Marxism Research Network
Unofficial English Translation

Li Shenming et al.: Fundamental Reasons, Lessons, and Inspirations from the Collapse of the Party and State in the Soviet Union (Part II)

Notable Scholars

III. Important Revelations from the Collapse of the Party and State in the Soviet Union Thinking of danger in times of safety, taking the Soviet Union as a mirror, and summarizing the lessons from the collapse of the Soviet Communist Party and the disintegration of the Soviet Union over thirty years ago will inevitably inspire Chinese Communists to think more deeply and scientifically. This will yield necessary revelations, allowing us to better steer the ship of the great cause of national rejuvenation as it cleaves through the waves and forges ahead.

(1) We must strengthen the "Four Consciousnesses," resolutely uphold Comrade Xi Jinping’s core position on the Party Central Committee and in the Party as a whole, and resolutely uphold the Central Committee’s authority and centralized, unified leadership; simultaneously, we must ensure the fundamental plan of having successors to our cause. Taking the Soviet Union as a mirror helps us more profoundly understand the pivotal role of leaders of proletarian political parties in history. During the era of the Communist League, the First International, and the early Second International, the leadership of figures like Marx and Engels led the international communist cause to great achievements. After the deaths of Marx and Engels, the leaders of the Second International and most of its constituent parties slid into revisionism, leading to the International's bankruptcy. Under the leadership of Lenin and Stalin, the Russian Bolshevik Party secured the victory of the October Revolution, established the socialist system, and opened a new era in human history. From the Khrushchev period onward, and particularly under the leadership of Gorbachev, the Soviet Communist Party (CPSU) accelerated its degeneration, resulting in the tragedy of the collapse of the Party and the state. Party leaders are the most core component of the political superstructure. Whether Party leaders are firm and clear-headed Marxists often plays a decisive role in the cause of scientific socialism under certain conditions.

On the other hand, another point merits deep reflection. The reason Marx, Engels, and Lenin devoted themselves to the struggle against opportunists in the international communist movement—such as Lassalle, Proudhon, Bakunin, the "Zurich Trio," Bernstein, Kautsky, and Scheidemann—was to ensure that the supreme power of the proletarian party remained in the hands of leaders who adhered to Marxism-Leninism. This is the key to the victory of the cause of the Party and the people.

Taking the Soviet Union as a mirror helps us more profoundly understand that the emergence and maintenance of Party leaders who adhere to Marxism-Leninism is of critical significance. That Chinese Communists were able to achieve great transitions and turn peril into safety at major historical junctures was crucially because the Zunyi Conference established Comrade Mao Zedong's leadership position in the Party Central Committee and the Red Army, leading from victory to victory thereafter. The smooth operation of China’s reform and opening up over several decades was because Comrade Deng Xiaoping insisted on the Four Cardinal Principles [1], maintained Comrade Mao Zedong’s historical status, and upheld the guiding role of Mao Zedong Thought, ensuring the country’s stability and unity. Since the 18th Party Congress, our Party has been able to solve many long-standing difficult problems, accomplish many significant long-term tasks, and open a New Era for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation precisely because of the strong and correct leadership of the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core.

Our Party’s establishment of Comrade Xi Jinping’s core position on the Party Central Committee and in the Party as a whole, and the establishment of the guiding role of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era (the "Two Establishments"), reflects the common aspiration of the entire Party and the people of all ethnic groups nationwide. It laid a solid ideological, theoretical, political, organizational, and public-opinion foundation for the successful convening of the 20th Party Congress this year. It is of decisive significance for advancing the historical process of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and for persisting in and developing the grand cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics. We must clearly recognize the major practical significance and profound historical significance of the "Two Establishments." It is a source of great comfort and fortune that our Party has produced an outstanding leader like Comrade Xi Jinping and formed Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. Therefore, profoundly understanding the "Two Establishments" and resolutely achieving the "Two Upholds" is not only the "greatest concern of the state" [2] but, first and foremost, the "greatest concern of the Party." It is recommended that education on the relationships between Marxist leaders, political parties, classes, and the masses be conducted throughout the Party at appropriate times, especially among middle- and high-ranking cadres. In this education, "Six Clarifications" need to be achieved:

  1. Clarify that the people, and only the people, are the true driving force creating world history;
  2. Clarify that every era needs and will produce its own great figures;
  3. Clarify the role of individuals in history, especially the important role of proletarian leaders;
  4. Clarify that the people’s reverence and love for their own leaders is legitimate and fundamentally different from the unprincipled flattery and "personality cults" [3] practiced by "honey-tongued but dagger-hearted" [4] conspirators; we must maintain the necessary authority of leaders emerged through the practice of revolutionary struggle and prevent conspirators like Khrushchev and Gorbachev from using slogans like "opposing the personality cult" to sabotage the prestige of leaders or exclude them from playing their roles;
  5. Clarify the relationship between Lenin’s statement that a proletarian party is "ordinarily led by a relatively stable group of the most authoritative, influential, and experienced members, who are elected to the most important positions and are called leaders" and the implementation of tenure systems for leading cadres;
  6. Clarify that the tenure system practiced by the West, led by the United States, is essentially intended to mask and maintain the permanent rule of capital, which is fundamentally different from our implementation of a tenure system combined with the "three-in-one" combination of the old, the middle-aged, and the young [5] for the fundamental interests of the people. Comrade Xi Jinping is a successor to the cause of proletarian revolution and a "political leader and advanced representative" of the proletariat, cultivated through both the Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping eras. The entire Party, especially high-ranking cadres, must resolutely achieve the "Two Upholds."

The century-long history of the Communist Party of China's struggle, the 70-plus years of New China's development, and the profound lessons of the collapse of the Party and state in the Soviet Union all remind and warn us: it was not easy for our Party to form a leadership core that adheres to and develops Marxism-Leninism. Attaining such a strong leadership core requires going through hardships and tribulations. Therefore, we must doubly cherish the hard-won situation we have today and take vigorous measures to ensure the cause of the Party remains forever in the hands of Marxists, ensuring the Party's cause never fades and its nature never changes. This is necessary both for realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and for the eternal cause of communism.

