Hou Huiqin: Historical Basis for the New Leap in the Localization of Marxism in China
The historical logic for summarizing the Party's century of struggle requires both historical materialism and a correct outlook on Party history; likewise, studying and comprehending these historical lessons demands the same approach. The Resolution of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on the Major Achievements and Historical Experience of the Party over the Past Century made an important judgment: "Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era is the Marxism of contemporary China and of the 21st century. It embodies the best of Chinese culture and the spirit of our times and represents a new leap in the Sinicization of Marxism." Our understanding of this judgment cannot be confined to a mere summary of the theoretical achievements of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, nor can it stop at analyzing the logical relationships between various theoretical fruits of the Sinicization of Marxism; still less can it be treated as a self-evident conclusion requiring no demonstration. Authority is not established artificially, and the fruits of scientific theoretical innovation are not subjective fabrications. To scientifically define major ideological and theoretical achievements, one must proceed from historical materialism and adopt a broader historical perspective and a more thorough theoretical vision. Only by elucidating the historical basis and the subjective and objective conditions of their formation can we truly unify understanding, coalesce strength, and attain a new level of theoretical self-awareness.
Historical Necessity: The Principle of Historical Materialism Must Be Implemented in Assessing the Fruits of Scientific Marxist Theoretical Innovation
To evaluate the innovative fruits of scientific theory, one must proceed from a scientific conception of history. From the perspective of historical materialism, the evolution of human historical activities and their civilized achievements follows laws, as does the formation of major achievements in the history of human thought. The emergence of scientific ideological fruits cannot be reduced simply to a sudden flash of inspiration in a "genius brain," nor to the requirements of subjective evaluation; rather, it must be viewed through the lens of historical necessity. The famous Marxist theorist Franz Mehring [1] once profoundly noted that Regarding the emergence of Marx’s great ideas, "even the most gifted mind in past ages could not have thought it out. Its secrets are revealed only at a certain point in human history." This view has universal significance and applies to the birth of Marxism and all subsequent major theoretical innovations. Only by fully revealing all the conditions of this "certain point" in history—that is, historical necessity—can we reveal the secret of the formation of scientific theory. Only by distinguishing the boundaries between scientific theory, brilliant conjecture, and beautiful aspirations can we accurately grasp the historical basis for the formation of innovative results in scientific theory.
The basic requirement of historical materialism is not to mistake ideas for reality, nor value-claims for objective truth. All ideological fruits, as conceptual culture, are reflections of social existence; therefore, different states of social existence determine different ideological and cultural fruits. Different types of ideological and cultural fruits possess different values and evaluative standards. "Beautiful aspirations" are rooted in the human demand for "goodness" and moral practice, often expressed through literary works, religious stories, myths, and philosophical thoughts—such as the "Great Unity" (datong) [2] depicted in the Book of Songs (Shijing). Although beautiful aspirations have their own social and historical conditions of production and exert significant social influence, because they transcend specific stages of historical development, they can only serve as value-claims; they cannot become scientific theories and lack guiding significance for practice.
Another requirement of historical materialism is not to conflate "historical prophecy" or reasonable conjecture with scientific theory. Brilliant conjectures often appear during periods when the principal contradictions of social development have emerged but are not yet mature; they are thus immature theoretical responses to immature social contradictions, such as Utopian Socialism. Although brilliant conjectures possess a certain objective historical basis, they lack sufficient practical conditions and often manifest as "masterpieces" of a genius brain rather than historical necessity. Engels pointed out: "Since the historical appearance of the capitalist mode of production, the appropriation by society of all the means of production has often been dreamed of, more or less vaguely, by individuals and whole sects, as the ideal of the future... But it could become possible, could become a historical necessity, only when the actual conditions for its realization were there." [3]
Regarding the formation of scientific theory that reveals historical necessity, historical materialism puts forward the following basic principles:
First, historical laws are not pre-existing or abstract; they are not things that a genius brain can "discover" at any time. Rather, they are generated concretely and historically following the formation of the actual principal contradictions. Therefore, historical necessity is first and foremost an objective possibility. Scientific theory must focus on tasks that have already been placed on the practical agenda and for which the conditions for implementation and resolution are present. Since human society entered class society, the demand to eliminate the polarization of wealth has been heard incessantly. However, as Marx pointed out: "The antithesis between lack of property and property, so long as it is not comprehended as the antithesis of labour and capital, still remains an indifferent antithesis." [4] It is called "indifferent" because if social history has not yet differentiated into the opposition between the two great classes—the bourgeoisie and the proletariat—fundamentally eliminating the gap between rich and poor lacks practical significance. Only when the basic contradictions of capitalist society have taken shape and the principal contradictions matured does the objective possibility of eliminating polarization and achieving common prosperity exist. The innovation of scientific theory must first pose the "questions of the times" on the basis of objective possibility.
