Marxism Research Network
Unofficial English Translation

Shu Xin and Yang Zhouyu: Marx and Engels’ Thought on Proletarian International Unity and Its Contemporary Value

Fundamental Principles of Marxism

The international association of the proletariat is a vital issue that runs through the history of the international communist movement. At present, as the world undergoes profound changes unseen in a century at an accelerated pace, the international communist movement faces new opportunities and challenges. Analyzing the logical progression, historical embodiment, and contemporary value of Marx and Engels's thought on the international association of the proletariat holds significant theoretical and practical importance for Marxist parties to transcend differences, strengthen unity, and collectively grow the strength of the international communist movement.

I. The Logical Progression of Marx and Engels's Thought on the International Association of the Proletariat

Based on historical materialism and the practice of the international workers' movement in the 19th century, Marx and Engels revealed the theoretical and practical logic behind the formation of the international association of the proletariat from the intersection of the dual logics of world history and capitalist development. They expounded the theory of the international association of the proletariat, providing a scientific guide for the proletariat to strengthen international unity.

(i) The theoretical logic of the formation of the international association of the proletariat

In works such as The German Ideology, the Manifesto of the Communist Party, and Capital, Marx and Engels profoundly explained the theoretical logic behind the formation of the international association of the proletariat, clarifying its historical necessity and value rationality.

First, the formation of world history is the logical premise for the international association of the proletariat. Starting from "real individuals" [1] and taking the practice of the production of material goods as the practical foundation, Marx and Engels described the process of human history transitioning from closed national forms to an open world form. They pointed out that "history is nothing but the succession of the separate generations," and in this process, "the sum of productive forces achieved by men... determines the condition of society." That is to say, the social condition determined by the mode of intercourse at a certain social stage is always linked to the development level of the productive forces. When productive forces developed to the stage of large-scale machine industry, this industry—with its powerful driving force—pushed the social division of labor into deep development, causing the scope of productive activities to increasingly break through national boundaries. Connections between people gradually shed the narrow colors of contingency, locality, and nationality, and universal world intercourse was established. Marx and Engels noted: "The more the separate spheres, which interact on one another, expand in the course of this development... the more history becomes world history." The formation of world history provided the logical premise for the proletariat to unite beyond the nation-state.

Second, the capitalist world system and its inherent contradictions provide the logical basis for the international association of the proletariat. Through scientific analysis of the process of capitalist reproduction, Marx and Engels revealed that the direct aim and decisive motive of capitalist production is the acquisition of surplus value. To clear all obstacles to the pursuit of profit on a global scale, the bourgeoisie continuously pushed the global expansion of its economic interests, political power, and cultural power, forcing "all nations, on pain of extinction, to adopt the bourgeois mode of production." The promotion of the capitalist mode of production, the spread of capitalist civilization, and the convergence of lifestyles gathered into an irresistible tide, helping the bourgeoisie "create a world after its own image." With the establishment of the capitalist world system, two sharply opposed developmental trends appeared in the entire world: on one side was the continuous deepening of the socialization of production, while on the other, wealth was increasingly concentrated in the hands of a few; on one side was the infinite accumulation of bourgeois wealth, while on the other, the proletariat rapidly "becomes a pauper." Capitalism is built upon the economic exploitation and political oppression of the proletariat; only by uniting to overthrow the entire capitalist world can the proletariat thoroughly liberate itself from its historical fate of being oppressed and exploited. As the Manifesto of the Communist Party pointed out, once the capitalist system was established, world history had "reached a stage where the exploited and oppressed class (the proletariat) can no longer emancipate itself from the class which exploits and oppresses it (the bourgeoisie), without at the same time forever freeing the whole of society from exploitation, oppression, class difficulties, and class struggles."

