Yang Jun and Cheng Enfu: Humble Opinions on Xi Jinping’s "Vigorously Promoting the Spirit of Carrying the Revolution Through to the End"
Since the entry of socialism with Chinese characteristics into the New Era, various erroneous ideological trends at home and abroad have advocated for a "farewell to revolution" under various pretexts, such as the "obsolescence thesis," "nihilism," and the "endist thesis." In response, Xi Jinping has emphasized on multiple occasions the need to "continue holding high the banner of revolution" in the New Era and to vigorously carry forward the spirit of revolution to the end. For instance, on December 30, 2016, at the New Year tea party of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), he issued a political mobilization order to the entire society to "vigorously promote the spirit of carrying the revolution through to the end." On the eve of the 70th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic of China, he emphasized once again the need to "continue and develop the spirit of the older generation of revolutionaries to 'with power and to spare we must pursue the tottering foe, and not ape Xiang Yu the Conqueror seeking idle fame' [1]." Why does Xi Jinping "repeatedly emphasize the promotion of the spirit of carrying the revolution through to the end"? What exactly is the connotation of "revolution" in this context? This article attempts to provide an answer to these questions.
I. The Scientific Basis Behind "Vigorously Promoting the Spirit of Carrying the Revolution Through to the End"
The reason Xi Jinping has repeatedly emphasized the promotion of the spirit of carrying the revolution through to the end is that this important discourse possesses a scientific theoretical, historical, and practical basis. From a theoretical perspective, revolution is the essential defining characteristic of the entire body of Marxist doctrine; from a historical perspective, revolution is the distinct main thread running through the history of the international communist movement; from a practical perspective, revolution is the mental state with which the Communist Party of China (CPC) advances the great struggle.
(1) The scientific theoretical basis: Revolution is the essential defining characteristic of the entire body of Marxist doctrine
"Marxism is, first and foremost, a revolutionary theory." This revolutionary character is manifested throughout the entire process of the creation, development, and application of Marxist doctrine.
On the one hand, Marxist doctrine did not emerge out of thin air but rather "discovered the new world through the critique of the old world." This is because it is the inevitable product of a scientific critique of the capitalist mode of production and a revolutionary creation and innovation based on over two thousand years of human civilization and wisdom. Today, as world development surges forward without end, Marxism, correspondingly, is a doctrine of thoroughgoing revolution. It continues to critique contemporary capitalism in a manner that advances with the times, engaging in revolutionary confrontation and collision with various social ideological trends of the Western bourgeoisie, thereby fully absorbing all the outstanding achievements of human civilization to develop itself. In the Marxist view, nothing in the world is eternal and unchanging; all existing things are in a process of contradictory movement characterized by the unity of opposites. This revolutionary and critical nature is the secret behind the enduring vitality and youthful vigor of Marxist doctrine.
On the other hand, Marxism is not a doctrine that simply explains the world; rather, in its practical application, it further demands the overthrow of the old world to establish a new one, thereby striving to "change the world" and realize the complete liberation of humanity. In the Marxist view, revolution is the practical activity of "changing the world." Looking at the life of the primary founder of Marxism—Karl Marx—people have bestowed upon him various titles and epithets: great thinker, statesman, philosopher, economist, sociologist, and even scientist. However, Marx's close comrade-in-arms Friedrich Engels believed that "Marx was before all else a revolutionist." His real mission in life was to participate in the revolutionary struggle; "struggle was his element." Xi Jinping also pointed out that Marx "always stood at the very forefront of the revolutionary struggle." Terms like "professional revolutionary," "lifelong revolutionist," and "thoroughgoing revolutionary fighter" are not only accurate characterizations of Marx's magnificent life but are equally applicable to the glorious lives of Engels himself, as well as Lenin, Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, and other leaders of the proletarian revolution. In short, "Marxism is essentially a revolutionary theory and a revolutionary program." To discard the soul of revolution is equivalent to "drawing the firewood from under the cauldron" [2]—emasculating, suffocating, and even dismantling the whole of Marxism.
(2) The scientific historical basis: Revolution is the distinct main thread running through the history of the international communist movement
Revolution is the locomotive that pulls history forward and the powerful engine that drives the progress of human society. As the most extensive, profound, and thoroughgoing great revolution in human history, the international communist movement has changed the course of human history in an unprecedented manner. From the Paris Commune in France to the October Revolution in Russia, and from the New Democratic Revolution [3] in China to the rising tide of proletarian movements in developed capitalist countries and developing nations after World War II, a series of revolutionary waves has powerfully restructured the balance of power and the pattern of relations between global socialism and capitalism. However, the revolutionary situation is complex and ever-changing. In his revolutionary testament before his death, Engels repeatedly exhorted revolutionary comrades in all countries that the international communist movement must both adapt to the changing revolutionary situation and adhere to bottom-line thinking: "It must be understood that the right to revolution is the only really 'historical right'." However, Bernstein, the main representative of Second International revisionism; Kautsky, the most important theorist of the Social Democratic Party of Germany; and Gorbachev, the General Secretary of the former Communist Party of the Soviet Union, all tampered with, abandoned, or even betrayed a series of basic principles and policy propositions of Marxism regarding "carrying the revolution through to the end." This led to the split between scientific socialism and democratic socialism in the international communist movement, and even triggered the historical tragedies of the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe [4].
Examining this from the perspective of the grand history of world socialism, we are still in the historical era identified by Marxism—the "era of transition from capitalism to socialism," an era dominated by neo-imperialism, and moreover, an era in which the global working class carries out a new "great revolution." Precisely because the world today is still within this broad historical era, and the general trend of human social development has not changed, the Marxist parties of all countries have the mission and responsibility to carry the revolution through to the end and promote the international communist movement as it gradually moves out of its trough and toward a new climax in the 21st century. In short, revolution is the distinct main thread running through the 170-plus years of the history of the international communist movement; to reject or abandon revolution is tantamount to ending the history and even the future destiny of the international communist movement.
