], whose data all come from a large-scale national survey. The "National Study of Youth and Religion" (NSYR) is a longitudinal study of the religious and spiritual status of American adolescents, employing a combination of quantitative surveys and qualitative interviews. Three waves have been conducted since July 2002. By the third wave, the subjects were 18–23 years old, positioned exactly in "emerging adulthood."
Based on the third wave of data, Smith examined the religious and spiritual conditions of "emerging adults" [7], resulting in the book Souls in Transition: The Religious and Spiritual Lives of Emerging Adults. By mapping the religious-cultural structures of these emerging adults—their attitudes, concepts, and views toward religion, and how they navigate their parents' faith alongside their own—he categorized American youths aged 18–23 based on the intensity of their religious and spiritual leanings. These categories are: Devoted Traditionalists (no more than 15%); Selective Adherents (approx. 30%); Spiritually Open (approx. 15%); Religiously Indifferent (at least 25%); Religiously Unconnected (less than 5%); and Irreligious (less than 10%). For most emerging adults, religion is not particularly important. While teaching people to be good is a common tenet across most religions, the force driving their lives forward is their own feelings and will, rather than religious dogmas. They are conscious of the relativity of their own culture and rely more heavily on empirical evidence and verifiable scientific facts to make judgments. They believe religion should remain in the private sphere, chosen or not chosen only when an individual finds it meaningful; once it becomes a primary social or institutional concern, they view it as likely to become rigid and incredible. In short, there is not necessarily a universal religious decline among these emerging adults. Although parental influence weakens during this stage, parental religious life (the frequency of parents' attendance at religious services, the importance of religious faith in their lives, etc.) remains one of the most powerful factors influencing the religious status of these youths. Both those concerned with youth development and religious figures must reconcile themselves to the social, cultural, and institutional structures and forces that dominate youth and shape their religious and spiritual states during this specific life stage.
Continuing through the lens of emerging adults, Smith further explored the religious and spiritual lives of American Catholic youth. These youths remain under the profound influence of the 20th-century reforms within the Catholic Church. With the decline of certain collective forms of religious practice in Catholicism, a considerable number of Catholic parents are unable or unwilling to transmit their faith to their children. An increasing number of American youths no longer remain within the faith tradition in which they were raised; they either change their religious affiliation or marry people from other religions or those with no religious faith.
(2) Spiritual Exploration Against the Cultural Background of Therapeutic Individualism
In the American NSYR survey, "spirituality" has become an indispensable auxiliary dimension alongside "religion" for describing the religious status of youth. The concept itself has a long history, originating from the Latin spiritus, meaning breath. In the 5th century AD, Christianity used spiritualitas to denote the influence of God and the divine on human life. Later, it was also used to represent mental functions as opposed to the "tangible and material." In the 1960s, with research in the psychology of religion, spirituality gradually detached from religion as a psychological term. By the late 20th and early 21st centuries, spirituality gained widespread attention in various fields such as medicine, clinical psychology, sociology, and pedagogy, showing significant effects particularly in the treatment and recovery of physical and mental illnesses.
Simultaneously, "therapeutic individualism" became a non-negligible socio-cultural force affecting American youth. Although not a conscious ideological system, it deeply influences the daily moral and interpersonal norms of contemporary American society. It views the individual self as the source and standard of true morality and authority, and individual self-actualization as the ultimate goal of life. Only the subjective experience of the individual serves as the touchstone for whether something is true or correct; external social traditions, obligations, and institutions are viewed as constraints on morality and behavior. People are encouraged to look inward, connect with their true feelings, and find their "authentic self." Under this cultural influence, the authority and functions of traditional priests, pastors, parents, and legislators have been largely replaced by professional psychologists, psychiatrists, social workers, and other therapeutic counselors. Many behaviors once considered moral failings—such as alcoholism, drug use, or debt—are now viewed as psychological and physiological abnormalities, requiring recovery programs like therapy, self-help seminars, and support groups. Therapeutic individualism is precisely a byproduct of modern cultural pluralism. In frequent contact with a starkly different "Other," originally objective and shared cognitive and moral norms may fail to function, subsequently being replaced by narrower ideological norms that advocate for individual subjective feelings and self-actualization.