Third, the historical mission of liberating all of humanity is the logical destination of the international association of the proletariat. Overthrowing the world rule of capitalism, establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat, abolishing private property and class exploitation, and realizing communism and human liberation constitute the world-historical mission of the proletariat. For one, the international association of the proletariat is a necessary condition for smashing the old capitalist world and realizing the dictatorship of the proletariat. After the establishment of the capitalist world system, the bourgeoisie of various countries, when suppressing proletarian resistance, "always united and established a brotherly alliance against the proletarians of all countries." Conversely, although the proletariat enjoys the advantage of numbers compared to the bourgeoisie, if they "disregard that bond of brotherhood which ought to exist between the workmen of different countries" and fail to "stand firmly by each other in all their struggles for emancipation," they will be defeated by the bourgeoisie one by one. Thus, it is necessary to "counter the brotherly alliance of the bourgeois of all nations with a brotherly alliance of the workers of all nations." For another, the international association of the proletariat is an important condition for establishing a communist society and realizing the liberation of all humanity. After the global proletariat wins the revolutionary victory, it will establish the dictatorship of the proletariat, use the power of the state to abolish private property and all class distinctions, and promote the gradual transition of human society toward an ideal state where "the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all." The international association of the proletariat is both an inevitable requirement of the practical struggle to smash the old world and the only path toward the value objective of building a new world—a unity of historical necessity and value rationality.

(ii) The practical logic of the formation of the international association of the proletariat

Marx and Engels discussed how the international association of the proletariat is realized—that is, the practical logic of its formation—from several aspects.

First, the historical activities of the bourgeoisie in opposing feudalism provided practical enlightenment for the international association of the proletariat. In the early stages of capitalist development, workers were scattered across the world, and individual workers remained divided due to competition among themselves. The bourgeoisie gathered these scattered workers to fight alongside them against feudalism. At this time, capitalism was in its ascendant phase, and historical initiative was in the hands of the bourgeoisie; the historical achievement of the bourgeoisie leading the proletariat to overthrow feudalism was credited to the bourgeoisie. In other words, the initial united struggle of the proletariat was a product of the bourgeois revolution. The bourgeoisie gathered scattered, individual workers, facilitating the initial form of the workers' united struggle. During the bourgeois revolution, although the proletariat moved toward association in form, they remained in a spontaneous stage because a conscious class consciousness had not yet formed. As Engels said, the proletariat moving from its initial state of isolation toward an "ever-expanding union" was "not the result of their own union, but of the union of the bourgeoisie" and was a fight "not against their own enemies, but against the enemies of their enemies." The significance of the workers' united struggle at this time did not lie in achieving direct, superficial victories, but in concentrating scattered workers and expanding the scale of association as much as possible to prepare for the conscious association of the proletariat. In this sense, the historical activities of the bourgeoisie against feudalism provided practical enlightenment for the international association of the proletariat.

Second, the development of large-scale machine industry provided the material means for the international association of the proletariat. Large-scale machine industry made means of transport and communication increasingly advanced, providing convenience for the proletariat's united struggle. The Manifesto of the Communist Party pointed out: "This union is helped on by the improved means of communication that are created by modern industry, and that place the workers of different localities in contact with one another. It was just this contact that was needed to centralize the numerous local struggles, all of the same character, into one national struggle between classes." Because large-scale machine industry features cooperation and intensification, the working class was able to break through regional limitations, engage in collective labor in large factories, and become a highly organized "industrial army." "The proletariat not only increases in number; it becomes concentrated in greater masses, its strength grows, and it feels that strength more."

Third, the theoretical creation of conscious intellectuals provided the ideological guidance and program of action for the international association of the proletariat. Due to the continuous concentration of production, more and more small enterprises went bankrupt, and intellectuals from the propertied classes were constantly thrown into the ranks of the industrial proletariat. Among them were "bourgeois ideologists, who have raised themselves to the level of comprehending theoretically the historical movement as a whole." Through their theoretical activities, these conscious intellectuals elevated the experience of the workers' movement into theory and, through practice, instilled scientific theory into the workers. This promoted the transition of the proletariat from a "class in itself" to a "class for itself," fostered the integration of scientific socialism with the workers' movement, and consequently greatly advanced the development of the international communist movement.