To ensure the long-term stability and prosperity of the Party's cause, we must ensure for ten thousand generations that the supreme power of the Party is firmly held in the hands of Marxists. Attention should be paid to researching and summarizing why, for a period of time, "especially among a very small number of high-ranking cadres, political ambitions swelled, they became obsessed with power, practiced feigning compliance while acting in opposition [6], formed cliques and factions for private gain, and engaged in political conspiracies to seize power and positions." We must "resolutely prevent careerists and conspirators from usurping the power of the Party and the state." Simultaneously, we must ensure the fundamental plan of having successors to our cause, continuously cultivating and selecting high-quality clusters of young comrades who possess both political integrity and professional competence, who are loyal, clean, and responsible, and who have the ability to uphold the fundamentals and break new ground. This is a plan for a hundred years, a thousand years, and an important guarantee for the continued success of the cause of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

Xi Jinping has repeatedly emphasized the need to be wary of "two-faced people" [7]. Among cadres at all levels, especially high-ranking cadres, and particularly during the evaluations for personnel arrangements for the 20th Party Congress, we must be highly vigilant against those who loudly shout "Two Upholds" in words while inwardly seeking to practice capitalism, create division, or engage in conspiracies, preventing them from infiltrating the highest levels of the Party and various critical departments.

(2) We must persist in the Party’s self-revolution, maintain the Party’s vitality and vigor, and escape the historical cycle of the rise and fall of political parties and regimes. Because the Gorbachev leadership group became thoroughly degenerate politically, incited historical nihilism [8], comprehensively vilified the history of the CPSU and the Soviet Union, and smeared Lenin and Stalin, they became completely detached from the masses and were eventually abandoned by them. The lesson of the CPSU's failure warns us: Communists leading the proletariat and the masses to seize state power and using their political rule to build socialism and ultimately realize communism—this original aspiration and founding mission is the source of the Party’s continuous vitality and revolutionary nature. Forgetting this mission is a political betrayal of the people.

China’s process of reform and opening up has not been entirely smooth sailing. Some attempted to take the opportunity of our Party correcting the errors of the "Cultural Revolution" to comprehensively smear the Party’s history and the history of New China, disparage the glorious image of the Party’s great leaders, and even deny Comrade Deng Xiaoping’s scientific analysis in Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping, Vol. 2 (Beijing: People's Publishing House, 1994, p. 149) that the starting point for Comrade Mao Zedong launching the "Cultural Revolution" was "primarily based on the requirements of opposing and preventing revisionism." Some, disregarding the deep feelings and endurance of the masses for the Great Leader, attempted to use historical nihilism to totally negate Mao Zedong, repeatedly causing public indignation and unrest. Others, through memoirs, novels, and video programs, fabricated various false stories to drive a wedge between leaders and the "flesh-and-blood" connection between the Party and the masses, seeking to incite turmoil, deny the leadership of the CPC, and subvert China’s socialist system. These tendencies were only gradually resolved after the 18th Party Congress through the continuous critique of historical nihilism and other erroneous trends. Only by focusing on timely resolving this repeatedly surfacing contradiction can we maintain stable social development, prevent political disturbances that endanger national security, and enjoy the strategic opportunity for long-term stable development.

Maintaining the flesh-and-blood connection between the Party and the masses is a glorious tradition that the Chinese Communists, with Comrade Mao Zedong as their chief representative, practiced personally and left to posterity. General Secretary Xi Jinping inherited and carried forward this fine tradition, innovatively developing it into the thoughts on the Party's self-revolution and persisting in a people-centered approach. He continuously emphasizes that in the New Era, we must still accept the people's test with the spirit of "going to Beijing for the examination" [9] and deliver a satisfactory performance to the people. From this emerged the "mass line education" that touches the soul, the anti-corruption spirit of "scraping the poison off the bone" [10] and "the brave man cutting off his own wrist" [11], and the self-revolution task of "staying true to our original aspiration and founding mission." This is a continuation of the dialogue in the Yan'an cave between Comrade Mao Zedong and Mr. Huang Yanpei [12]; it is a continuation of the tradition of caring for the masses' lives and paying attention to work methods; it is a reappearance of the stance that regards the people as a "bastion of iron"; it is the development of the spirit of "people's war" that drowns the enemy in a "vast ocean"; and it is the promotion of the spiritual character of Zhang Side and Jiao Yulu [13]. Comrade Mao Zedong spoke many times on the view that "US imperialism is a paper tiger." In January 1964, while meeting with a French parliamentary delegation, he mentioned again: "Now we say there are two big paper tigers, the United States and the Soviet Union. Whether my words are effective, we shall see in the future... The so-called paper tiger means that the US and the Soviet Union have detached themselves from the masses." The essence of a paper tiger is detachment from the masses; this is a brand-new summarization of the paper tiger's nature. We must prevent a regime from becoming a paper tiger due to detachment from the masses.

In the New Era, our Party has embarked on a "new journey to face the examination." General Secretary Xi Jinping raised the question of "escaping the historical cycle of the rise and fall of political parties and regimes" once more. His proposal of "developing whole-process people's democracy" in his speech at the ceremony marking the 100th anniversary of the CPC is the new thinking for solving the "historical cycle" problem. Comrade Mao Zedong mentioned many times that only by truly mobilizing the people to manage state affairs can we prevent "the governance ending when the leader dies" [14]. He emphasized: we must never understand the rights of the people as the state being managed by a portion of the people while the masses merely enjoy rights to labor, education, and social insurance under their management; we must speak of "the right of laborers to manage the state, the military, various enterprises, and culture and education." In reality, these are the greatest and most fundamental rights of laborers under the socialist system. During the "Three-Antis" and "Five-Antis" campaigns [15] in 1952, our Party established worker supervision within capitalist enterprises; power was held entirely in the hands of the workers, and the factory management had to "read the expressions" [16] of the Party branch secretary to get things done. Later, "Committees for Increasing Production and Practicing Economy" were established, composed of representatives from state personnel, workers, and capitalists. In practice, the management rights of the enterprises were in the hands of state personnel and workers.

In the New Era, only by carrying forward this "spirit of being masters of the house" can we win the enthusiastic support and broad participation of the people, fully mobilize the initiative and creativity of the broadest masses, and hope to create a new form of human civilization that the people of the world aspire to.

(3) We must effectively focus on economic construction as the center of our work, consolidate and expand the socialist public-ownership economy, and unswervingly promote common prosperity for the people. The emergence of the collapse of the Soviet Party and state was actually the result of the politically degenerate upper leadership clique plundering, disintegrating, and destroying the foundation of Soviet public ownership. Later in Russia, Yeltsin and others spared no effort to forcibly legalize privatization reforms. By the time the people realized they had been deceived, it was already too late.

Public ownership is a fundamental condition and hallmark of socialism replacing and surpassing capitalism. The Communist Manifesto points out: for Communists, "In all these movements, they bring to the front, as the leading question in each, the property question, no matter what its degree of development at the time."