(3) The scientific practical basis: Revolution is the mental state with which the CPC actively advances the great struggle
Over the past hundred years, the CPC was born in struggle, grew in struggle, and developed in strength through struggle. Today, the world is undergoing changes unseen in a century, and China's development under the leadership of the CPC is also in its best historical period in modern times. Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, in response to the phenomenon of "speaking only of harmony and not of struggle" over a long period, Xi Jinping has repeatedly emphasized: "Today, we are engaged in a great struggle with many new historical features." This is because, on the journey toward the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, and faced with a complex domestic and international environment, the Chinese people encounter both once-in-a-lifetime historical opportunities and unprecedented major challenges, risks, obstacles, and contradictions. Communists must engage in great struggle. Since the 19th National Congress of the CPC, Xi Jinping has further clarified the broad scope of this great struggle: we "face no small number of major struggles, across the fields of economy, politics, culture, society, ecological civilization, national defense and military building, Hong Kong, Macao and Taiwan affairs, foreign affairs, and Party building, and these are becoming increasingly complex." The great struggle is not confined to a single field; it runs through the Five-Sphere Integrated Plan, the Four Comprehensives, the Five New Development Concepts [5], and the entire construction of socialism with Chinese characteristics, involving work in every field and on every front in the New Era.
To achieve new victories in the great struggle of the New Era, it is necessary to maintain a revolutionary mental state at all times. On January 5, 2018, at a seminar on the spirit of the 19th National Congress of the CPC, Xi Jinping clearly stated the identity and social role of Communists, emphasizing: "We are revolutionaries; we must not lose the revolutionary spirit." In the past, the CPC was able to seize national victory through armed struggle by relying on the revolutionary spirit of engaging in great struggle. Today, the new historical features of the New Era dictate that the new great struggle is characterized by longevity, complexity, and difficulty. Therefore, to win the ultimate victory in this great struggle, it is all the more necessary to maintain the revolutionary character of Chinese Communists in a way that advances with the times, to continue promoting the revolutionary spirit, and to carry the revolution through to the end. In short, the CPC is a governing party, a constructive party, and moreover, a thoroughgoing revolutionary party. Once it loses its revolutionary spirit, the Party will not only lose its governing status and the fruits of its construction in the great struggle but might even face the downfall of the Party and the state, being eliminated by history.
Since the significance of revolution is so profound, we must grasp its scientific connotation. Currently, the academic community has provided three main formulations from different perspectives: first, the "Three Revolutions Thesis" developed through longitudinal logic—the New Democratic Revolution, the socialist revolution, and the new great revolution of socialist reform and opening up; second, the "Three Types of Revolution Thesis" developed through horizontal logic—revolutions in the fields of social production and economy, politics, and ideology/culture; third, the "Two Great Revolutions Thesis" developed through the logic of subject and object—social revolution and self-revolution. These three formulations adhere to the unification of the "narrow view of revolution" and the "broad view of revolution," and possess significant value in summarizing and refining the Marxist view of revolution as well as the history of the international communist movement and the entire revolutionary history since the founding of the CPC. However, there is still room for improvement: the "Three Revolutions Thesis" does not directly reflect the principle of revolutionary thoroughness, while the "Three Types of Revolution Thesis" and the "Two Great Revolutions Thesis" do not directly reflect the staged characteristics of revolution. In response, it is necessary to combine these three formulations into a synthetic exposition at a higher level and in greater depth.
Generally speaking, the "revolution" in "vigorously promoting the spirit of carrying the revolution through to the end" should have a multi-layered and multi-dimensional richness of meaning. In addition to the technological and military revolutions in terms of productive forces, it is mainly manifested in the following three basic qualities and types: First, revolution as a "power-seizing revolution" in the sense of overthowing the old regime and establishing and consolidating a new one; second, revolution as a "reformative revolution" in the sense of the continuous self-improvement and development of the socialist system; third, revolution as a "transitional revolution" in the sense of the transition from the primary stage of socialism to subsequent stages and toward a communist society. these triple revolutions include the longitudinal logic of revolution at each stage, the horizontal logic of revolution in each field, and the subject-object logic of revolution for both the subject and the target, and collectively demonstrate the bright prospects for the continuous progress of Chinese society. Below, this will be explained specifically in connection with contemporary Chinese and foreign theory and practice.
II. "Revolution" as a "Power-Seizing Revolution" in the Sense of Overthrowing the Old Regime and Establishing and Consolidating a New One
A revolutionary movement led by a Marxist party cannot be achieved overnight; it must be carried out in steps and stages. As the starting point of revolution, the first essential revolutionary action is the "power-seizing revolution" in the sense of overthrowing the old regime and establishing and consolidating a new one. Overthrowing the old regimes of all exploiting classes and establishing a new socialist regime is the fundamental task and core issue of the "power-seizing revolution"; otherwise, socialism is difficult to establish. As Marx pointed out, "socialism cannot be realized without revolution." Even if a Marxist party leads the people to defeat the vicious reactionaries and takes charge of state power, it still constantly faces the danger of counter-seizure of power by various domestic and foreign hostile forces during its long-term period of governance. Xi Jinping pointed out: "It is not easy for a Marxist party to seize power, and it is even harder to consolidate power." Therefore, to defend the fruits of revolutionary victory, a Marxist party must make great efforts to strengthen the construction of political power in the fierce struggle between evolution and anti-evolution, subversion and anti-subversion, and restoration and anti-restoration, so as to further consolidate the newborn revolutionary regime.