II. The Practice of Marx and Engels's Thought on the International Association of the Proletariat

Since the birth of scientific socialism, the proletariat has successively established organizations such as the Communist League (1847–1852), the First International (1864–1876), the Second International (1889–1914), and the Communist International (the Third International, 1919–1943). These organizations inherited Marx and Engels's thought on the international association of the proletariat and developed it innovatively in practice.

(i) The membership composition and programs/statutes of international organizations demonstrated internationalist characteristics

First, the internationalist spirit reflected in the membership composition of international organizations. Members of the Communist League came from eight countries, including Britain, France, and Germany, adopting the form of a unified international political party association. In order to make the League "a powerful organization throughout Europe," Marx and Engels personally formulated the League’s statutes, stipulating methods for admitting members, the organizational structures at all levels, and the criteria for members' organizational life, thereby expanding the League's openness and international nature. The First International, also known as the "International Workingmen's Association," had 400,000 members from 18 countries, with branches spread across Europe, the Americas, and Africa. The membership of the Second International mainly consisted of Social Democratic, Socialist, or Labor parties within newly established nation-states; by 1914, the Second International had approximately 30 socialist parties with a total membership of 3 million, extending its organizational scale from the developed regions of Europe and America to backward regions such as Eastern Europe, East Asia, Latin America, and Australia. The Communist International was an international communist organization established by Lenin with the goal of advancing world revolution, and the Communist Parties of various nations were its branches. At its founding, there were only 13 proletarian parties in the world formally named "Communist Party"; with the development of the international association movement, the member parties of the Comintern increased to over 70, with membership reaching over 4 million and activities spanning more than 70 countries. From the membership composition of these international organizations, it is intuitively evident that the scale and coverage area of the international association of the proletariat continuously expanded, and the internationalist characteristics of the organizations grew increasingly strong.

Second, the international association thought contained in the programs and statutes of international organizations. Programs and statutes are the concentrated expression of a political party's basic ideological propositions and the banner it holds up publicly. As Engels once said:

“A new program is, after all, a banner planted in public, and the outside world judges the Party based upon it.” The fundamental spirit of the programs and statutes of international unified organizations has remained consistent while exhibiting distinct characteristics defined by the times. The Communist Manifesto, as the manifesto of the Communist League, first proposed the slogan “Workers of the world, unite!” providing the earliest and most incisive expression of the ideological principles of proletarian international unity. In 1888, Engels emphasized in the preface to the English edition of the Manifesto that it is “undoubtedly the most widespread, the most international production of all socialist literature, the common platform acknowledged by millions of working men from Siberia to California.” The Inaugural Address and Provisional Rules of the First International, along with most of its important documents, were drafted by Marx and Engels; these documents directly carried the core intent of their thought on international unity. The Inaugural Address pointed out that throughout the entire international communist movement, strengthening “fraternal concurrence” and “standing firmly by each other” are necessary conditions for the proletariat to fulfill its historical mission of human liberation. The Provisional Rules clarified the purpose of establishing the First International at the organizational-functional level: namely, to become “a center of communication and cooperation between Working Men’s Societies existing in different countries and aiming at the same end; viz., the protection, advancement, and complete emancipation of the working class.” During its existence, the Second International did not establish a central apparatus; its mode of activity was to discuss issues of common concern to member parties through congresses and to draft resolutions guiding the workers' movements in various countries. The resolutions of the Second International’s congresses—analyzing the relationship between immediate interests and the “ultimate goal” of the unified struggle, and discerning the relationship between national interests and the interests of the international class struggle—theoretically enriched and developed Marx and Engels’ thought on international unity. The Communist International (Comintern) was founded during the height of the proletarian revolution in the early 20th century. At its founding congress, Lenin emphasized the determination to continue moving forward firmly along the ideological line indicated by The Communist Manifesto. Based on Lenin’s general assessment of the global socialist revolutionary situation, the Comintern’s programs and statutes expressed the mission of the proletarian unified struggle with very sharp contemporary relevance. The Program of Action of the Communist International emphasized that in the face of the imperialist situation of “concentrating forces against the burgeoning proletarian revolution,” the world proletariat could only fully “realize the freedom and friendship of all peoples” by uniting to seize victory in the world revolution and transforming the “entire world into a self-reliant cooperative society.” Based on this, the aim of the Comintern was: “to unite the forces of all truly revolutionary parties of the world proletariat, thereby promoting and accelerating the victory of the communist revolution throughout the world.” From the foundational slogan “Workers of the world, unite!” in the Manifesto to the Comintern’s deepening interpretation of the unified mission, the successive expressions in the programs and statutes of international organizations across different historical stages have consistently served as a guide for action for the proletariat in carrying out its unified struggle.