Let alone the Communists represented by Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, and Mao Zedong, even the utopian socialists Saint-Simon, Fourier, and Owen clearly acknowledged that the precondition for an ideal society was the realization of public ownership. Even the Book of Great Unity (Datong Shu) [17], written by the Chinese bourgeois thinker Kang Youwei, maintained that the "Age of Great Peace" (the highest level of an ideal society) must be a society based on public ownership. Without public ownership, there is no socialism. Although these are matters of elementary common sense, many people either remain silent about them or are utterly ignorant of them.

Based on its own national conditions, China has adjusted the established socialist public ownership system during the reform process, forming a basic economic system in which public ownership remains the mainstay while diverse forms of ownership develop together. Despite the constant onslaught of privatization waves backed by Western influence, we have never wavered in our firm understanding of the primary status of public ownership. General Secretary Xi Jinping noted: "We must unswervingly consolidate and develop the public sector of the economy, and unswervingly encourage, support, and guide the development of the non-public sector, encouraging various forms of ownership to draw on each other's strengths, promote one another, and develop together. At the same time, we must be very clear that our country's basic economic system is an important pillar of the system of socialism with Chinese characteristics and the foundation of the socialist market economy [18]. The mainstay status of public ownership cannot be shaken, and the leading role of the state-owned economy cannot be shaken. This is the institutional guarantee for the people of all ethnic groups in our country to share the fruits of development, and an important guarantee for consolidating the Party’s governing position and upholding our country's socialist system." We must use the Soviet Union as a mirror, rally closely around the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core, and—with perfect assurance—consolidate and expand the socialist economic base centered on public ownership, protecting this most important "family property" [19] upon which the people's status as masters of the country depends.

General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "Due to various reasons, there are still some prominent problems in China's income distribution, mainly the widening income gap, the low proportion of labor remuneration in primary distribution, and the low proportion of resident income in national income distribution." The widening gap in income distribution is an unavoidable and urgent problem currently facing China. These issues are not merely economic; more importantly, they concern the realization of the goal of common prosperity and the original aspiration and founding mission of seeking happiness for the people. They concern the masses' faith in socialism with Chinese characteristics and the question of whose side the people are on [20]. Only by solving the prominent problems in the field of income distribution can we eliminate hidden threats to continuous and stable economic and social development, ensuring that the great ship of socialism with Chinese characteristics braves the wind and waves to move victoriously forward.

Where did these problems come from? Reviewing the decades of the reform process, we can see that in the process of adjusting the economic base, there were some one-sided and extreme practices, which became important reasons for the difficulty of solving these problems later on.

For instance, under the premise of correcting the erroneous tendency of "taking class struggle as the key link" [21], for a considerable period, not only was the term "class" no longer mentioned, but "struggle" became a taboo word, and "class analysis" was dropped. Even the thesis that "there is a danger of capitalist restoration in socialist countries" was criticized as a "Leftist" [22] relic. With the drastic changes in Eastern Europe and the collapse of the Soviet Union, nine socialist countries successively experienced capitalist restoration; yet for over 30 years, theoretical circles in our country have seldom commented on this, avoiding research into the major political proposition that "there indeed exists the danger of capitalist restoration in existing socialist countries." This situation only began to change after General Secretary Xi Jinping repeatedly emphasized the need for the courage to engage in self-revolution.

Another example: when the decision was first made to open up the development of private economic components, there was only talk of being "bold" and "changing one's mindset," emphasizing the critique of questioning whether a move was "labeled 'socialist' or 'capitalist'" (xing she xing zi). However, there was no simultaneous emphasis on the mainstay status of public ownership, nor was there attention paid to the law of quantitative versus qualitative change. The lack of connection and explanation between new policies and previous ones caused several practical difficulties and led to some confusion in socialist ideology.

Furthermore, China’s Constitution clearly stipulates: "The rural collective economic organizations practice a two-tier management system characterized by the combination of unified management and separate management, based on household-based output-related contracting." However, during implementation and promotion, only "household-based contracting" was one-sidedly emphasized and publicized, while the collective management aspect of the "combination" was ignored, sidelining and suppressing many typical examples that persisted on the road of collective prosperity and achieved brilliant results. A wealth of practical experience has proven that only the latter is the way out for a socialist modernized countryside.

Yet another example: while emphasizing peaceful development and the shift toward taking economic work as the center, many high-tech military industrial enterprises, aircraft manufacturing, and weapons production enterprises of great strategic significance were simplistically abolished or disbanded. This not only exacerbated the difficulties of large numbers of laid-off workers but also delayed many modern national defense construction projects. It was only after tensions in the Taiwan Strait and the outbreak of the Gulf War that these practices were urgently corrected.

These are all problems caused by a lack of seek truth from facts dialectics and a one-sidedness in thinking; there was a failure to notice that one tendency often masks another, and the side effects cannot be ignored. Clarifying the causes of these problems, summarizing the laws therein, and solving these issues will further strengthen the Party's ties with the masses and truly achieve scientific development.

The reforms and struggles of Communists have always been for the fundamental interests of the vast majority of the people; this is the essence of scientific socialism. If the adjustment and transformation of the economic base lead people to work for themselves or for a small minority, then we must "set things right" (boluan fanzheng). Only by pragmatically establishing the goal of common prosperity can we correct errors such as individualism and polarization, remaining on the correct track of seeking happiness for the people.

(IV) We must persist in managing the Party's ideological work and continuously conduct critiques of various erroneous viewpoints and trends of thought.

Because the Soviet Union failed to properly handle ideological issues such as class and class struggle, it ultimately deviated from and betrayed Marxism-Leninism. Marx said that the existence of classes is only bound up with particular historical phases in the development of production. This is an objective law. As long as the capitalist system still exists in the world, the struggle between the two different ideologies and two different social systems—socialism and capitalism—will inevitably exist for a long time. Even after the exploiting classes are liquidated in some socialist countries, class struggle will still exist within a certain scope for a long time and may even intensify under certain conditions. Our Party Constitution and Constitution still state these extremely important viewpoints and conclusions. To fail to see this, or to refuse to acknowledge it, is not to be a historical materialist. At that time, the Soviet Union only noticed the victory of socialism in the fields of the economic base and state power, failing to notice that the struggle in the ideological field was far from over. Before Soviet society had come anywhere near eliminating classes and class struggle, they were in a hurry to announce that "class struggle has disappeared" and "the danger of capitalist restoration in the Soviet Union no longer exists." Ultimately, Gorbachev went so far as to propose the supra-class "interests of all humanity are above all else," replacing communist ideals and beliefs with so-called "humanistic, democratic socialism." Thus, the tragedy of capitalist restoration inevitably came knocking. The reality of social development mercilessly ridiculed the absurd claim that "the danger of capitalist restoration in the Soviet Union no longer exists."