From a global perspective, the development of capitalism across the world is extremely uneven; likewise, the revolutionary forces led by Communist Parties in various countries also exhibit imbalances. This results in the fact that "power-seizing revolutions" across different nations are not synchronized. Conversely, "socialism may triumph first in a few or even in a single capitalist country," [6] particularly at the weak links in the chain of the capitalist world, because the movement of social contradictions in these countries has reached an unsurpassed peak and extremity. The establishment of the socialist system in the Soviet Union during the 20th century and its expansion from one country to many fully demonstrated and tested the great conceptualization of the "theory of victory in one country." Today, only five socialist countries remain in the world—the "one large and four small" (China, North Korea, Cuba, Vietnam, and Laos). The Communist Parties of these countries have achieved significant victories in "power-seizing revolutions," but they have not yet achieved complete victory. Because they still exist within a powerful international capitalist system, they must be supported by the successive eruption of "power-seizing revolutions" in all non-socialist countries in the future to achieve a truly thorough and comprehensive victory in the "power-seizing revolution," thereby ultimately practicing the "theory of common victory." Therefore, the center of the "power-seizing revolution" in the 21st century lies in the various non-socialist countries of the world. For them, only by always holding high the great banner of Marxist revolution and flexibly employing various correct strategies of revolutionary struggle according to changing conditions can they maximize their ability to break free from the dilemmas of survival and development they currently face—given that the global socialist movement is currently at a low ebb—and thus realize the strategic goals of the "power-seizing revolution." As Engels said, "For me as a revolutionist, any means that leads to the goal is suitable, including the most violent and the seemingly most moderate."
(1) Flexibly employing the revolutionary strategies of "seizing power through violence" and "seizing power peacefully"
All existing socialist countries seized power through violent revolution, which easily leads to the view that this is the sole option for seizing power without exception. In the view of the classical Marxist writers, the specific choice of method for a particular revolution "must at all times and in all places depend on the historical conditions of the time." In the 1840s, bourgeois reactionary forces held an absolute advantage; not only would they not voluntarily hand over power, but they would conversely intensify their use of the tools of violence at their disposal to more cruelly suppress the revolutionary movements of the proletariat. Under these circumstances, the proletariat had to "respond" to bourgeois counter-revolutionary violence with revolutionary violence. This is the key to achieving victory in a "power-seizing revolution"—that is, the ends of the Communists "can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions." At the same time, Marx did not abandon or deny the possibility of a peaceful seizure of power: "where peaceful agitation would reach the goal more quickly and reliably, an uprising would be madness." This was the conclusion Marx reached in the 1860s through an analysis of Britain’s economic history and reality: Britain was the only country in Europe that could achieve victory in a "power-seizing revolution" through peaceful means to avoid social agony. Because British capitalist economy was relatively developed at that time, the working class constituted the vast majority, parliamentary democracy was at its most mature development, and the military-bureaucratic apparatus was relatively weak. Therefore, after the failure of the Paris Commune, Marx further pointed out: "Britain is the only country where the development and organization of the working class has reached a degree of maturity such that this class can use universal suffrage to its own advantage." Later, the Communist Party of Great Britain also became the first party outside the socialist countries to formulate a complete party program for a peaceful transition. In 1895, Engels also congratulated the Social Democratic Party of Germany for using (male) universal suffrage to win the victorious vote.
Of course, the classical Marxist writers did not expect the bourgeoisie to voluntarily submit to a peaceful revolutionary method; they always emphasized that the option of violent revolution must absolutely never be abandoned. As Engels warned in his letter to Richard Fischer on March 8, 1895: "If you preach the absolute abandonment of violent action, it will do you no good at all."
Evidently, Communist Parties in all countries should flexibly employ the revolutionary strategies of seizing power through violence and seizing power peacefully. In today’s world, it is inappropriate for Communists to theoretically abandon the strategy of seizing power through violent revolution. Especially in those countries where the gap between the rich and the poor is extremely severe and the natural environment is suitable for guerrilla warfare, there is a greater need for outstanding revolutionary leaders and military cadres of Marxist parties to organize the masses and conduct armed struggle through guerrilla warfare. For example, "the CPI (Maoist) [7] and its armed forces have become the greatest enemy of India's ruling class." Currently, Communist Parties in developed capitalist countries are continuing to explore how to seize power through the peaceful means of parliamentary democracy; their unremitting struggles directly or indirectly influence the decision-making of right-wing bourgeois parties. Meanwhile, Communist Parties in the vast number of developing countries are also actively experimenting with new paths to seize power. Among these, the one that successfully combined violent revolution with parliamentary elections is the Communist Party of Nepal, which first based itself on occupying most regions through armed struggle and then came to power through parliamentary elections in 2008.
(2) Flexibly employing the revolutionary means of "open struggle" and "hidden struggle"
As opposition parties to bourgeois ruling parties, the majority of Communist Parties in the world were founded in secret and persisted in hidden underground work in their early stages. With the rapid development of globalization and information technology, some views advocate for the abandonment of completely secret struggle. In fact, there have always been two fronts in the struggle: "besides open work, there must be secret work to coordinate with it." Therefore, Communist Parties in today’s non-socialist countries primarily utilize open and legal struggle, while also using this to provide cover for secret struggle to effectively preserve and accumulate strength. At present, work in the following three areas can be strengthened:
First, flexibly employ the revolutionary means of open and secret struggle to actively establish and expand profit-making enterprises, thereby providing direct or indirect financial support for the proletarian revolutionary movement. For non-ruling parties or even Communist Parties in illegal positions, it is difficult to carry out long-term and effective revolutionary activities if they rely solely on the meager party fees paid by members; the Communist Party of Great Britain once suffered a sharp decline in membership due to fundraising issues. Therefore, the "power-seizing revolution" must have an economic base. For instance, in some countries, nearly half of the Communist Party members are secret members who establish enterprises through various hidden forms to provide funding for party building.
Second, flexibly employ the revolutionary means of open and secret struggle by establishing political parties that do not use the name "Communist Party" but possess a Communist nature, realizing true revolutionary content by hiding the external form. For a long time, the term "Communist Party" has been vilified, stigmatized, and demonized by Western society. If all parties are established under this unified name, it is easy to provoke misunderstanding or even resentment among some ordinary masses in the West, and even face collective hostility, encirclement, and strangulation from the bourgeoisie. To this end, various name forms can be used (such as Workers' Party, Labor Party, People's Party), including non-partisan forms, or even the names of bourgeois parties (such as the People's Freedom Party). The largest left-wing party in Belarus—namely the Labor Party—does not mention Communism or Marxism-Leninism at the present stage, but advocates for a state-owned economy as the main body and a socialist-oriented market economy. It has united with the Communist Party and others to govern by electing independent presidential candidates who hold the same views, implementing a socialist market economy where state-owned enterprises account for 70% of the national economy.