(2) International organizations demonstrated internationalist consciousness in practical activities

On one hand, they initiated the historical process of international unified struggle under the guidance of Marxism. The establishment and practical activities of the Communist League marked the inception of the international communist movement and opened the course of the proletarian international unified struggle guided by Marxism. In the Revolutions of 1848, the Communist League led the working classes of various countries to strike powerful blows against the remnants of European feudalism, causing the revolutionary wave to sweep across European nations. In 1893, Engels pointed out in the preface to the Italian edition of The Communist Manifesto that before 1848, a unified proletarian struggle under the guidance of scientific socialism was still unimaginable; only with the Communist League did “common international action by Italian, Hungarian, German, Polish, and Russian workers” emerge. In his later years, Engels further emphasized that the great historical role of the Communist League lay in creating the first “international army of socialists” and initiating the course of the proletarian international unified struggle. Since then, this international army has “marched forward irresistibly,” as “its numbers, organization, discipline, insight, and confidence in victory have increased day by day.” In this sense, the struggle of the Communist League “was not conducted in vain,” and its historical influence would not “pass away in vain.”

On the other hand, they deepened and expanded Marxist thought on international unity. The most prominent struggle achievement of the First International was the Paris Commune revolution. The First International was the director, supporter, and propagandist of the Paris Commune. Engels once said the Paris Commune “was the spiritual child of the International.” During the Paris Commune, the General Council of the First International held 12 meetings to guide the struggle of the Commune. After the revolution failed, Marx promptly convened the General Council to summarize experiences and lessons, published the famous The Civil War in France, and set about revising the General Rules of the International Working Men’s Association, adding important content regarding the working class of each country establishing its own political party and conducting struggles based on the specific realities of their respective nations. Engels explicitly stated that the First International “has fully attained its great aim—the union of the proletarians of all countries for the struggle against their oppressors.” From 1889 to 1914, the Second International held nine congresses, passing resolutions on issues such as wages and working hours, labor protection, political and economic struggle, the abolition of standing armies and implementation of universal arming of the people, opposition to war and militarism, opposition to colonialism and the implementation of national self-determination, trade unions, land, and women. Under the guidance of the spirit of international resolutions, member parties of the Second International took the initiative to strengthen coordination and integration with trade union movements, women’s movements, and youth movements. While expanding their own political influence and mass base, they greatly expanded the breadth and depth of the integration between the international communist movement and the world’s progressive movements. During the existence of the Communist International, seven congresses and 13 Executive Committee meetings were held. As the international organization leading the proletarian world revolution in the first half of the 20th century, the Comintern proposed the new slogan “Workers of all lands and oppressed peoples, unite!” incorporating the national liberation movements of Eastern countries with backward economies and cultures into the scope of the proletarian world revolution. This strengthened the global forces against imperialism, supporting both the workers' movements in capitalist countries and promoting the development of national liberation movements in backward nations, powerfully driving the progress of world history. At the same time, the Comintern provided guidance and support for the establishment and development of communist parties in various countries, trained a large number of outstanding communists, promoted the integration of Marxism with the conditions of various countries, and raised the level of the international communist movement. Regarding anti-fascism, the Comintern exposed the reactionary nature of fascism relatively early and timely called upon the proletariat and the masses of all countries to unite in an anti-fascist struggle, promoting the establishment of the world anti-fascist people’s unitied front and making important contributions to the struggle of the world's people.