Unlike the Soviet Union, China has made objective and clear-headed judgments on the situation of class struggle since the beginning of reform and opening up. Since the 12th National Congress of the CPC, the Party Constitution has consistently stated: "Due to domestic factors and international influence, class struggle will continue to exist within a certain scope for a long time and may even intensify under certain conditions, but it is no longer the principal contradiction." Although class struggle is not the principal social contradiction, "throughout the entire process of socialist modernization, we must adhere to the Four Cardinal Principles and oppose bourgeois liberalization [23]." We must resolutely criticize the trend of bourgeois liberalization.

Marx, Engels, Lenin, Mao Zedong, and Deng Xiaoping all made numerous expositions on the fact that classes and class struggle persist throughout the fairly long historical stage of transition from capitalism to communism. Jiang Zemin once pointed out: "It was entirely correct for us to correct the error of 'taking class struggle as the key link' that occurred for a time. However, this does not mean that class struggle no longer exists. As long as class struggle exists within a certain scope, we cannot discard the Marxist viewpoint and method of class and class analysis. This viewpoint and method remain the key for us to observe the complex political phenomena of the struggle between socialism and various hostile forces." On February 17, 2014, General Secretary Xi Jinping clearly pointed out: The Marxist political stance is, first and foremost, a class stance, involving class analysis. Some say this is behind the times, but this view is incorrect. When we say that class struggle is no longer the principal contradiction of our society, we are not saying that class struggle no longer exists within a certain scope, nor that it no longer exists in the broader international arena. Since reform and opening up, our understanding of this issue has always been clear. In October 2022, our Party held its 20th National Congress. We must not only adhere to "prioritizing stability and pursuing progress while maintaining stability" economically, but we must also adhere to "prioritizing stability and pursuing progress while maintaining stability" politically.

What requires vigilance is that for some time, hostile forces at home and abroad have seized the opportunity of our Party correcting the error of "taking class struggle as the key link" to generalize and expand the errors of the "Cultural Revolution," haphazardly slapping the "Cultural Revolution" label everywhere to create confusion. Some people describe almost all major events in the history of the New China as content of the "Cultural Revolution," even slandering the entire history of the Party as a history of "Leftist calamities," spreading rumors that New China "didn't do much good," and even categorizing the Yan'an and Jinggangshan periods as "ultra-Leftist" eras to dig up "dark sides." Regarding the evaluation of Comrade Mao Zedong, they spread vulgar rumors and "inside information" in an attempt to damage his reputation. These clumsy performances of historical nihilism [24] often arouse the indignation of the masses. The successive waves of "Mao Zedong Fever" appearing spontaneously across various social media platforms express the conscience and sense of justice of the vast majority of the people. In response to the wanton vilification and attacks against Comrade Mao Zedong, we must strike back and refute them with perfect assurance and in a timely manner, creating a healthy and favorable public opinion and social environment for better studying and implementing the spirit of the 20th National Congress of the CPC.

On August 19, 2013, at the National Conference on Ideological and Publicity Work, General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized the extreme importance of ideological work, criticizing certain leading officials for "cherishing their feathers" [25] and "pretending to be enlightened" in the face of ideological struggle, calling on Party members and officials to dare to "unsheathe their swords" and dare to struggle. Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, the long-standing passive situation in the ideological field has been fundamentally reversed; the "main theme" [26] has been promoted, and positive energy that is upward and outward-looking has begun to become the mainstream.

The achievements made in the ideological struggle have heartened the ideological and theoretical circles, and the arduous tasks have also inspired their fighting spirit. Currently, the struggle in the ideological field remains complex and intense. Problems that cannot be underestimated still exist in the research orientation of the social sciences, the direction of higher education, and the orientation of school textbooks and scientific research. Hostile forces at home and abroad utilize various media and means to deliberately spread various erroneous ideas and carefully organize and support attacks on scholars who adhere to Marxism. In some universities and research institutions, because the Party leadership is weak and "cherishes its feathers," it has allowed some who persist in non-Marxist views to hold long-term control over authoritative academic departments such as "academic committees," "degree committees," and various award review bodies. Many researchers are cowed, fearing suppression by these so-called "authoritative" figures; even some graduate students in Schools of Marxism do not dare to choose political issues such as the collapse of the Soviet Union as their research direction, resulting in a lack of successors in these fields. Some leading figures who advocate the trend of historical nihilism have not performed even the most rudimentary self-criticism. The situation pointed out by the Party Central Committee as early as the 1990s—that "some propaganda positions are no longer in the hands of the Party and the people"—has not been completely resolved. The failure to effectively respond to the ideological penetration of Western hostile forces also awaits a comprehensive summary. The penetration of Western hostile forces is pervasive, and the continuity of the Red cultural tradition has long been suppressed or discarded, causing young people to be saturated and tainted by Western culture, which has already aroused dissatisfaction from all walks of life.

Since the 18th Party Congress, under the guidance of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, our Party has identified the roots of long-standing problems in the ideological field and adopted powerful and effective measures. The Norms of Political Life Within the Party Under New Circumstances, formulated at the Sixth Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee, explicitly pointed out from the perspective of strengthening socialist and communist ideals and beliefs that we must "continuously transform the subjective world while transforming the objective world, and properly resolve the 'master switch' issue of worldviews, outlooks on life, and values." This resolved the problem of avoiding or excluding the task of "transforming the subjective world while transforming the objective world" that persisted for several decades, restoring the correct direction and principles of the Party's ideological work. The social trends and struggles in the ideological field over recent decades fully prove that the claim—"since intellectuals are part of the working class," mentioning "worldview transformation" is a form of "prejudice and loathing" toward them, or that it implies "always feeling they are inadequate or not 'one of us'"—is detrimental to the Party's ideological building and the ability of intellectuals to play an active role. Precisely because intellectuals have become part of the working class, precisely because they are "our own," they must not abandon the study of the Marxist worldview, nor forsake the task of transforming their own subjective world while transforming the objective world. The Party's policy toward intellectuals is to care for, encourage, and support the vast number of intellectuals in better utilizing their expertise and roles in the cause of building socialist modernization. The Party and the government should earnestly help them solve practical difficulties in their work and lives, encourage them to achieve greater accomplishments, and do more practical deeds for them; they should not chase vacuous compliments to demonstrate their "enlightened" nature or win applause. To one-sidedly criticize the Party's policy of "uniting, educating, and transforming" intellectuals without proposing more realistic slogans has objectively caused extremely negative consequences. In reality, it amounted to ceding ground to bourgeois ideology in many respects, creating many deep-seated problems [27] that are now difficult to rectify.