Third, flexibly employ the revolutionary means of open and secret struggle to increase the intensity of Marxist propaganda and firmly occupy the ideological positions under the leadership of various Communist Parties. First, establish and develop world-class academic societies of a Marxist and left-wing nature in the field of social sciences. For example, the "World Association for Political Economy" was jointly initiated and established by Chinese Marxist economists and Marxist economists from developed countries. Second, carry out global activities through Marxist research institutions and platforms. For instance, France, the United States, and China have successively and continuously held events such as the "World Socialist Forum," the "World Congress on Marxism," the "World Cultural Forum," and the "New York Left Forum." Third, sponsor various forms of media such as newspapers, websites, television stations, and publishing houses to propagate the revolutionary ideas of the Communist Party. For example, the British Communist Party's Morning Star daily and the Belgian Communist Party's magazines such as Marxist Studies and Unity have achieved great success in popular dissemination. Fourth, offer Marxist courses and public lectures in various universities and across society.
(3) Flexibly employing the revolutionary principles of "independence" and "international alignment"
The increasingly international nature of the bourgeois system means that the "power-seizing revolution" of the proletariat has never been a narrow national movement, but is an international cause of "Workingmen of all countries, unite!" As Engels pointed out, "the liberation of the proletariat can only be an international cause." From 1864 onwards, the First through Third Internationals were successively established, playing an incalculable progressive role in the alignment of world socialist forces. Although some problems arose, these were merely issues regarding the specific form of alignment; the basic principle of international proletarian alignment cannot be denied. It possesses not only historical value but also value for the New Era. Attempts to completely deny certain forms and scopes of international alignment while isolatedly emphasizing "successful empirical evidence" are flawed in that they sever and separate independence from international alignment; in reality, "autonomy and independence are included in the very concept of internationalism," and the two are unified. Even the Constitution of the People's Republic of China adopted by our country in 2017 emphasizes that the state shall conduct education in internationalism among the people; therefore, we cannot abandon the spirit of proletarian internationalism.
On the one hand, international alignment is necessary because the proletariat of the whole world shares common tasks and enemies. Only by liberating all of humanity can they truly liberate themselves, and the overall liberation of all humanity requires united collective action. It is difficult to succeed by relying solely on the unilateral action of the proletariat of a single country or nation to confront a bourgeoisie that has long been united across the world. Marx warned about this long ago: "Past experience has shown that disregard of that bond of brotherhood which ought to exist between the workmen of different countries... will be chastised by the common discomfiture of their incoherent efforts." On the other hand, international alignment is also possible because, in today's world, Communist Parties in all countries are exploring revolutionary paths with their own national characteristics amidst adversity. Their independence has been greatly enhanced, which has laid the organizational foundation and created the ideological conditions for the continuation and new forms of international alignment. Considering the general trend, "the future of world socialism depends on the effective united action of the international proletariat"; Communist Parties in most countries have already carried out and expect to conduct more diverse and new forms of international alignment.
III. "Revolution" as a "Reformative Revolution" in the Sense of Continuous Self-Perfection and Development of the Socialist System
The revolutionary movement led by a Marxist party cannot be accomplished once and for all; it must be carried out continuously. Marx pointed out: "Socialism is the declaration of the permanence of the revolution." [8] As the first step in the "long march of ten thousand li," [9] the "power-seizing revolution" only establishes socialism. To build and ultimately complete socialism, it is necessary to continue with the second stage of "revolution"—the "reformative revolution" in the sense of the continuous self-perfection and development of the socialist system.
Achieving the self-perfection and development of socialist relations of production and the superstructure is the fundamental task and core issue of the "reformative revolution." Clearly, comparing "reformative revolution" with "power-seizing revolution," on the one hand, both are the inevitable products of dealing with the movement of the basic contradictions of society. Deng Xiaoping said: "The nature of reform is the same as that of the revolution in the past; it is also to remove obstacles to the development of social productive forces." On the other hand, the contradictions resolved by "power-seizing revolution" are antagonistic; it involves the bottom-up overthrow of the old system of the exploiting classes to establish a new socialist system. In contrast, the contradictions resolved by "reformative revolution" are generally non-antagonistic; it involves the optimization and elevation of the new socialist system itself through a combination of top-down and bottom-up approaches.
From a global perspective, all socialist transformations have been born in countries with relatively backward economies and cultures. Due to the insufficient development of productive forces, commodity economies, and science and culture, they "suffer not only from the development of capitalist production, but also from the incompleteness of that development." [10] This "double distress" dictates that the "reformative revolution" of these socialist countries will span a much longer time cycle and involve more onerous tasks than the classical Marxist writers anticipated. How, then, should a "reformative revolution" be conducted? During the 20th century, sixteen socialist countries—represented by the Soviet Union—conducted successive explorations of "reformative revolution," yielding both successful experiences and severe historical lessons. Today, the world's five remaining socialist countries (the "one large and four small") [11] have achieved extraordinary accomplishments through "reformative revolution." The most successful highlight among these is the "reformative revolution" of contemporary China—Reform and Opening-up. Xi Jinping has repeatedly emphasized that "the key choice of reform and opening-up can be called a second revolution." After more than 40 years of reform and opening-up, socialism with Chinese characteristics has demonstrated the superiority, charisma, and attraction of our system to the world through the power of example. We have reason to believe that in approximately another 30 years, socialism with Chinese characteristics will surely lead the global socialist movement of the 21st century toward revitalization and make significant contributions. Therefore, the center of the "改革性革命" (reformative revolution) in the 21st century is the great new revolution of contemporary China's reform and opening-up.
Contemporary China's "reformative revolution"—guided by the main logic of the "Five-Sphere Integrated Plan" general layout, the "Four Comprehensives" strategic layout, the "five major development concepts," [12] the "Four Greats," [13] and "state governance"—has entered the "storming-the-fortress" zone [14] and the "deep-water zone" of comprehensively deepening reform. It is not only comprehensive and profound but also possesses clear objectives, characteristics, and precursors.