  1. The Contemporary Value of Marx and Engels' Thought on Proletarian International Unity

Xi Jinping has pointed out: “Although the era we live in has undergone vast and profound changes compared to the era of Marx, from the broad perspective of the 500-year history of world socialism, we are still in the historical era indicated by Marxism.” Through an analysis of the logical thread and historical embodiments of the thought of proletarian international unity, it can be seen that in the long river of the international communist movement, Marx and Engels’ thought on proletarian international unity has provided ideological resources and methodological guidance for the proletariat to fulfill its historical mission.

(1) Providing programmatic guidance for the international unity of today’s communist and workers’ parties

After the drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, communist parties in various countries continued to hold high the banner of Marxism. In the face of adversity and rising waves of anti-communism, they supported each other and joined hands to promote the adaptive transformation of proletarian international unity from organizational form to strategy of action. They constructed an international unity system adapted to the needs of the new struggle, laying the foundation for the revival of the international communist movement.

First, the adaptive transformation of the organizational form of proletarian international unity—moving from a “center-periphery” binary organizational form toward a bilateral (multilateral) and diversified organizational form. Since the 20th century, especially after the 1950s, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) occupied a central position in international unity and possessed absolute leadership authority. In order to place the national interests of the Soviet Union above those of other socialist countries, the CPSU at one point distorted the connotation of international unity to mean safeguarding the interests of the “socialist community” centered on the Soviet Union, constructing a strict “center-periphery” binary organizational form. “Great-party chauvinism” and “great-power chauvinism” [2] became prominent features of this organizational form. After the drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, the “center-periphery” binary organizational form of international unity collapsed. The Communist Party of China (CPC) proposed that, on the basis of adhering to Marx and Engels' thought on proletarian international unity, and by learning from the lessons of the “father-son party” relationship [3] in international unity, it was a matter of urgent priority to revise and reconstruct inter-party relations according to the principles of independence, complete equality, mutual respect, and non-interference in each other's internal affairs. This was necessary to resolve the legacy issues of the international communist movement and promote the adaptive transformation of proletarian international unity. This view received widespread support and recognition from communist parties of various countries. Under the guidance of the four principles of inter-party relations, communist parties actively sought to revise and reconstruct their relationships and, on this basis, explored international unity adapted to the new situation. Entering the 21st century, driven by the information revolution, capitalism has undergone many new changes, and the international situation is experiencing profound changes unseen in a century. The depth of interdependence and the breadth of the convergence of interests among countries have reached unprecedented levels. Against this background, it has become the consensus of communist parties to abandon the old, highly centralized form of international unity and build a new form adapted to the needs of the new situation. Driven by this consensus, communist parties, based on the principles of independence and equality, have continuously strengthened communication and cooperation in international affairs, promoting the transformation of the organizational form of international unity from a centralized and unified “center-periphery” type to a new organizational form characterized by equality, independence, and decentralization.

Second, the comprehensive transformation of the action strategy of proletarian international unity—moving from strategic action guided by a single revolutionary mindset toward a multi-pronged mode of action. In the first half of the 20th century, under the guidance of a single strategic mindset of world revolution, unified action was the fundamental criterion for proletarian international unity. Entering the 21st century, although differences exist in the understanding of the vitality and adaptability of capitalism, the vast majority of communist parties agree on the general situation that “capitalism is strong and socialism is weak.” They believe that a single revolutionary mindset is divorced from reality and advocate for a multi-pronged mode of action addressing multiple issues. As the Progressive Party of Working People (AKEL) of Cyprus pointed out: “There are subtle or significant differences between us in theory, strategy, and tactics,” and “it is not feasible today for all communist and workers' parties to act with a single strategy.” Many communist parties believe that through various means—such as issuing joint statements, carrying out joint solidarity actions, organizing demonstrations, and holding commemorative activities—enhancing the capacity and strength of the world’s communist parties for joint action in the struggle against imperialism and for world peace is an important manifestation of the vivid vitality of the Marxist thought of international unity in today's world.