Canceling the slogan of worldview transformation for Party members, cadres, and intellectuals was a serious distortion of the Party's principles and policies. On March 12, 1957, Comrade Mao Zedong pointed out in his "Speech at the Chinese Communist Party's National Conference on Propaganda Work" that "Intellectuals also need to be transformed. Not only those whose basic stance has not yet shifted need transformation, but everyone should study and everyone should be transformed. I say everyone, and that includes those of us here." Why does everyone need to transform their worldview? Mao Zedong’s answer was: "The change in worldview is a fundamental change, and it cannot yet be said that the majority of intellectuals have completed this change." "As far as the majority are concerned, they are still far from completely replacing the bourgeois worldview with the proletarian worldview." The social reality and ideological struggles of recent decades fully prove that Mao Zedong's judgment was visionary and completely correct. The key is to clarify these actually existing, blurred issues through activities involving the study of Marxism.

The profound lesson of the collapse of the Party and the state in the Soviet Union tells us that socialist countries must always remain vigilant against and resist the strategy of ideological penetration by the Western bourgeoisie. We must build a solid line of defense against the infiltration of decadent Western thought and culture and win this "war without smoke."

(5) We must always adhere to the fundamental purpose of serving the people whole-heartedly and the Party's fine style of work, ensuring the fundamental requirement that the people act as masters of the country is realized in practice.

In December 2012, General Secretary Xi Jinping clearly pointed out during his inspection of poverty alleviation work in Fuping County, Hebei Province: "We speak of our purpose, and we have said a lot, but in the end, it is the phrase 'serving the people.' Our Party exists to serve the people." Among classical Marxist writers, there were formulations such as "seeking interests for the vast majority" and "serving the masses," but making "serving the people" the fundamental purpose of the proletarian party was a major contribution of Mao Zedong. The purpose of serving the people whole-heartedly is established on the basis of the basic principles of historical materialism—believing that the masses are the creators of history and believing in the strength, wisdom, and future of the masses. Only in this way can one truly integrate one's personal values with the realization of the interests of the masses; only in this way can one correctly handle the relationship between the individual and the masses, rely closely on the masses, and give play to their spirit of historical initiative. Ensuring that the nature, purpose, guiding ideology, and maximum program of the Party maintain their revolutionary, advanced, and pure character, and ensuring that the Party and the state power never change their nature, is the fundamental "magic weapon" for our Party's long-term governance. The Communist Party of China is a party that seeks interests for the nation and the people; it is itself a part of the people and has no self-interest other than the interests of the people. Fundamentally speaking, our Party does not and cannot rely solely on techniques to govern; it relies fundamentally on its true character of being for the people, believing in the people, and relying on the people. This necessitates adhering to the people-centered development philosophy, which is General Secretary Xi Jinping's adherence to and development of Mao Zedong's thought on serving the people whole-heartedly in the New Era. This is where the soul, life, and strength of Chinese Communists reside. This not only occupies the high ground of values and morality but is also the source of the Party's strength and life, representing the inevitable destination of human society. In this way, we can be invincible, overcome all difficulties, and be all-conquering.

To always adhere to the purpose of serving the people whole-hearted and the people-centered development philosophy, we must always keep in mind Mao Zedong's earnest teaching: "The comrades must be helped to remain modest, prudent, and free from arrogance and rashness in their style of work; the comrades must be helped to preserve the style of plain living and hard struggle." These "Two Musts" [28] are the distinct hallmarks and identifiers of the organic unity between the internal and external character of true Communists and the true Communist Party. In a certain sense, the common people judge whether you are a true Communist or part of a true Communist Party by whether you can maintain the "Two Musts" style of work at all times and under all circumstances. If you can unswervingly and tenaciously maintain the "Two Musts" style, the people will ultimately recognize you as a true Communist Party and true Communists; they will go through fire and water to follow you and hack through thorns and brambles to struggle together. Otherwise, the people may work half-heartedly or even engage in passive sabotage. In the long run and fundamentally, the masses will eventually and mercilessly abandon such a party. The lesson of the eventual demise of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU)—a great party with a 93-year history that governed for 74 years—speaks to this truth. Precisely for this reason, the anti-corruption struggle carried out by our Party after the 18th Party Congress is of immense significance and has received the firm mandate and enthusiastic support of the broadest masses of the people.

(6) We must firmly grasp the Party's absolute leadership over the military and resolutely criticize erroneous trends of thought such as the "nationalization of the military" and "de-partyization of the military."

Under the influence of the "peaceful evolution" [29] strategy of Western hostile forces, the Soviet military was long affected by trends such as historical nihilism, the "nationalization of the military," and the "de-partyization of the military." In the Soviet Union's moment of crisis, the Soviet Army broke away from the command of the CPSU and became a tool for subversives. This lesson is extremely profound.

For a period of time, some people in our country have continuously advocated erroneous trends such as "de-partyization of the military" and "nationalization of the military." In particular, some have put forward programmatic propositions like "China needs new changes" and the "Charter 08" [30]. As time passed, people gradually understood the essence of these slogans. Under the banner of "nationalizing the military," their aim was to make our Party abandon its absolute leadership over the people's army, following the example of the former CPSU by completely withdrawing Party organizations from the military.

Without a people's army, the people have nothing. The people's army of a socialist country is the strong pillar for defending national security and ensuring social stability. Since the 18th Party Congress, our Party has resolutely resisted erroneous political views such as "de-partyization and de-politicization of the military" and "nationalization of the military," emphasizing the Party's absolute leadership over the military. The All-Army Political Work Conference in the New Era, held at the site of the Gutian Conference [31], distilled the Party's thinking on strengthening the military in the New Era, ensuring the people's army is firmly held in the hands of the Party and the people. Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era explicitly stipulates that the goal of strengthening the military in the New Era is to build a people's army that follows the Party's command, can win battles, and has a fine style of work, developing the people's army into a world-class military.

(7) We must resolutely oppose all forms of hegemonism, power politics, unilateralism, and protectionism, adhere to an independent foreign policy of peace for a major country, and promote the building of a community with a shared future for humanity.

The Soviet Union was the world's first socialist country. During the leadership of Lenin and Stalin, it basically upheld the principles of proletarian internationalism in external relations, supporting revolutions and national liberation causes in many countries, including China. These historical achievements still evoke admiration and nostalgia among the people of various countries, including the Chinese people.