(1) The objective of "reformative revolution" is state governance The comprehensive and profound nature of "reformative revolution" lies in its focus on the overall planning of "improving and developing the system of socialism with Chinese characteristics and promoting the modernization of the state governance system and capacity for governance." This includes six specific reform targets across the economic, political, cultural, social, and ecological civilization systems, as well as the Party-building system. It manifests thirteen distinct advantages inherent in our national system and governance framework. To ensure that "改革性革命" (reformative revolution) proceeds in an orderly manner, follows established rules, and consolidates its achievements in a timely fashion, the Party Central Committee has also introduced "comprehensively promoting the law-based governance of the country" as a supporting measure. This represents a further extension of "reformative revolution." As a "wide-ranging and profound revolution in the field of state governance," comprehensively governing the country by law further promotes the legalization, institutionalization, standardization, and proceduralization of "reformative revolution."
Some public opinion holds that the modernization of the state governance system and capacity is simply a matter of aligning with Western capitalist countries represented by the United States, claiming that Western state governance is already mature. This is a major fallacy. "The West adopts a representative democratic system where national decision-making is handed over to a small elite." The "separation of powers" state governance system of the American monopoly bourgeoisie's two-party system leads to collusion between the two parties to suppress the emergence of a third major party and the development of the Communist Party; it makes it difficult even for parties of a bourgeois-socialist nature to gain a foothold. This system leads to federal government shutdowns due to fiscal issues, resulting in low administrative efficiency, while numerous social problems remain unresolved for long periods due to mutual bickering and endless debate (such as gun control, universal healthcare, and the ravages of influenza and COVID-19). It leads to routine deception by politics and the media, and frequent aggression and military provocations against other nations. "Only through comparison can there be discernment; to strengthen confidence in our system, we must fully recognize and grasp the superiority of socialism over the capitalist system in terms of political systems, economic systems, and values." Only by truly identifying the incurable diseases of capitalist state governance in the United States, Northern Europe, or India can we scientifically advance a modernization of the state governance system and capacity that is more civilized and advanced than that of the West, based on the premise of improving and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics.
(2) The difficult point of "reformative revolution" is economic reform Unlike the "power-seizing revolution," the "reformative revolution" has always taken economic structural reform as its focus. It uses this as a driving force to pull along the coordinated progress of reforms in all other fields, thereby clearing obstacles and removing stumbling blocks for the liberation and development of productive forces. This has been the key to the success of our "改革性革命" (reformative revolution) since the start of reform and opening-up. "The establishment of the socialist market system laid the modern social institution and modern dynamic mechanism of the 'market' for China's modernization." After more than 40 years of "reformative revolution" in the economic system, the basic economic system of the primary stage of socialism in our country has been increasingly perfected. The organic integration of socialism and the market economy has become closer, and the people-centered development philosophy has taken deep root. The development concepts of "innovation, coordination, green, openness, and sharing" have yielded immediate results, and the goal of building a moderately prosperous society in all respects has been successfully realized. The "new normal" of the economy—transitioning from high speed to high-quality development—has achieved significant results. However, under the new situation where the United States treats China as its "primary competitor," suppresses China across economic and other fields, and seeks economic "decoupling," the reform and opening-up of the New Era must quickly implement a new development pattern with the domestic cycle as the mainstay and the domestic and international dual cycles promoting each other. We must practically safeguard the basic socialist economic system and successfully resolve the new principal contradiction [15] of society and the tasks of building a great modern socialist country.
Some public opinion holds that the direction and goal of the socialist market economic system reform is to align with the Western capitalist market economic system represented by the United States, claiming that Western economic systems are already mature. This is a second major fallacy. The American oligarchy-centered monopoly capitalist market economic system leads to frequent outbreaks of economic, financial, and fiscal crises, which implicate and harm the economies of other countries and even the entire world. For example, "the global financial crisis that broke out in 2008 fully exposed the flaws of letting financial liberalization develop unchecked." It leads to a polarization of wealth and income, creating a severe confrontation between the 1% of super-rich and the 99% of the laboring masses. It leads to the predatory hegemony of the US dollar and intellectual property rights over other countries. The frequent launching of bullying trade wars, tech wars, and resource wars serves as the economic foundation of American neo-imperialism and militarism. Only by truly identifying the incurable diseases of modern capitalist market economic systems in the United States, Northern Europe, and India can we improve and develop a market economic system and an open system based on equality and mutual benefit that is socialist in nature, scientifically promoting a people-centered market economic system.
(3) The characteristic of "reformative revolution" is self-revolution Xi Jinping has pointed out: "Gnawing on 'hard bones,' fighting 'tough battles,' and 'moving the cheese' of vested interests are the characteristics of the new round of reform. To comprehensively deepen reform, we must first turn the blade inward and be brave enough to conduct self-revolution." [16] After more than 40 years of "reformative revolution," the long-formed and accumulated patterns of solidified interests have surfaced. To this end, socialist reformers, as true revolutionaries, must have the courage and grit for self-revolution. On the one hand, they must prevent themselves from consciously or unconsciously degenerating into beneficiaries of solidified interests or proxies for Western interests; this requires the courage to subordinate their own interests to the overall interests of the working class and the broad masses of the people. On the other hand, since reform is a deep-seated revolution that touches upon vested interests, one must consciously take responsibility and forge ahead in the face of various risks, dangers, and costs that may arise. In the practice of national governance, "vigorously carrying forward the spirit of carrying the revolution through to the end," comprehensively and strictly governing the Party, the state, and the military, reforming Party and state institutions, and opposing the "Four Winds" are all concentrated expressions of the self-revolution of reformers. As Xi Jinping said, "being brave in self-revolution and strictly managing and governing the Party is the most distinctive character of our Party." We must "drive reforms in important fields through the government's own revolution."