Third, the construction of a new system of proletarian international unity. After the changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, under the guidance of Marx and Engels' thought on international unity, a system has formed based on bilateral…

(Multilateral) broad and organically unified systems based on equal exchange. This system consists of three organically linked levels: First, the level of political party interaction. Parties from different countries continuously strengthen solidarity and cooperation by establishing bilateral and multilateral ties. Second, the level of regional or issue-based commonalities. Communist parties in some countries, facing similar geopolitical environments or based on issues of common concern, exchange information, strategy, and experience by holding regional meetings and building diversified cooperation platforms, thereby coalescing consensus and unifying strategy in political practice. Third, the level of the union of Communist and Workers' parties worldwide. From a macro perspective of global development, Communist and Workers' parties across the globe critique capitalism and jointly explore macro-issues of global development and major subjects within the world socialist movement, thereby strengthening global strategic coordination and injecting new momentum into the advancement of proletarian international union to a higher level. Under this new system of international union, a single Communist party can be a member of multiple international conferences and play a role in several joint platforms simultaneously; international conferences can also spawn multiple subsidiary joint meetings based on different political issues. For example, the International Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties (IMCWP) is currently the international union organization with the widest influence and most mature operational mechanism, employing an annual meeting system. From its founding in 1999 to 2025, 23 international meetings have been held. Although the number of participating parties at each annual meeting has fluctuated, the trend is generally upward. Meanwhile, the member parties of the IMCWP autonomously combine based on different political issues, giving rise to a series of other international union organizations, such as the World Federation of Trade Unions, the World Peace Council, the World Federation of Democratic Youth, and the Women's International Democratic Federation.

(2) Providing a methodological foundation for the steady and sustained progress of proletarian international union.

Tracing the logic and practice of Marx and Engels's thought on proletarian international union reveals that viewing the relationship between the essence of international union and its organizational form historically, and graspingly dialectically the relationship between the general interests of the international united struggle and the specific interests of the struggles of individual Communist parties, is both a methodological summary of proletarian international union and the key to its ability to respond to challenges and achieve steady and sustained progress [5].

First, viewing the relationship between the essence of international union and its organizational form historically. Throughout the course of the international communist movement, proletarian international union has always possessed historical inevitability and axiological rationality. However, the specific organizational form adopted by proletarian international union is determined by the central tasks of the international communist movement at that time. From the establishment of the Communist League to the present, the organizational forms of international union have changed with the times. In the early stages of capitalist development and during periods when proletarian revolutionary struggle was generally surging, the bourgeoisie employed cruel and violent rule against the proletariat. To ensure their combat effectiveness under such dire circumstances, the proletariat and its parties often adopted highly centralized organizational forms. The Communist International (Comintern) is a typical representative of this organizational form.

Conversely, during periods of peaceful capitalist development, the bourgeois political governance system operates smoothly, class contradictions are mitigated, and the proletarian revolutionary struggle is at a low ebb. Under such circumstances, the struggle environments, levels of development, and tasks of proletarian parties in different countries vary. The realistic tasks facing the international communist movement are to enhance exchange and mutual learning between proletarian parties and organizations, increase the influence of Marxism within the workers' movement, and promote the development of the socialist movement in a broad, horizontal direction. Given these conditions and tasks, proletarian international union generally adopts an organizational form characterized by loose, free, and equal exchange. The Second International is a typical representative of this organizational form; this form "greatly enhanced the influence and appeal of the Second International, as Marxist theorists from various national parties gathered under its banner. Extensive and full theoretical debate among theorists became an important form for the dissemination and development of Marxism within the Second International." During the preparation for the Second International, Engels provided an incisive exposition on the relationship between the essence of proletarian international union and its organizational form. At that time, some suggested to Engels that the Second International be established according to the organizational forms of the Communist League and the First International. In response, Engels criticized this view, pointing out that the essence of proletarian international union is "voluntary collaboration based on common interests" among the working classes of all countries. Its vitality lies in the "spontaneous and sincere cooperation" of Communist and Workers' parties based on the commonality of class interests and the consistency of their historical mission. In this sense, the Communist League and the First International "live on and grow stronger day by day" [6]. However, after the Paris Commune, as the scale and scope of the international proletarian movement in Europe and America significantly expanded, restoring the Old International would have imposed "mechanical organizational constraints" on the broad, multi-layered international workers' movement. By doing so, the "newly established International" (referring to the Second International) might have become a shackle hindering the further development of the movement. Consequently, Engels pointed out that to adapt to the new situation of the international workers' movement, the "newly established International" must adopt a new, more broad-based, and loose organizational form. This thought of Engels continues to have important guiding significance for solving the problems facing the international union of Communist and Workers' parties in the world today.