After World War II, more than a dozen socialist countries appeared in the world. Starting from this period, the Soviet Union gradually exhibited erroneous tendencies such as "Big Party chauvinism," "Big Power chauvinism," and even hegemonism. In response to the Great Power chauvinism of Khrushchev and others, Chinese Communists, with Comrade Mao Zedong as their chief representative, held high the banner of opposing hegemonism and Great Power chauvinism. They thwarted the Soviet Union's strategic attempts to marginalize China through Big Party chauvinism and Soviet-U.S. cooperation to dominate the world, thereby promoting and safeguarding the independent status, equal interaction, and democratization of international relations for all countries. After Reform and Opening-up, Comrade Deng Xiaoping advocated for normal standards of relations between socialist countries and various Communist Parties—namely, the four principles of inter-party relations: independence, complete equality, mutual respect, and non-interference in each other's internal affairs. He also formulated the policy of "transcending ideological differences to seek broader cooperation."

In the New Era, the CPC Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core advocates major-country diplomacy with Chinese characteristics, promotes the building of a new type of international relations, and promotes the building of a community with a shared future for humanity. This demonstrates the international image of a responsible major country and has won the respect and widespread praise of the international community.

In view of the harm brought to the world by the U.S.-Soviet struggle for hegemony, Comrade Mao Zedong repeatedly emphasized that the CPC and the Chinese people would never seek hegemony—even if China becomes a prosperous and powerful modernized major country, it will not seek hegemony. In the New Era, General Secretary Xi Jinping has carried forward this cause, leading the Chinese people with even greater confidence to create a new form of human advancement, promoting the building of a community with a shared future for humanity, and allowing the people of the world to share the opportunities of China's development.

(8) We must adhere to the Party's organizational line and the Party's educational policy, striving to cultivate and forge builders and successors of the socialist cause who can shoulder the heavy responsibility of national rejuvenation.

Because the Khrushchev leadership group established a political direction of "de-Stalinization," denied the history of the CPSU, and denied Stalin's great achievements, they also denied the Party's correct organizational line and educational policy. Khrushchev marginalized politics, canceled ideological and political theory courses in schools, and followed a historical-nihilist line of "de-Stalinized" education for the younger generation. In such an educational environment, people like Gorbachev and Yeltsin emerged from the generation known as the "children of the 20th Congress" of the CPSU. In contrast, targeting the imperialist strategy of peaceful evolution, Mao Zedong proposed that China must cultivate successors for the proletarian revolutionary cause, stipulating five criteria and pointing out the direction. Since then, this educational policy of cultivating socialist builders and successors has never wavered.

The Party's educational policy serves the talent strategy of the Party and the state and is inseparably linked to the Party's organizational line. The cultivation of socialist builders and successors must start with the youth; only then can a solid foundation be laid. Currently, our country's education in ideals and beliefs starts in primary and secondary schools and continues through universities and various types of adult education. It is entirely correct and necessary for the vast number of primary, secondary, university, and graduate students to receive ideological and political education.

During Brezhnev's reign, negative phenomena such as "two-faced people" and "night people" [32] appeared within the CPSU and society. This phenomenon was actually a form of passive resistance born of dissatisfaction and helplessness regarding the upper leadership group's cronyism, clique-forming, nepotism, and reliance on connections. When the theory and practice at the top are "two skins" (disconnected), it is impossible for the masses below to achieve unity of theory and practice. Therefore, whether the promotion and appointment of cadres follow the principle of "from all corners of the country" [33], whether small circles and "mountain-topism" [34] are avoided, and whether justice and transparency are embodied can be seen from the mental state of the grassroots masses. The performance of the masses is a mirror reflecting the state of the upper leadership collective.

Judging from the lessons of the CPSU, in order to ensure that the socialist state never changes its political color, the selection of Party cadres—especially the selection of senior leading cadres—must emphasize five political standards: (1) The standard of political loyalty: loyalty to Marxism, loyalty to the Party, and loyalty to the people; continuously strengthening the "Four Consciousnesses" [35] and consciously achieving the "Two Upholds." (2) The standard of political resolve: maintaining firm and correct core ideals and beliefs and the "Four Confidences" [36], possessing sound political discernment and decisiveness, and being able to withstand the severe tests of critical moments and major turning points. (3) The standard of political character: having the courage to take responsibility and the courage to struggle; standing one's ground and adhering to principles; and upholding unity, openness, and integrity. (4) The standard of political capability: possessing a profound foundation in Marxist theory, being adept at observing problems from a political perspective, and having high political execution power. (5) The standard of political self-discipline: strictly abiding by the Party’s political discipline and political rules, being a person of integrity, and acting with a clean conscience.

For the promotion of new cadres at a certain level—especially senior cadres—a public notice period must be established for the grassroots masses in relevant departments and systems; meanwhile, the candidates themselves must report to and explain any political performance issues raised by the masses to the Party's organization department. To ensure the scientific and impartial nature of the selection of senior cadres, the research work of the Central Inspection Groups [37] should be integrated into the process to widely solicit opinions from the relevant grassroots masses regarding the candidate’s political performance. At the same time, those who deliberately make false accusations or frame and persecute candidates for promotion should be criticized and punished according to the specific circumstances.

(IX) We must persist in and develop Marxism, carry out Party theoretical study and education activities in a deep and lasting manner, and continuously open up new realms for the Sinicization of Marxism.

While reading the Soviet Textbook of Political Economy between 1959 and early 1960, Mao Zedong said: "The books of our ancestors like Marx must be read; their basic principles must be followed—this is the first priority." On September 29, 2017, General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out during a collective study session of the CPC Central Committee Political Bureau: "Times are changing and society is developing, but the basic principles of Marxism remain scientific truths... If we deviate from or abandon Marxism, our Party will lose its soul and lose its direction. On the fundamental issue of adhering to Marxism as our guide, we must be unswerving and must not shake at any time or under any circumstances."

Theory is the ultimate abstraction and condensation of politics and economics; it is the point of origin from which radiation can extend 360 degrees in any direction. If the origin point of theory is wrong, other lines, principles, policies, strategies, and tactics are merely rays that will eventually and inevitably encounter major problems. Without revolutionary theory, there can be no revolutionary movement; with erroneous theory, there will inevitably be erroneous actions. Therefore, all our work must always persist in taking Marxism as our guide, especially in the ideological sphere.

While unswervingly adhering to Marxism, great importance must be attached to the development and innovation of Marxism. As early as May 1958, at the Second Session of the Eighth National Congress of the CPC, Mao Zedong said: "Marx and Lenin are guides, not dogmas. Dogmatism is the most shiftless and most unsightly thing... We must produce our own theory." Mao Zedong further stated during his 1959–1960 reading of the Soviet Textbook of Political Economy: "The Communist Party of any country and the intellectual circles of any country must create new theories, write new works, and produce their own theorists to serve current politics; relying solely on the ancestors will not do." On May 17, 2016, General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized at the National Symposium on Philosophy and Social Sciences: "Marxism possesses the theoretical quality of advancing with the times... Marxism is an open theoretical system that develops continuously alongside the times, practice, and science. It has not ended truth, but rather opened up the path toward truth... Unifying the adherence to Marxism with the development of Marxism, and continuously making new theoretical creations in combination with new practices—this is the secret to why Marxism maintains its eternal vitality."

Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, and Xi Jinping all emphasized combining the universal truths of Marxism with China’s specific realities and the characteristics of the times. This process of combination is a process of both adhering to and developing Marxism, and it is also a process for the whole Party—especially middle- and high-ranking cadres—to transform their worldviews. Only by truly mastering Marxism and combining it with specific practice, fine traditional Chinese culture, and the characteristics of the times can one truly understand and transform the objective world, and, under the premise of respecting objective laws, fully exert subjective initiative to continuously push society forward.

The several generations of Soviet Party and state leadership groups after the Second World War—regardless of whether they had received systematic formal education—generally possessed low Marxist theoretical literacy. This was reflected not only in their inability to accurately and systematically understand the essence and key meanings of Marxism, but even more so in their inability to flexibly apply Marxism to creatively solve practical problems and continuously push the socialist cause forward. To master Marxism systematically requires real effort; one cannot achieve it in a lifetime without hard work. To produce several hundred high-level theorists across the country who have systematically mastered Marxism, there must be a grassroots foundation of the masses studying Marxist theory throughout the Party and the country. This is a necessary condition for continuously raising the theoretical level of the whole Party and the highest theoretical level of the Party.

There must be clear regulations on how cadres study Marxism. The main content of cadres' study of Marxist theory should be determined based on their educational level and practical work needs, as well as the goals and tasks of the New Era. In his speech at the ceremony commemorating the 200th anniversary of the birth of Karl Marx, General Secretary Xi Jinping identified nine key areas for our study and practice of Marxism: (1) Marxist thought on the laws of development of human society; (2) Marxist thought on upholding the people's standpoint; (3) Marxist thought on productive forces and relations of production; (4) Marxist thought on people's democracy; (5) Marxist thought on cultural construction; (6) Marxist thought on social construction; (7) Marxist thought on the relationship between man and nature; (8) Marxist thought on world history; and (9) Marxist thought on the building of Marxist political parties.

The study of Marxist theory requires institutionalization. Once a system is established, it must be persisted in over the long term. The Marxist theory study system is to be uniformly arranged by the Organization Department and the Propaganda Department of the CPC Central Committee. Cadres' study must have centrally scheduled time, specific requirements, a defined scope of study, and key problems to be solved at each stage, while providing relevant study reference books and materials. We must combine the reading of original works with study guidance for those works, combine staged thematic study with the holistic and systematic study of theory, combine the study of Marxism with the study of the "Four Histories" [38], and combine the study of Marxism with other necessary professional development activities.

Marxist theory and its study status should be included in civil service examinations, cadre assessments, and job promotions. In practical work, we must establish the guiding and authoritative status of Marxism-Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory, the Theory of Three Represents, the Scientific Outlook on Development, and Xi Jinping Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. We must strictly enforce study formats, oppose formalism, and prevent "going through the motions." Without certain forms as a guarantee, it is impossible to ensure the quality of study.

To promote cadre study and the historical and systematic understanding of the three great leaps in the Sinicization of Marxism, it is suggested that additional volumes of the Selected Works of Mao Zedong be published at an appropriate time. Following the already published four-volume Selected Works of Mao Zedong, which reflects the great leaps in practice during the New Democratic Revolution [39] stage, subsequent volumes should be published to reflect the great leaps in practice during the socialist revolution and construction stage. These should reflect the systematic and complete system of Mao Zedong Thought, including the hardships and zigzags of exploration, so as to continue clearing away the influence of historical nihilism [40] in this field. At the same time, it is suggested that, based on the editing and publication of Volumes 1 to 4 of Xi Jinping: The Governance of China, a complete collection of General Secretary Xi Jinping’s writings and speeches be provided to meet the urgent needs of Party members and cadres nationwide for the deep and systematic study and research of the innovative achievements of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. Publishing new content of the selected works of leaders in the New Era is conducive to forming a new high tide for the whole Party and the people of the whole country to study Marxism-Leninism, and a new high tide for systematically studying the Party’s innovative achievements in the Sinicization of Marxism, creating a sound atmosphere for seeking truth from facts in study and research.

(X) We must firmly establish a correct view of the era and its themes, stay alert to potential dangers in times of peace, strengthen our confidence, and constantly carry out a great struggle with many new historical features to contribute to the creation and development of a new form of human civilization.

On September 29, 2017, General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized during a collective study session of the CPC Central Committee Political Bureau: "We are still in the historical era specified by Marxism. This is the scientific basis for our firm confidence in Marxism and our conviction in the inevitable victory of socialism." This major judgment is extremely important and completely correct. Additionally, while affirming that we are still in the historical era specified by Marxism, Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao, and General Secretary Xi Jinping have all—directly or indirectly—affirmed that we are still in the era of imperialism. Our Party also prudently handles changes in different themes within the same broad era. Deng Xiaoping saw the shift in the theme of the era from war and revolution to peace and development, and made the timely and major choice of reform and opening up, through which the Chinese people achieved world-renowned major successes under the leadership of the CPC. However, imperialism still exists and its essence has not changed; only its forms and modes of expression have undergone significant changes. In March 1969, at a briefing session for relevant personnel, Mao Zedong clearly pointed out: "Leninism is Marxism in the era of imperialism. We are still in the era of imperialism." In 1989, Chen Yun, another important member of the Party's second-generation leadership collective with Comrade Deng Xiaoping as its core, pointed out very clearly: "Are Lenin’s five characteristics of imperialism and his thesis on the essence of invading other countries and competing for hegemony outdated? In my view, they are not outdated... The view that Lenin’s theory of imperialism is outdated is completely wrong and very harmful. It is time to speak out loudly on this issue."