Some public opinion holds that the methods and goals of educating our Party and government cadres in terms of ideology, organization, and conduct should align with the Western capitalist civil service education systems represented by the United States, claiming that Western systems for managing officials through ideological and conduct education are already mature. This is a third major fallacy. The American bourgeois official-management system leads to many officials at all levels having more private interest than public spirit, with a prevailing mindset of "individualism first" and "elections first." It leads to a code of conduct based on the narrow interests of their own party, region, or unit, disregarding the fundamental interests of the broad laboring people. it leads to mutual protection among officials, a prevailing bureaucratic style, and the generalization of legal or illegal rent-seeking and corruption. Only by truly identifying the incurable diseases of capitalist ideological education and official-management systems in the United States, Northern Europe, and India can we improve and develop our own theoretical, organizational, and conduct-based propaganda and education systems for cadres. This will enable Party and government cadres to promote comprehensive reform of all undertakings through continuous self-revolution.
(4) The precursor of "reformative revolution" is theoretical construction The epistemological revolution of ideas and concepts is always the precursor to all great revolutionary actions. We must draw a clear line between right and wrong in theory and build the greatest possible consensus to further correctly understand and comprehensively promote "reformative revolution." For example, regarding the fundamental nature of "reformative revolution," we must oppose the theory that "reform and opening-up is simply about connecting gears with the Western system," and instead persist in the unity of the "Way" (道 dào) of socialism and the "technique" (术 shù) of reform and opening-up. Does "reformative revolution" have a specific nature and direction? This is a fundamental question concerning the future and destiny of China's reform and development in the New Era. As Xi Jinping pointed out, "China is a large country; it absolutely cannot afford to make subversive errors on fundamental issues. Once they occur, they are irreversible and irreparable." Imagine if "reformative revolution" did not distinguish between the socialist road/system and the capitalist road/system. If things that should not or cannot be changed were changed haphazardly—perchance even developing capitalist private ownership without limit for the sake of so-called "developing productive forces"—it would inevitably and eventually lead to a fundamental change in direction for the entire socialist superstructure. This would, in turn, hinder the better and faster improvement of productive forces and the people's livelihood. The Gorbachev and Yeltsin-style reforms in the Soviet Union, which were roughly simultaneous with China's "reformative revolution," were essentially a "change of direction" (改向 gǎixiàng) that negated socialism, and their failure is quite obvious. Regarding this, Xi Jinping offered a dialectical warning: "Not implementing reform and opening-up is a dead end; conducting 'reform and opening-up' that negates the socialist direction is also a dead end."
Some public opinion holds that although the current results of China's reform are better than those of Russia, because Russia established a capitalist economic and political system, its final results will eventually exceed China's. This is a fourth major fallacy. In fact, after the Soviet Union was overthrown by anti-communist and anti-socialist forces in a coup, it led to the sudden eruption of ethnic contradictions. A socialist superpower that stood on equal footing with imperialist America split into a dozen weak nations. It led to Russia becoming a third-rate country economically, relying mainly on selling resources and arms to maintain its national economy and the people's livelihood. It led to drastic changes in the socialist countries of Eastern Europe, some of which assisted the US-led NATO in its military eastward expansion and economic sanctions to encircle Russia. Only by truly recognizing the objective fact that the former Soviet Union and Eastern European socialist countries did not become strong or wealthy through the "change of direction" toward economic privatization and political Westernization can we eliminate the powerful influence of neoliberal and social-democratic trends of thought. Only then can we firmly establish confidence in the path, theory, system, and culture of socialism with Chinese characteristics and scientifically grasp the correct direction of "reformative revolution" policies and measures.
IV. "Revolution" is a "transitional revolution" in the sense of shifting from the primary stage of socialist society to subsequent stages and toward a communist society
We are currently—and will be for a long time—conducting "改革性革命" (reformative revolution). As Xi Jinping pointed out, "Reform and opening-up is always a work in progress and never a finished project." Some people might misunderstand or even distort this, thinking that the primary stage of socialism characterized by "改革性革命" is an eternal state, equating it with socialist society as a whole. In fact, "never a finished project" here means that "reformative revolution" runs through the entire primary stage of socialism. Although this is a fairly long historical process, it is by no means our ultimate goal. Furthermore, the revolutionary movement led by a Marxist party cannot have a beginning without an end. It must be carried through to the end to achieve the final goal: developing toward a new and higher stage and a transition of social formation. This "transitional revolution" in the sense of changing from the primary stage of socialist society to subsequent stages and toward a communist society is an inherent part of the complete meaning of General Secretary Xi Jinping’s call to "vigorously carry forward the spirit of carrying the revolution through to the end." Xi Jinping has emphasized many times: "Revolutionary ideals reach higher than the heavens. Realizing communism is the highest ideal of us Communists." This highest ideal "is a historical process achieved through one stage-by-stage goal after another." The author has previously used "changes in productive forces as the indirect or ultimate marker, and changes in the relations of production as the direct marker" to divide the whole of socialist society into "the primary stage, the intermediate stage, and the advanced stage."
From a global perspective, the ultimate destination of the social and historical development of all nations must inevitably be the gradual move toward communism through a "transitional revolution," achieving the "full and free development of every individual." In today's world, although humanity remains far from realizing the highest goal of this "transitional revolution," the various fundamental characteristics of the final transition to a communist society are distinct and clear. To this end, Marxist parties across the world must "represent and take care of the future of the movement" within the "movement of the present." For the Communist Party of China (CPC), the great social revolution of socialism with Chinese characteristics currently being conducted in the New Era is inherently consistent and closely integrated with the various fundamental characteristics of the "transitional revolution"; it is an expression of remaining true to our original aspiration and founding mission and continuing to press forward.
(1) Productive force characteristics of the "transitional revolution": The "disappearance of the three old-style divisions of labor" and the "high development of the three natural forces"
The high development of productive forces is an "absolutely necessary practical precondition" for realizing the "transitional revolution." In human history, the three old-style divisions of labor—the gap between town and country, the gap between industry and agriculture, and the gap between mental and manual labor—brought about by insufficient development of productive forces caused the one-sided development of laborers. The "transitional revolution" will "increase the total of productive forces as rapidly as possible," gradually causing the constraints of these "three old-style divisions of labor" on laborers to disappear, and on this basis, achieve the "high development of the three natural forces."