Second, historical laws are not imaginary or arbitrary; they are inevitable trends that do not shift according to human subjective will. They are the "tides of the times" that people must follow. Therefore, historical necessity is, in its essence, objective inevitability. Social life is multifarious and complex, and historical changes are dizzying, with human perceptions varying wildly. What constitutes a surging tide? What is an irresistible trend? The absolute requirement of historical materialism is: "to grasp the facts in their entirety, in their interconnection." This "sum of facts" based on dialectical synthesis is not an isolated "instance," nor is it merely a subjective feeling; it is the objective basis of the general trend of history. Engels founded the objective basis of the communist revolution on the "totality of facts"—the formation of socialized productive forces and the modern proletariat. He noted: "If these material elements of a complete revolution are not present (namely, on the one hand the existing productive forces, and on the other the formation of a revolutionary mass, which revolts not only against separate conditions of society up till then, but against the very 'production of life' till then, the 'total activity' on which it was based), then, as far as practical development is concerned, it is absolutely immaterial whether the idea of this revolution has been expressed a hundred times already." [5] The innovation of scientific theory lies in striving to grasp and lead the tides of the times based on a scientific analysis of actual contradictions.
Third, historical laws are not mysterious or unknowable; they can be understood through collective wisdom and verified through scientific practice. Therefore, historical necessity manifests as the essence of the spirit of the times. The consistency between the spirit of the times and objective laws/truths shows that humans are not the puppets of historical laws; rather, they can recognize and utilize objective laws in historical activities, thereby gaining the freedom to create history. Revealing historical necessity through the spirit of the times reflects the historical role of great historical figures. However, past historical figures acted only unconsciously as spokespersons for their age, often viewing themselves as Saviors. Only the great leaders of the working class and its political party are fully conscious of being integrated with the class, the people, and the nation, becoming loyal servants and faithful spokespersons for the people. In reality, the class, the people, the party, and the authoritative leaders together constitute the subject of the people who consciously create history. Among these, the Party's core leadership is the soul of this conscious creation of history by the people. Only with the formation and establishment of this core can the collective wisdom of the Party and the people be concentrated to the greatest extent, and the masses as the subject of history become a reality. The innovation of scientific theory lies in fully elucidating the essence of the spirit of the times formed in this process.
The Historical Overlap of "Two Periods": Facing the Epochal Question of "Where is the World Heading?" at the Historical Turning Point of the 21st Century
The great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation is, fundamentally, the process by which China—having fallen seriously behind in modern times—integrates into world history, catches up with the tides of the times, and returns to the center of the world stage under the leadership of the Communist Party of China and the guidance of Marxism. In this consistent process of great social revolution, which combines the basic tenets of Marxism with the reality of China, several interconnected yet distinct historical stages must emerge due to changes in principal contradictions, epochal characteristics, challenges, and responses. Consequently, the results of the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism that reflect these stage-based changes achieve corresponding historical leaps. The new characteristics exhibited by 21st-century world history are the historical premises for Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era to achieve a new leap in the Sinicization of Marxism.