Since the drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe [7], the Communist parties of some countries have persisted in advocating for the establishment of an organization similar to the Third International. After the outbreak of the 2008 international financial crisis, this call rose again. As Engels pointed out, what kind of organizational form an international union adopts depends on the realistic tasks and developmental trends of the current international communist movement. Although the capitalist system has exposed many deep-seated structural problems, capitalism continues to demonstrate a certain vitality through its long-accumulated advantages in science, technology, and capital, maintaining strong advantages and influence in international economic and technological fields. In this context, the central task for Communist parties in all countries is to base themselves on their national conditions and struggle to increase the well-being of their people and promote social equity and justice. Since specific national conditions and struggle environments differ, it is entirely normal for Communist parties to have differences in views. What is important is to strengthen communication and exchange on the basis of equality and solidarity, enhance understanding, draw on new ideas and experiences from one another, and coalesce synergy on core issues such as opposing hegemonism, protecting labor rights, and promoting ecological justice, thereby pushing the international communist movement to seek progress while maintaining stability [8]. In view of this, today's international union organizations of Communist and Workers' parties should draw on the experience of the Second International, adopt broad and loose organizational forms, and build multi-level and multi-typed mechanisms for synergy and cooperation. They should take broadness and inclusiveness as their core orientation, strengthening communication and cooperation under the premises of equality, openness, and mutual learning.

Second, dialectically grasping the relationship between the general interests of the international united struggle and the specific interests of individual Communist parties' struggles. The interests of the struggles of the proletariat in various countries possess both identity and difference, which is determined by the duality of world history. On the one hand, world history is the history of the world proletariat uniting to overthrow bourgeois rule and liberate all of humanity; on the other hand, world history is the process through which modern nation-states are universally established and eventually move toward withering away. Engels once pointed out: "Since the end of the Middle Ages, history has been moving toward the formation of large national states in Europe. Only such states are the normal political organizations of the ruling European bourgeoisie." Because the struggle of the proletariat in each country is "economically within the 'framework of the world market'" and "politically within the 'framework of the state system,'" its pursuit of interests contains both a common orientation toward overthrowing world capitalist rule and different specific propositions due to differences in national conditions and struggle environments. Therefore, in the united struggle, proletarian parties must combine the "theory of two points" and the "theory of the priority point" [9], correctly handling the relationship between the general interests of the international united struggle and the specific interests of individual parties. On the one hand, national proletarian parties must base themselves on their own realities, formulate lines, principles, and policies that conform to the interests of their own proletariat, and independently lead their own proletariat and laboring people to achieve victory in the socialist cause. This is the primary and fundamental task of every party and the very foundation of its existence. On the other hand, they must link the specific interests of their domestic struggle with the general interests of the international united struggle, always uphold the noble mission of human liberation, examine the differences of opinion among various Communist parties with a broad mind, adhere to the Marxist standpoint, theoretically explore the causes of these differences and the paths to transcend them, and practically stand on the right side of history, striving to contribute to the progress of world civilization.