First, achieving the high development of the "natural forces of the laborers themselves." In the "transitional revolution," as production becomes intelligent and the working day is shortened, fixed and forced alienated labor will eventually be replaced by free, conscious, and autonomous labor; labor will change from a means of making a living into life's primary need. Once laborers can develop all their talents fully and freely according to their own interests, their labor capacity will achieve its maximum creative development. Second, achieving the high development of the "natural forces of the physical world." In the "transitional revolution," with the unprecedented and comprehensive socialization of production, "associated producers will rationally regulate their interchange with Nature," bringing nature under their common control to achieve the maximum rational utilization and recycling of the natural forces of the physical world with the minimum expenditure of energy. Third, achieving the high development of the "natural forces of social labor." In the "transitional revolution," the development of each laborer's capacity will no longer be in opposition to others but will serve as a mutual condition. In this way, individual powers will be fully and rationally organized, allowing the combination of social labor to produce a collective united power to the maximum extent. In short, with the "high development of the three natural forces," the entire society’s "springs of cooperative wealth flow more abundantly," thereby providing the material conditions to ensure the maximum realization of the full and free development of every individual.
To this end, Marxist parties worldwide should ensure that current revolutionary movements serve the realization of the productive force characteristics of the "transitional revolution." Since socialism with Chinese characteristics entered the New Era, the CPC has persisted in taking economic construction as the center, vigorously liberating, developing, and protecting productive forces. In particular, through comprehensively deepening reform, it has consciously adjusted the relations of production to stimulate the vitality of social productive forces, thereby continuously meeting the people's aspirations for a better life. All of this is inherently consistent and closely integrated with the productive force characteristics of the "transitional revolution" and will surely provide more and better material conditions for the arrival of the future communist society.
(2) Relations of production characteristics of the "transitional revolution": The "abolition of the three economic relations" and the "establishment of the three economic systems"
Highly developed productive forces will inevitably necessitate the "abolition of the three economic relations"—bourgeois private property, distribution according to capital, and the commodity economy—thereby realizing the "establishment of the three economic systems." First, regarding ownership, the abolition of private property and the establishment of a system of public ownership by the whole of society. Private property of a capitalist nature is the root cause of all inequality; thus, "private property must be abolished," but "only after the necessary mass of means of production has been created can private property be abolished," thereby establishing public ownership by the whole people. This involves "transferring the means of production to the producers for common possession" so that "production will be aimed at the wealth of all." Second, regarding the distribution system, the abolition of distribution according to capital and the establishment of a system of distribution according to need throughout society. Ownership determines the distribution system; therefore, abolishing bourgeois private property is equivalent to abolishing distribution according to capital. On the basis of public ownership, and as material wealth becomes extremely abundant, the distribution of individual consumer goods will implement the principle of "from each according to his ability, to each according to his needs." Third, regarding the regulatory system, the abolition of the commodity economy and the establishment of a planned economic system for the whole of society. The economic regulatory system is likewise an inevitable result of the development of ownership. The blindness of competition in a commodity economy under bourgeois private property often leads to anarchy in production; once the whole of society collectively possesses the means of production, the commodity economy will be abolished, and the "anarchy within social production will be replaced by consciously planned organization." In short, the "establishment of the three economic systems" will completely eliminate all exploitation and classes, providing the economic conditions to ensure the maximum realization of the full and free development of every individual.
To this end, Marxist parties worldwide should ensure that current revolutionary movements serve the realization of the relations of production characteristics of the "transitional revolution." Since socialism with Chinese characteristics entered the New Era, the CPC has persisted in and improved the basic socialist economic systems for the primary stage of socialism [17], such as the dominance of public ownership alongside the common development of multiple forms of ownership, the dominance of distribution according to labor alongside the coexistence of multiple modes of distribution, and the socialist market economy system. All of this is inherently linked to the relations of production characteristics of the "transitional revolution." So long as these are truly implemented, they will surely provide more and better economic conditions for the arrival of the future communist society.
(3) Political characteristics of the "transitional revolution": The "winking away of the three political subjects" and the "establishment of the three political forms"
In the "transitional revolution," as highly developed productive forces gradually eliminate private property and systems of exploitation, the objectivity of the existence of classes is negated; subsequently, the state and political parties, as instruments of class rule, become redundant and inevitably move toward "winking away" (withering away). The "winking away of the three political subjects"—classes, the state, and political parties—must facilitate the "establishment of the three political forms" to manage society. First, achieving the "public form" of political development—the public functions of the state will "lose their political character and be transformed into simple administrative functions of watching over the true interests of society." However, society will still need a certain authoritative organization to manage public affairs; this body will gradually lose its class character and truly manifest its public nature. At that time, "society takes back the state power." Second, achieving the "autonomous form" of political development—the transformation from democracy in the form of the state to democracy in social life. When all members of society can participate in and learn to actually and independently manage social life, "people will gradually become accustomed to observing the elementary rules of social intercourse... without force and without subordination." Third, achieving the "associated form" of political development—the "association of free individuals." The future society cannot immediately abolish the state entirely; it must first pass through the "Social Republic," modeled after the Paris Commune, as a "transitional form from the state to the non-state," and then realize the highest political form of society—an "association of free and equal producers." In short, the "establishment of the three political forms" will completely eliminate all oppression and achieve a high degree of harmony in social relations, providing the political conditions to ensure the maximum realization of the full and free development of every individual.