The contemporary world is undergoing profound and complex changes and is at a historical juncture of transitioning between old and new drivers of growth; it can be described as "changes unseen in a century." On one hand, peace, development, openness, integration, and win-win cooperation have become irresistible tides of the times. On the other hand, forces clinging to old development concepts, models, and structures are constantly stirring up countercurrents and headwinds, attempting to resist the era's trend. Compounded by the sudden and protracted ravages of the COVID-19 pandemic, the world has entered a "period of turbulence and transformation." At the same time, China has entered the historical convergence period of the "Two Centenary Goals." [6] "We are closer, more confident, and more capable than ever before of making the goal of national rejuvenation a reality." The historical overlap of these "two periods" indicates that the world today stands at a juncture of great historical transformation: strong epochal tides coexist with increasing unpredictable and uncontrollable risks; the trend of peace, development, and win-win cooperation exists alongside headwinds and countercurrents. At such a historical crossroads, the world exhibits a multifaceted nature of mutual agitation and rapid change, making it easy for people to become confused about "where we are heading." "People are both full of expectations and confused about the future. What is happening to the world? What should we do? These are questions the whole world is pondering." This is a new historical stage distinct from any previous time. A scientific answer to the "questions of the times" arising from this historical stage will inevitably catalyze a new leap in the Sinicization of Marxism.
Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era utilizes the Marxist worldview to analyze and grasp the general trend of history and correctly handle the relationship between China and the world in this new historical stage. It analyzes evolution mechanisms and explores historical laws from the long river of history, the tides of the times, and global currents, proposing corresponding strategies and tactics. The essence of these "great changes" is the historical restructuring of the international order—which has been actively maintained since World War II—as well as profound changes in international politics, economy, technology, culture, and security. The global COVID-19 pandemic has accelerated the evolution of these major changes. The latest fruit of the Sinicization of Marxism profoundly reveals the three major trends of turbulence and transformation in the world today.
The transformation of the world begins first with a change in the forces leading economic globalization. "Economic globalization is the tide of the times we must face when planning development." A key focal point for the contemporary world at this crossroads is how to view the "double-edged sword" effect currently exhibited by economic globalization. This "double-edged sword" proves that the economic globalization driven for so long by the unrestrained pursuit of profit by capital has irretrievably declined. A model of economic development where the rich get richer and the poor get poorer is not only unsustainable but also inevitably triggers various social conflicts; the capital monopoly logic of adhering to a Cold War mentality, zero-sum games, and "winner-takes-all" is now riddled with holes. New leading forces and new development concepts are the objective requirements for the healthy development of economic globalization today. China conforms to the tides of the times—peace, development, and win-win cooperation—viewing the development of other countries as its own opportunity and transforming its own development into opportunities for others, achieving win-win results through mutually beneficial cooperation. This has solved many difficult problems in contemporary world development. Precisely because of this, as China continues to grow and strengthen, its influence and appeal to the world also continue to increase. In today's economic globalization, China has gradually transformed from a follower to a leader in many fields, becoming the main contributor to global economic growth. Replacing the selfish, zero-sum game of capital's capricious profit-seeking with a "community with a shared future for humanity" characterized by win-win cooperation is the most fundamental change occurring in economic globalization today.
The global transition is further manifested in the opening of a new path toward modernization. Modernization is an irresistible historical tide; it was a historical necessity for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation to merge into the current of world modernization. For a long time, however, the "myth" manufactured by hostile Western ideologies blew the development models of Western countries into a "universal model," advocating that modernization is equivalent to Westernization. The success of socialism with Chinese characteristics demonstrates that developing countries today must embark on a new path toward modernization that accords with their own realities. The path of Chinese-path modernization is a road of comprehensive innovation; it takes the capitalist model of modernization as a cautionary reference, takes the historical tide as its basis, and takes the well-being of the people of its own country and the world as its aim. Chinese modernization has shattered the logic that "a strong country must seek hegemony" [7] and the vicious cycle in which late-developing nations inevitably become Western vassals. It follows a path of socialist modernization that is fundamentally distinct from capitalist modernization. While actively integrating into world development, China has maintained its own independence and forged a modernization path with its own characteristics, distinct from any currently developed country. This involves shifting from being centered on capital’s pursuit of profit to being people-centered; from using polarization as a driver to using common development as an incentive; from achieving growth at the cost of the ecology to realizing harmonious coexistence between humanity and nature; and from dependent development that sacrifices independence to equality, mutual benefit, and win-win cooperation. All this indicates that for developing countries to find a modernization path suited to their own development, they must essentially find an innovative path distinct from Western modernization.