The world today is undergoing profound changes unseen in a century [10], and human society faces unprecedented challenges. Various Communist and Workers' parties have developed significant differences when faced with specific issues such as national separatism, religious conflict, and localized wars. At various international union meetings, large-scale public disputes have erupted among some Communist parties due to sharply opposing views, leading to a prominent trend of separatism within the international union, which has adversely affected the development of the international communist movement. For example, the IMCWP is the most representative and influential international organization in the international union of Communist parties today. Starting from the 5th annual meeting in 2003, every annual meeting of the IMCWP had issued a "Common Statement," but a sudden interruption occurred at the 15th annual meeting in 2013. This indicates that serious differences had emerged within the IMCWP, making it difficult to reach an effective consensus on relevant issues. In response to this situation, at the 22nd meeting held in 2022, the Communist Party of Cuba, as the host, made great efforts to coordinate among the participating member parties and issued a "Common Declaration" based on the principle of solidarity and inclusiveness. The efforts of the Communist Party of Cuba were appreciated by the participating parties. The Tudeh Party of Iran pointed out in its post-meeting summary: "In the view of the Communist Party of Cuba, issuing a final declaration is an important agenda of the international meeting. This requires each party to do its best to set aside disputes and formulate a declaration that meets the minimum requirements acceptable to all attending Communist parties. The Communist Party of Cuba ensured the unity of the international communist movement under difficult international circumstances." Unfortunately, however, at the 23rd international meeting in 2023, intense debate broke out again among participating Communist parties regarding the Ukraine crisis. One group of parties argued that the Ukraine crisis is a war launched by the NATO bloc, led by the United States, against Russia. They claimed Russia's struggle has curbed the expansion of imperialist forces and contributed to the development of developing countries seeking independence from the imperialist system. Another group of parties argued that the Ukraine crisis is a struggle between two imperialist blocs for world resources, and that Communist parties worldwide should not take sides but should unite to oppose this imperialist war. These two factions eventually published "Solidarity Statements" with completely opposing views. The meeting ultimately failed to issue a unified "Common Declaration" because the views of the two factions could not be reconciled. The Socialist Workers' Party of Croatia pointed out during the meeting: "The Ukraine crisis has led to division and polarization in our ranks; it is not strengthening but rather destroying and weakening the unity we desperately need." Differences of opinion within the international union of Communist and Workers' parties have already led to the fragmentation or even dissolution of some international union (coordination) organizations, the most representative being the dissolution of the "Initiative of Communist and Workers' Parties of Europe" (ECWPI). The ECWPI was established in 2013 at the suggestion of the Communist Party of Greece (KKE). Its main task was to study European problems and coordinate the actions of European Communist and Workers' parties, and it has made certain contributions to the development of the European communist movement since its founding. In the past two years, as the ECWPI explored the roots and nature of the Ukraine crisis and strategies for dealing with the conflict, the differences of opinion among member parties continuously expanded, eventually escalating into sharp opposition at the level of standpoint and principle, rendering the organization unable to continue its activities. At an internal online meeting of the ECWPI in September 2023, the Communist Party of Greece suddenly and unilaterally announced the dissolution of the organization. In a subsequent public article titled "On the Termination of the Activities of the European Communist Initiative and the Role of Opportunism," they pointed out that the differences among member parties were no longer contradictions within the communist movement; rather, because some parties’ ideologies and standpoints were influenced by opportunism, they had completely become mouthpieces for imperialist forces. Therefore, an organizational break with these opportunist parties was necessary. Such an outcome is truly lamentable.

In fact, throughout the course of the international communist movement, it has been a frequent and unavoidable phenomenon for Communist Parties in various countries and regions to develop divergent perspectives due to factors such as historical shifts, regional conflicts, and ethnic disputes. These differences in perspective further lead to discrepancies in coping strategies and action plans. At present, Communist Parties of all nations should adhere to Marx and Engels’s ideas on proletarian international association, draw lessons from the historical experience of such association, and—in the spirit of the principle of "voluntary cooperation based on common interests"—set aside disputes and transcend differences. They must consolidate and expand the foundation of their common interests and construct multi-layered platforms for cooperation. Only by enhancing mutual understanding through the process of deepening cooperation can these parties achieve the goals of seeking common ground while reserving differences [11], seeking common ground while respecting differences, and seeking common ground while resolving differences. Only in this way can the capacity for joint action and the international influence of Communist and Workers' Parties be continuously strengthened, ensuring the smooth progress of the international communist movement.

(Authors’ affiliation: School of Politics and International Relations, Central China Normal University) Source: Contemporary World and Socialism, Issue 6, 2025 Editor: Huihui