In this context, young people seek religious practices and experiences that can satisfy their subjective needs. Faith gradually becomes less centered on belief in God and His teachings for life, and more centered on self-trust, self-actualization, and happiness. Under this trend, spirituality has broken free from its historical religious-theological meanings and has been redefined as a spiritual mode of self-actualization—an individual integration, subjective feeling, and capacity for self-transcendence directed toward health and well-being. It is no longer confined to religiosity but has expanded to a broader and more universal realm beyond religion.
Starting in 2003 and spanning seven years, the Higher Education Research Institute (HERI) at the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA) conducted "Spirituality in Higher Education: A National Study of College Students' Search for Meaning and Purpose." This study was the first longitudinal research on the spiritual growth of undergraduates across the United States, directly examining how students' spiritual qualities change during college and the role universities play in promoting students' spiritual development. The study measured five spiritual qualities and five religious qualities in students. Although students' religious affiliation weakened during college, their spiritual qualities developed significantly. If students actively engaged in "inner work" through self-reflection, contemplation, or meditation, they showed the greatest degree of development across all five spiritual qualities. If faculty encouraged students to explore questions of meaning and purpose, students' quality of spiritual quest also grew substantially. Most charitable engagements during college—such as community service, helping others, and donating money—helped promote other spiritual qualities. Growth in the quality of "equanimity" improved students' GPA, leadership skills, mental health, ability to get along with other ethnicities or cultures, and satisfaction with college. Educational experiences and practices that promote spiritual development—such as study abroad, interdisciplinary courses, self-reflection, and meditation—all had a positive impact on traditional university education. In short, higher education should pay more attention to the spiritual development of students because spirituality is indispensable to their lives; promoting students' spiritual growth helps form a new generation that is more caring, globally conscious, and values social justice, while also helping them better cope with the tensions and pressures brought by rapid social change.
(3) Will the Spiritual Exploration of American Youth Replace Traditional Religious Faith?
Represented by the research from the UCLA Higher Education Research Institute, surveys by higher education researchers often show that college students or "emerging adults" have a high interest in spirituality. American media also frequently reports that today's youth are "spiritual but not religious" or "spiritual seekers." Various bestsellers also reflect that today's youth like spiritual things and dislike churches and traditional religion.
However, Smith believes that while these judgments have some basis in fact, they contain exaggerations and misunderstandings. According to the NSYR survey results, only about 15% of "emerging adults" are "spiritually open." The vast majority of young people are not that interested in religion and spirituality—for instance, the "Irreligious" (10%), the "Religiously Unconnected" (5%), the "Religiously Indifferent" (25%), and the "Selective Adherents" (30%). For most "Devoted Traditionalists" (15%), spirituality is not a freestyle experience of internal self-exploration, but a specific practice or meaning closely linked to traditional religious faith. Even among the "spiritually open," most only have an open attitude and do not actively seek spirituality; they are merely willing to reserve the possibility of believing that reality is more than just energy and matter and that the universe is not random and meaningless. Smith provided a detailed analysis—from the conceptual design of questionnaires and sampling bias to media influence and the subjective intentions of researchers—as to why some studies exaggerate youth interest in spirituality. Dissatisfaction with or rejection of traditional or organized religion is a major reason why many researchers attempt to promote spiritual development. In summary, American youth have an interest in spirituality, but it is only a very small portion [8]. Therefore, while the emerging theme of spirituality deserves continued attention from scholars, it is not yet sufficient to shake the traditional religious structural forms of American society.
Furthermore, research on the religious status of American youth has opened up more diverse themes and perspectives, and qualitative research methods are being used increasingly. Some scholars have used fieldwork to study the socio-cultural factors of Chinese American college students converting to Christianity [9]; others have taken a campus Christian student organization as a case study to examine the subcultural role of the organization on campus from a critical theory perspective [10]. In short, since the 21st century, the use of empirical methods in the study of American youth's religious status has become increasingly diverse, and various theoretical perspectives and research themes have become increasingly rich and multifaceted. This is the inevitable result of the development of the times and social change. Large-scale surveys synthesizing various research methods fully demonstrate that this field of study has entered a mature stage of development. Its research conclusions are not only significant for guidance within the field but also play an important predictive and normative role for the overall level of American social culture.