To this end, Marxist parties worldwide should ensure that current revolutionary movements serve the realization of the political characteristics of the "transitional revolution." For the CPC, it is precisely by consciously basing its actions on these political characteristics that, after contemporary China entered socialist society, it completely overthrew, smashed, and destroyed the state machinery of the exploiting classes, making the working people the masters of the country. However, domestic and international political struggles are exceptionally complex and acute; class contradictions will continue to exist within a certain scope for a long time and may even intensify under certain conditions. Therefore, a new type of state under the dictatorship of the proletariat is still needed to "ensure the political power and interests of the masses." Since socialism with Chinese characteristics entered the New Era, the CPC has unswervingly followed the path of socialist political development with Chinese characteristics. By promoting the development of socialist democratic politics through the organic unity of Party leadership, the people as masters of the country, and law-based governance, it has continuously strengthened the institutional guarantees for the people being masters of the country and accelerated the modernization of the national governance system and governance capacity, thereby more effectively implementing people's democracy. All of this is inherently consistent and closely integrated with the political characteristics of the "transitional revolution" and will surely provide more and better political conditions for the arrival of the future communist society.
(4) Ideological characteristics of the "transitional revolution": The "elimination of the three narrow horizons" and the "establishment of the three types of ideological consciousness"
Social consciousness is a mirror reflecting social existence. In the "transitional revolution," the abundant flow of all material wealth and the establishment of various new social relations bring about a tremendous elevation of people's spiritual realm. Consequently, all members of society, as "new communist human beings," achieve the "elimination of the three narrow horizons" and the "establishment of the three types of ideological consciousness." First, in terms of spiritual consciousness, eliminating the selfish outlook and establishing the selfless outlook. The "transitional revolution," "in its development involves the most radical rupture with traditional ideas." Here, "traditional ideas" refers to the capitalist selfish outlook centered on private ownership, including various forms of fetishism, money worship, and hedonism. Breaking radically with these allows "all humanity to become selfless, intelligent communist laborers with high cultural and technical standards." Second, in terms of theoretical consciousness, eliminating the ignorant worldview and establishing a scientific worldview. The primary roots of the two major worldviews—old materialism and idealism—lie in the backwardness of productive forces and class opposition. In the "transitional revolution," as productive forces become highly developed, classes wither away, social systems are continuously perfected, and advanced scientific culture is widely popularized, people will "gradually discard the bourgeois worldview and establish the proletarian and communist worldview." Third, in terms of moral consciousness, eliminating the individualist moral outlook and establishing the collectivist moral outlook. Interest is the basis of social morality. When "private interests are made to coincide with the interests of humanity," the "transitional revolution" will, on the basis of the consistency of everyone's fundamental interests, truly establish a collectivist moral outlook centered on serving all of humanity whole-heartedly. Thus, "a truly human morality becomes possible." In short, the "establishment of the three types of ideological consciousness" completely eliminates the decadent ideas of all exploiting classes, providing the spiritual conditions to ensure the maximum realization of the full and free development of every individual.
To this end, Marxist parties worldwide should ensure that current revolutionary movements serve the realization of the spiritual characteristics of the "transitional revolution." Since socialism with Chinese characteristics entered the New Era, the CPC has persisted in and consolidated the guiding position of Marxism in the fields of ideology and social sciences, developed advanced socialist culture, strengthened the building of socialist spiritual civilization, cultivated and practiced Socialist Core Values, and inherited and promoted fine traditional Chinese culture, thereby continuously raising the ideological consciousness of the people. All of this is inherently consistent and closely integrated with the spiritual characteristics of the "transitional revolution" and will surely provide more and better spiritual conditions for the arrival of the future communist society.
In summary, the "theory of the triple revolution" forms three successive historical stages that are interconnected, intermingled, and unified within the entire process of the revolutionary movement led by Marxist parties. A deep, comprehensive, complete, and accurate understanding of the triple stipulations of this scientific connotation helps us clarify various misreadings and even distortions of the meaning of "revolution," thereby establishing a scientific and systematic revolutionary outlook for Marxism and its Sinicized theories. On this basis, by always taking the working class and the laboring people as the subjects of revolution, and with the spirit, courage, and resolve to carry the revolution through to the end, we will continue to push the great practice of socialism with Chinese characteristics forward along the Marxist direction and track. "A powerful revolutionary vista—the most powerful of all ages—will immediately unfold before us."
Deeply comprehending the profound connotation and practical significance of General Secretary Xi Jinping’s discourse on the spirit of "carrying the revolution through to the end" requires an integrated understanding of the "Two Upholds" and the "Two Establishments." These are the fundamental political guarantees for maintaining the Party’s nature as a Marxist party and ensuring the long-term stability and security of the country. Since the 18th National Congress, the CPC Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has faced a complex external environment and the daunting tasks of domestic reform, development, and stability. By demonstrating the great courage and resolve of a Marxist statesman and strategist, the Central Committee has promoted historic achievements and shifts in the cause of the Party and the state.
Crucially, "carrying the revolution through to the end" in the New Era necessitates a profound grasp of the struggle between the two social systems. Under the strategic framework of the "Four Comprehensives" and the "Five-Sphere Integrated Plan," the Party must address the "Four Great Challenges" [18] and overcome the "Four Great Dangers" [19]. This process is essentially a form of self-revolution, aimed at purging the body politic of any elements that erode the Party’s advanced nature and purity. By strictly adhering to the Eight-Point Regulations and relentlessly attacking the "Four Winds," the Party has reconstructed its political ecosystem, ensuring that the "blood" of the revolution continues to flow with vigor.
Furthermore, we must coordinate the "Two Great Totals" [20]—the overall strategy for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and the unprecedented changes the world is undergoing in a century. Modernization is not a synonym for Westernization. Chinese-path modernization breaks the myth that "modernization equals Westernization," providing a new choice for human modernization and offering "Chinese wisdom" and "Chinese solutions" for solving the problems facing humanity. This is the global significance of carrying the revolution through to the end: it is not only about the success of socialism with Chinese characteristics but also about the advancement of the human cause toward a community with a shared future for humanity.
To persist over the long term, we must maintain our "strategic focus" (战略定力). In the face of hegemonic power politics and unilateralism, "carrying the revolution through to the end" means never yielding on matters of principle and national core interests. It requires us to accelerate the construction of a new development pattern centered on "dual circulation" and promote high-quality development to ensure that the initiative for development remains firmly in our own hands. As we embark on the new journey toward the Second Centenary Goal [21], we must remain true to our original aspiration and founding mission, ensuring that the red color of our socialist state never fades.