The global transition is also manifested in the creation of a new form of human civilization. The great road of human civilization has accumulated the outstanding achievements of human historical activities, and its trends are grasped by the tide and spirit of the times. A crucial trend of the "global transition" appearing in the current era is the initiation of a new form of human civilization. The "End of History" [8] thesis that emerged in the late 20th century reflected the "Western civilization superiority" theory that had occupied a dominant position in human history for a considerable period. It regarded Western institutional designs as the pinnacle of human institutional civilization, refusing to believe that any better system could exist apart from Western-style democracy and freedom; it unscrupulously labeled Western values as "universal values," making no secret of its contempt for and rejection of other value systems. However, in today’s world, mutual respect, exchange, and mutual learning among different civilizations have become an irresistible trend of the times. This trend expresses three major demands: first, that civilizational diversity is the inexhaustible driver of human progress, and there is no such thing as a superior civilizational center reigning supreme over others; second, that the way for different civilizations to coexist is through mutual respect, exchange, and mutual learning, rather than using civilization as a basis for value-based confrontation or "clashes of civilizations"; third, that the diversity of civilizations specifically requires respecting the rights of all peoples to independently choose their own paths and systems, the democratization of international relations, and normal exchange, fusion, and competition between different cultures. "Although fallacies such as the clash of civilizations and civilizational superiority resurface from time to time, civilizational diversity remains the inexhaustible driver of human progress, and exchange and mutual learning between different civilizations is the common aspiration of all peoples."
The accurate grasping of these three major historical trends shows that the emergence of a "new inflection point" in the development of world history today is no longer a subjective wish, but a daily maturing objective reality. Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era thus reveals the new connotations of the "question of the times"—namely, "where is the world going?"—analyzes its primary contradictions and the principal aspects of those contradictions, and lays a solid objective foundation for scientifically answering this subject of the era.
The Synchronous Intertwining of the "Two Overarching Situations": The Chinese Answer as Socialism with Chinese Characteristics Enters a New Era
The most significant and profound change within the great changes in the world is the change in the relationship between China and the world—that China is increasingly moving toward the center of the world stage and becoming an important force influencing global shifts. As General Secretary Xi Jinping has pointed out: "Currently, our country is in its best period of development since modern times, while the world is undergoing great changes unseen in a century; the two are synchronously intertwined and interact with each other." We must recognize not only that the strategic global situation of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation is formed and unfolded under the great changes unseen in a century, but also that this rejuvenation itself is a crucial component and profound driver of those changes. We must seize the strategic opportunities afforded by the great changes unseen in a century to advance the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, and simultaneously promote the positive development of the global situation through this rejuvenation. China's development cannot be separated from the world, and the world's development cannot be separated from China. This is both the fundamental aspect of the relationship between China and the world and the basic historical basis for socialism with Chinese characteristics entering the New Era.
The "synchronous intertwining" of the two overarching situations establishes a new historical orientation for contemporary China's development upon a realistic basis and determines the nature of the relationship between contemporary China and the world. According to the Marxist viewpoint, only things that exist as world-historical entities can possess world-historical significance. Marx’s demonstration of the world-historical mission of the modern proletariat established this principle from the very beginning: as soon as one recognizes oneself, one recognizes the world; as soon as one realizes oneself, one realizes the transformation of the world. He pointed out: "When the proletariat proclaims the dissolution of the hitherto existing world order, it merely states the secret of its own existence, for it is in fact the dissolution of that world order. When the proletariat demands the negation of private property, it merely elevates to the rank of a principle of society what society has already elevated to the rank of its principle, what is embodied in it, the proletariat, as the negative result of society, without its own assistance." This principle is important because it is not only a concrete elaboration of the self-negation of capitalism and a profound revelation of the laws of capitalism's demise, but also the establishment of a realistic basis for understanding the objective laws of history.