IV. Conclusion
(1) The Religious Status of American Youth Reflects Religious Transformation
The preceding sections have provided a concise presentation of the development process of research on the religious status of American youth. This field spans nearly 100 years; this article could only select key studies from each stage to sketch a relatively complete developmental trajectory. It truly presents the changes and development of the religious status of American youth since the 20th century, as well as the transformation of religion within Western society.
First, the state of religious belief among American youth reflects the overall developmental trend toward the secularization and privatization of religion in Western societies since the 20th century. By the 1970s, religious belief and attitudes among American youth continued to weaken; religious liberalism grew, and religious participation declined. Both secular education and the university experience had a weakening effect on youth religious belief, as institutional religion could no longer satisfy their spiritual needs. Although religion faced widespread skepticism from secular scientific culture, university students were not universally irreligious; rather, they maintained a moderate level of religiosity and a low level of religious participation. The secularization trend of religion was clearly manifested. However, starting in the mid-1970s, due to social and epochal reasons, youth belief shifted toward conservatism. Due to this shift, research during this period began to focus on more nuanced themes, such as religiosity, the religious needs of university students, religious attitudes and behaviors, and conversion. Of course, the secularization of religion remained the major trend, and the conservative turn was a specific "return" phenomenon unique to that era.
As we entered the 21st century, most "emerging adults" [11] believed that religion was not that important and that it should remain in the private sphere rather than serve as a major social institution. Their spiritual explorations under the culture of therapeutic individualism became a further driver for the secularization and marginalization of traditional religion and the privatization of religious belief. In fact, America's traditional socio-cultural structures continued to persist within these youth, shaping their religious and spiritual states. The secularization trend of religion did not reach an end as originally predicted, but rather found a suitable niche within privatization.
Second, the evolution of religious belief among American youth is deeply rooted in America’s indigenous culture and possesses a vivid character reflective of the times. Whether it was the conservative shift in university students' attitudes in the 1970s or the religious-cultural structure of "emerging adults" in the 21st century, both bear the profound imprint of their eras and the distinct characteristics of American culture itself. The perspective of "emerging adults" and the theme of spirituality are likewise supported by the reality of profound American socio-cultural transitions. Indigenous characteristics are precisely the source of vivid vitality; while they certainly cannot be used directly to explain other eras or other civilizations, exploring them can provide insight and guidance for understanding our own culture and the situation in the field of religious belief among Chinese youth.
(2) Research on the state of religious belief among American youth possesses distinct developmental characteristics.
First, it is the continuous improvement and perfection of research methodologies that have driven the ongoing deepening and expansion of research into the religious belief of American youth. Before the 21st century, the advancement of quantitative techniques dominated the development of research; after the 21st century, the integrated use of quantitative and qualitative research methods drove deeper research analysis while also raising the level of interpretative depth. The improvement and expansion of research's explanatory power, in turn, promoted further innovation in research methods. Since the 21st century, the application of qualitative research methods has also become increasingly diversified, including fieldwork and case studies.
Second, as the subjects and content of research have evolved, various research perspectives and themes have also continued to expand and deepen. Both American youth and their states of religious belief have undergone certain transformations amidst the epochal development and cultural shifts of American society. The "emerging adult" perspective and the theme of spirituality truly reflect these transformations, enhancing the understanding and cognition of the religious belief of American youth from new angles.
(3) Enlightenments for research on the state of religious belief among Chinese youth.