Departing from Lenin’s judgment on the era makes it impossible to correctly assess the historical orientation of our Party and country today, or to correctly view and respond to the various despicable actions of imperialism led by that superpower. Since capitalism developed from free-competition capitalism into monopolistic finance imperialism, human history has experienced two world wars. The global financial crisis that broke out in 2008, the global COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, and the Russia-Ukraine conflict that erupted in 2022 can essentially be seen as quite possibly another form of an ongoing Third World War. In today’s world of deepening economic globalization and international financial crises, any person of conscience who seriously reads Lenin's work Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism (hereafter Imperialism) will conclude that this short volume, like Marx and Engels' The Communist Manifesto, possesses a high degree of internal unity in its theoretical, historical, and formal logic. Amidst the heavy mists of human civilization, it stands as a milestone theoretical lighthouse, its rays of truth shining ever more brightly to guide people in their tenacious forward march. Unfortunately, in recent years, those reading Lenin's Imperialism have become few. There are also some who are busy engaging in so-called "financial innovation" while lacking an understanding of the essence of finance controlled by monopoly capital, even treating financial innovation as a tool for seeking personal gain. General Secretary Xi Jinping has explicitly pointed out: "We are still in the historical era specified by Marxism." This means that we are currently in the great historical era of transition from capitalism to socialism as defined by Marxism; simultaneously within the smaller historical period of imperialism as described by Lenin; and further within the even smaller historical stage where imperialism is transitioning from monopolistic, parasitic, and decaying capitalism toward moribund capitalism. This stage may require decades or even a century. In September 1953, Mao Zedong said: "U.S. imperialists are very arrogant; whenever they can afford to be unreasonable, they certainly will be, and if they show a bit of reason, it is because they have been forced into a corner." On one hand, we must recognize that international finance monopoly capitalism is more hypocritical and deceptive than commercial or industrial capitalism. However, as it enters the downward channel from the monopolistic, parasitic, and decaying stage toward the moribund stage, the greasepaint of hypocrisy and deception on its face begins to peel away, and its crazed, cruel side begins to show more clearly. Therefore, we must fully anticipate the various difficulties we may encounter on the journey ahead—that is, the road is tortuous. On the other hand, we must also see the other side of finance imperialism: its aggressive posture masking internal hollowness and cowardice [41]. We must strengthen our confidence in victory—that is, the future is bright. We always persist in unremitting and sincere efforts to work with the people of all countries, including the United States and Russia, to abide by the UN Charter and promote peace, development, cooperation, and mutual benefit on the basis of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence. However, regarding enemies who constantly wish to destroy us, the first thing we must do is not fear ghosts, refuse to be intimidated by evil [42], and be ready to give one’s life for a righteous cause [43]. We must have the courage and daring to struggle, rather than seeking mercy or even alms through a submissive attitude of compromise and concession. "Indomitable by force" [44] and "harmony is precious" [45] are both equally important components of the excellent cultural traditions of the Chinese nation. In dealing with imperialism—namely hegemonism, unilateralism, and power politics—we must, of course, be adept at struggle, but daring to struggle comes first. The glorious practice of our Party over the past century has fully proven that if one dares to struggle and dares to win, imperialism and all reactionaries are paper tigers. If one compromises, concedes, and remains as timid as a mouse, imperialism and all reactionaries are real tigers. Only by daring to struggle and truly making imperialism "feel the pain" can it possibly speak a bit of the common sense and public justice recognized by the vast majority of people in the world. Otherwise, it will recklessly disregard such norms. Their logic and our logic are, in most cases, diametrically opposed; there is no intersection or sharing of interests. Because in the long run, imperialism serves the interests of a tiny minority, which is completely contrary to the tenet of socialism serving the fundamental interests of the vast majority. Thus, it is inevitably a paper tiger. Only by standing at the height of the era specified by Marxism and clearly recognizing the characteristics of the times, world trends, and historical laws can we struggle with a hundredfold confidence for the ideal of building socialism and realizing communism. With the deepening development of economic globalization, the deepening of the international financial crisis, the occurrence and spread of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, and the intensification of the polarization between rich and poor on a global scale, the chronic maladies of the U.S.-led capitalist world will be exposed ever more fully. Leftist trends of thought and Marxist parties in countries across the globe, as well as world socialist theory, movements, and systems, will surely enter a period of great activity in the next twenty to thirty years. This is where the foundation and hope for the "Changes Unseen in a Century" [46] lie. We are unshakably convinced of the bright future of world socialism. All trends and rhetoric appearing due to the collapse of the Soviet Communist Party and the disintegration of the Soviet Union—those that doubt Marxism, deny Leninism and the path of the October Revolution, and deny the laws of human historical development—are erroneous, harmful, and short-sighted.

However, we cannot be blindly optimistic about the situation of the struggle. Because imperialism has long implemented a strategy of "peaceful evolution" [47] against socialist countries, it will still cause some wavering individuals, including figures in the leadership of socialist countries, to degenerate or defect. The "Fifth Column" bought and nurtured by imperialism is still waiting for opportunities to sabotage and cause trouble. The influence of decaying capitalist ideology in the ideological sphere of socialist countries cannot be underestimated. The traps and conspiracies set by imperialism in political, economic, and cultural exchanges still exist. The threat of imperialist war still exists. Imperialism will not cease its activities using its advantages in high-tech fields—such as "biological genetic weapons"—or its ability to create large-scale social chaos and crises in finance and other sectors. We absolutely cannot rule out that they will use the filthiest means to achieve the most despicable ends.

Facing today’s Changes Unseen in a Century, we must be mindful of potential danger in times of peace [48], be sufficiently prepared for the long-term, complex, and sharp nature of the struggle, and prepare for the worst-case scenarios. At the same time, we focus on doing our own work well, carrying out struggles that are "on just grounds, to our advantage, and with restraint" [49], and striving for the best outcome. Imperialism can choose the manner in which some socialist countries collapse through sabotage and "evolution," but it cannot choose the manner of its own collapse. Its inevitable outcome of total collapse and extinction is a historical necessity.

In the early 1970s, the famous British historian Arnold Toynbee, who once believed that Western civilization could become a unified global civilization, underwent a major shift in thought. He overturned the conclusions of his earlier work A Study of History, believing that the Western civilization represented by the United States—which uses military conquest as its primary means—could not be generally accepted by the people of the world. He creatively proposed that the main axis of world civilization would be to play a vanguard and exemplary role, and only China has this capacity, skill, and unparalleled track record of results. Only Chinese civilization, characterized by peaceful exchange, can become a civilization welcomed by the people of all countries. He predicted that the Chinese civilization welcomed by the world in the future would be "the Sinicization of Communism."

For the peace-loving people of the world, New China has always been welcomed, and even more so today. As General Secretary Xi Jinping said on March 27, 2014, at the meeting commemorating the 50th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and France: "The realization of the Chinese Dream brings opportunities to the world, not threats; peace, not turmoil; progress, not regression. Napoleon once said that China is a sleeping lion, and when it wakes, the world will tremble. The lion that is China has awakened, but this is a peaceful, amiable, and civilized lion." The people of the world highly identify with the image of China as a major country depicted by General Secretary Xi Jinping. The building of a community with a shared future for humanity and the development of a new form of human civilization have an incomparably bright and splendid future!