When China manages its own affairs well, it constitutes a contribution to the world. If we say that upholding socialism with Chinese characteristics has been the theme of all our theory and practice since the start of Reform and Opening-up, then today this theme is converging with the era’s theme of peace and development. If China's reform and development in the past still involved many particular problems unique to itself, today the major problems we need to solve are all global problems, which can only be resolved through cooperation with all countries in an environment of opening-up. It is evident that we are at such a historical juncture: "Only that which belongs to the nation belongs to the world; only by leading the era can one move toward the world." This means that today, by summarizing China’s historical experience well and conceptualizing the regularities [9] within it, we can truly understand the questions of the era we face and profoundly grasp the pulse and direction of world history. By managing China’s affairs well and upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics, we can crack the puzzle of "where is humanity going" and lead the tide of the times. This dictates that the theoretical innovation of contemporary Chinese Marxism must be an original theoretical contribution and must possess world-historical significance.
Since the 18th CPC National Congress, in the process of solving many difficult problems we long sought to solve but could not, and accomplishing many great tasks we previously wished to achieve but could not—thereby pushing the cause of the Party and the state to achieve historical successes and undergo historical transformations—we have successfully cracked three world-class puzzles. These are: the world-class puzzle of eliminating poverty; the puzzle of the world socialist movement regarding the coordination of the finalization of national institutions with the modernization of the state governance system; and the puzzle of a world governing party maintaining long-term governance without falling into corruption. We have formed corresponding results in theoretical innovation. This not only highlights the universal significance of the Chinese solution, Chinese experience, Chinese path, and Chinese spirit, but also provides solid realistic evidence for the new leap in the Sinicization of Marxism.
First, by cracking the world-class puzzle of eliminating poverty, we formed a theory of anti-poverty with Chinese characteristics. Poverty is not only a long-standing companion of human history but also a major global issue in the contemporary world; it exists not only in the vast number of underdeveloped countries but also widely within developed nations. Therefore, eliminating absolute poverty according to current standards truly became a world-class puzzle. In 2021, our country successfully achieved the First Centenary Goal, built a moderately prosperous society in all respects on the land of China, and historically resolved the problem of absolute poverty. We achieved the poverty reduction targets of the UN 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development ten years ahead of schedule, creating a miracle in the history of human poverty reduction.
The difficulty in solving the poverty problem lies in breaking through the logic of capital. The modern problem of poverty is rooted in the capitalist mode of production; polarization and the maintenance of an unemployed (impoverished) population are both the drivers of capitalist economic development and the inevitable result of the maximum extraction of surplus value. Therefore, solving the poverty problem is essentially a fundamental shift in the mode of economic development, a change in the fundamental attributes of national institutions, and a fundamental shift in values. Economic development must be implemented as "people-centered," national institutions must highlight "the whole country acting as a single chessboard" [10] and "concentrating resources to accomplish major tasks," and values must shift from the pursuit of self-interest maximization toward "common prosperity." Under the guidance of private ownership and the market values of individual egoism, capitalism certainly cannot solve the poverty problem through mere "charity." China’s historical resolution of absolute poverty demonstrates that under the Party’s leadership, our country’s socialist market economy system has reached a localized finality. This is a market economy combined with the basic socialist economic system and core values; it is a new model of market economy development.
Second, we cracked the puzzle of state governance in world socialism and formed the theory of advancing the modernization of state governance while perfecting national institutions. Socialist countries were all born in the fires of war, and their institutional building initially possessed the characteristics of wartime systems. Under conditions of long-term peaceful construction, and especially under conditions of comprehensive opening-up, how to overcome the disconnect between national institutions and state governance is a problem that world socialism had not truly solved. The reasons for this are primarily: First, a lack of steadfastness—theory was not thorough or clear, leading to a lack of political sobriety and resolve. When the development of practice posed new challenges to institutional design, they either doubted or even discarded theory, or avoided the challenges to rigidly defend theory, making it difficult to achieve true breakthroughs in the construction of socialist institutions. Second, a lack of innovativeness—major political concepts such as freedom, democracy, the rule of law, and human rights, which are distinct from capitalism, remained at the level of critical functions for a long time; their operability as values shared by humanity was not resolved so as to be implemented in national institutions and state governance. Third, a lack of consciousness—they failed to grasp the key issue of how to maintain the advanced nature and purity of the Communist Party and truly take upholding the Party's leadership and the Party's self-revolution as the core of socialist national institutional building.
The Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has centered on the construction of national institutions, forming an ideological theory centered on upholding and perfecting the Party’s leadership regarding institutional essence, construction, and effects. This broke through the puzzles of institutional construction and state governance in the world socialist movement. We should clearly explain and fully comprehend the core and soul of the socialist system through the internal unity of theory and practice, history and reality, and experiences and lessons, achieving a state of zero ambiguity and zero wavering. This means that upholding the Party’s leadership is the "defining feature and advantage of the system of socialism with Chinese characteristics," that "having the Communist Party of China in power is a great blessing for China, the Chinese people, and the Chinese nation," and that "the key to upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics lies in the Party." Correspondingly, by adhering to "comprehensively and strictly governing the Party" and leading the great social revolution conducted by the people through the Party's self-revolution, we have formed a complete, institutionalized approach to ensuring the Party's advanced nature and purity, solving this world-class puzzle.
Finally, we cracked the world-class governing puzzle of maintaining long-term governance by a governing party without falling into corruption, forming a theory of resisting corruption and promoting integrity with Chinese characteristics. State power is a special public power formed in class society that spontaneously places itself above society. The use of public power for private gain and the estrangement from the people is its inertia—hence the saying "power tends to corrupt." Therefore, how to maintain long-term governance without corruption is a major puzzle troubling governing parties in all countries. Western countries can only respond through institutional "alternation of parties" and "checks and balances," but these treat the symptoms rather than the root cause.
Under the conditions of Reform and Opening-up, the increasing depth of the market economy, and an increasingly complex external environment, maintaining long-term governance without succumbing to corruption constitutes a new test and a difficult problem for the Communist Party of China. Through arduous exploration and unremitting efforts, we have not only achieved an overwhelming victory in the anti-corruption struggle, but have also essentially blazed a trail for effectively resisting corruption and maintaining integrity. This has been achieved by incorporating this difficult problem into the strategic layout of comprehensively and strictly governing the Party in the New Era, using it as a handle for the Party’s advancement and purity construction and for self-revolution. By grasping the laws governing the improvement of Party conduct and the building of a clean government, we have "integrated the promotion of ensuring that officials dare not, cannot, and do not want to be corrupt." In terms of "daring not," the anti-corruption struggle has no forbidden zones, full coverage, and zero tolerance, characterized by the unwavering commitment to "beating tigers," "swatting flies," and "hunting foxes" [11]. In terms of "cannot," "locking power in the cage of institutions" means establishing, regulating, constraining, and supervising power in accordance with the law. Meanwhile, "not wanting to be corrupt" is a unique feature of the anti-corruption theory of socialism with Chinese characteristics, representing the fundamental way to address the root causes of corruption. We firmly believe that the use of public office for private gain will eventually be eliminated along with private ownership in the process of human history moving toward the elimination of classes and exploitation. Therefore, we firmly believe in the power of scientific faith; we believe that for us, the trust and praise of the people will outweigh the temptations of power; and we believe that the vast number of Party members can remain true to their original aspiration and founding mission. The resolution of these three major world-class problems and the formation of their corresponding theoretical achievements have laid a heavy realistic foundation for the new leap in the Sinicization of Marxism.
The Coordination and Unity of the "Two Relationships": Upholding the Fundamentals and Breaking New Ground in the New Leap of Sinicized Marxism
Gaining the high degree of identification from the whole Party and all the people, thereby becoming a common ideological foundation for the Party and the people to work with one heart and one mind in united struggle, constitutes the ideological and emotional basis for realizing the new leap in the Sinicization of Marxism. The key to this foundation lies in treating Marxism scientifically and correctly grasping the relationship between Marxism and the innovative achievements of Sinicized Marxism. It is not easy for the Party to establish a new guiding ideology; this concerns not only the theoretical innovations of Sinicized Marxism itself, but also the Marxist proficiency of the entire Party. Before the Seventh National Congress of the CPC, it was only through the four-year "Yan'an Rectification Movement" [12]—which included the 11-month-long Seventh Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee—that the whole Party achieved a high degree of ideological unity, leading to the successful establishment of Mao Zedong Thought as the Party's guiding ideology at the Seventh National Congress. Today, in order to continuously strengthen the "Four Consciousnesses" [13], we must first "align ourselves" [14] with the Party Central Committee on the issue of treating Marxism scientifically.
The Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core upholds the Party’s consistent principle of integrating theory with practice. It regards the "style of study"—that is, the attitude toward Marxism—as the primary and most important issue, emphasizing development while persisting in principles, and innovation on the basis of inheritance, which is summarized as "upholding the fundamentals and breaking new ground." Starting from this point, the Central Committee has profoundly elucidated the dual relationship between the innovative achievements of Sinicized Marxism and Marxism itself: first, the relationship between persistence and development, inheritance and innovation; second, the relationship between the "source" and the "flow," or the "root" and the "tree."
Regarding the first relationship, Marxist theory, which originated from the scientific dissection of typical capitalism, must undergo a creative transformation when applied to countries where capitalism is extremely underdeveloped. In this process, one must oppose both dogmatism that copies text mechanically and opportunism that departs from the "classics" and the "way," thereby unifying persistence with development, and inheritance with innovation. The innovativeness of combining theory with practice is concentrated in the innovation of guiding ideology. On one hand, to elevate the actual needs of a nation’s historical development to a historical height that transcends capitalism, one must find the historical point of convergence between the two. One must rethink the issues of national survival and development from the new angle of world history, forming a theoretical vision that can align with the world socialist movement. On the other hand, to creatively transform the basic principles of Marxism into theoretical guidance that meets the needs of the nation’s historical stage of development, there must be major breakthroughs in stage-specific goals, revolutionary methods, action programs, and strategic tactics, forming a guide to action for specific practice. Thus, it is evident that the integration of Marxism with the actual conditions of various countries remains the only path for the innovative development of Marxism today, and its results remain the only form in which the vitality of this scientific theory is manifested. In this regard, we must unreservedly affirm the originality of the theoretical achievements of Sinicized Marxism and unswervingly continue to promote the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism.
Regarding the second relationship, although Marxism must progress with the progress of the times and develop with the development of practice, its basic theories remain the root and source of a continuously developing Marxism and still possess universal guiding significance that transcends specific eras. The original achievements of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era are, in essence, products of grasping and leading the era under the guidance of Marxism; they are new developments resulting from the integration of Marxism with China’s actual conditions. No matter how much progress we make or how high an ideological realm we open up, we must never forget this origin, let alone abandon this foundation. As General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "Marxism is the root of the towering tree of the continuous development of the cause of our Party and the people; it is the source of the ten-thousand-mile long river along which our Party and the people continuously forge ahead."
History has fully proven: "Marx's ideological theory originated from that era yet transcends that era; it is both the essence of the spirit of that era and the essence of the spirit of all humanity." By founding the worldviews of dialectical materialism and historical materialism, Marxism laid the scientific foundation for understanding and grasping the world and its objective laws. By revealing the laws of motion regarding the contradictions between the productive forces and relations of production, and between the economic base and the superstructure, it analyzed the root causes of socio-historical conflicts, objective trends, and the status of the masses as the subjects of history. On this basis, it demonstrated the conditions for the liberation of the modern proletariat and its historical mission. By revealing the law of surplus value, it elucidated the historical logic of the birth, development, and inevitable demise of capitalism, exposing the internal basis of capitalism’s self-negation. Through research into the dissolution of primitive society and the origin of private property, as well as the summary of the experience of the international workers' movement, it revealed the realistic path to the elimination of classes and entry into a classless society through the dictatorship of the proletariat. These basic principles are scientific truths that we must still strive to uphold today.
Comrade Mao Zedong pointed out that the issue of the style of study "is a question of our attitude toward Marxism-Leninism, a question of the working attitude of all comrades of the Party. Since this is so, the question of the style of study is a very important question, the first and foremost question." Whether the style of study is correct relates not only to the scientific evaluation of the Party's theoretical innovations, but even more to the persistence in the foundation of Marxist guidance; it is a touchstone for testing the Marxist theoretical level of the entire Party. The Communist Party of China has sincerely realized that: "If we deviate from or abandon Marxism, our Party would lose its soul and lose its direction. On the fundamental issue of upholding the guiding status of Marxism, we must be steadfast and must not waver in the slightest at any time or under any circumstances." This is the ideological guarantee for the high degree of unity and solidarity of the whole Party.