For the United States, religious-cultural tradition is an important component of the entire social structure, a fact determined by its history of national founding. Our country, however, is a socialist state, and Marxist religious theory is our fundamental ideological framework for understanding religious issues. In our national social environment, a basic starting point for researching the phenomenon of youth religious belief is to understand the actual conditions of youth, unite both religious and non-religious youth, and guide them to actively practice socialist core values [12] and promote Chinese culture. Religious youth, in particular, must integrate religious doctrines with Chinese civilization [13] and jointly devote themselves to the tide of socialist modernization. Furthermore, through research on the state of youth religious belief, we can examine the changes and developments of religion in our country as well as broader social transitions. The "religion fever" [14] among youth since the start of this century reflects the recovery and development of religion in China following Reform and Opening-up, as well as society’s tolerant attitude toward religion. However, the specific conditions of religious recovery and development, the specific attitudes of the public toward religion, and the real impact of religious recovery and development on our country require further in-depth study.
Research in the field of youth religious belief in China is still in its nascent stages, sharing some similarities with the transition between the first and second stages in the United States. However, because empirical research methods have already reached maturity, although quantitative research currently predominates domestically, there is no lack of research employing qualitative methods. Therefore, in drawing lessons from the American case, we must pay particular attention to our national conditions and cultural characteristics, remain rooted in the local context, integrate with the era, and expand research themes and perspectives that possess Chinese cultural characteristics, conducting related research in the field of youth religious belief with a rigorous and scientific attitude.
Regarding existing research in this field in China, first, the standardization of research methods urgently needs strengthening. A large amount of research lacks scientific rigor in its use of questionnaires; key concepts in questionnaire design are unclear, and surveys that clarify the design of the sampling frame are few and far between. This makes it difficult to guarantee the reliability and validity of empirical research; the comparability of data across different studies is weak, and their representativeness of youth as a whole is limited. In fact, some existing large-scale social surveys have already accumulated relevant data. Through quantitative analysis techniques, and with clear concepts and index system measurements, diachronic studies on the religious belief status of youth groups can be conducted. This would not only help in understanding the changes and development of this group but also reflect the trends of religious change and social transition in our country, possessing great academic value and practical significance.
Second, there are still very few distinct and explanatory research perspectives or theoretical themes. For example, research on Christian belief among Chinese youth has utilized roles and group identity theory. However, perspectives or themes born from our own soil and carrying Chinese cultural characteristics still require researchers to attempt an extraction from the research itself, based on a deeper grasp of China's current social reality and cultural characteristics. The state of religious belief among American youth reflects the developmental conditions and trends of religion in American society. The developmental tendencies toward secularization and privatization of religion since the 20th century are all reflected in the religious attitudes and choices of these youth. The emergence of spiritual exploration is precisely a challenge to traditional organized religion. Whether these religious transitions have similarly affected our country requires more exploration by researchers.
Finally, the conclusions of a good piece of social science research should not only provide guidance for a specific field of study but also play a certain predictive and normative role for social culture as a whole. The National Study of Youth and Religion (NSYR) led by Christian Smith achieved this. When "emerging adults" appeared at the forefront of the era as a group, he authored successive works to explain their religious and spiritual status, even writing a separate book to discuss the problems faced by this group. When the theme of "spirituality" appeared with the times and was widely touted by American social media and researchers, he spared no effort in using data from national sample surveys to clarify the facts: American youth have an interest in spirituality, but only a very small minority; spirituality is not yet enough to shake the traditional religious structural forms of American society. He used the conclusions of scientific research to normalize and guide social facts. Because for the United States, its religious tradition is a very important part of the social structure, carrying important social functions. Smith pointed out: we must distinguish the findings of good social science research from the reports of surveys with limited methodology and the assertions of cultural and religious activists. In themselves, they all have legitimacy, but they are not the same thing. Readers and listeners should not adopt their conclusions with the same attitude or simple acceptance.
Hardly a point needs laboring: American research is deeply rooted in the values of its indigenous culture. Similarly, as we engage in social science research, we must hold fast to our own position and serve our culture and the grand goals of socialist construction. We must root ourselves in the local context, combine this with the era, further standardize and expand research in the field of Chinese youth religious belief, use Marxist religious theory to solve problems related to youth groups, guide youth culture, and better promote the building of socialist spiritual civilization. This is also a requirement for upholding and developing the theory of religion with Chinese characteristics under the current situation.
(Author: Assistant Researcher, Institute of Marxism Studies, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences) Web Editor: Cai Hong Originally published in The World Religious Cultures, Issue 1, 2020.