Zhu Jiamu: A Marxist Document Providing the Initial Systematic Exposition on Maintaining and Developing Socialism with Chinese Characteristics in the New Era
After the closing of the 18th National Congress of the CPC on November 15, 2012, General Secretary Xi Jinping led the newly elected members of the Standing Committee of the CPC Central Committee Political Bureau to meet with Chinese and foreign journalists, expressing a commitment to "strive to deliver a passing grade on the exam set by history and the people." One and a half months later, on January 5, 2013, at a seminar for new members and alternate members of the CPC Central Committee to study and implement the spirit of the 18th National Congress, he delivered an important speech titled "Several Issues Concerning Upholding and Developing Chinese-path Socialism." The speech provided an initial systematic exposition on major contemporary issues, such as what kind of Chinese-path socialism to uphold and develop and how to do so; what kind of great modern socialist power to build and how to build it; and what kind of long-term governing Marxist party to build and how to build it. It proposed a series of new concepts, new thoughts, and new strategies regarding the governance of the country and is an important Marxist document. In a certain sense, the speech was the first "written answer" delivered to history and the people by the CPC Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core. It can be called the opening work of Chinese-path socialism entering the New Era and a foundational work of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era.
Ten full years have passed since General Secretary Xi Jinping’s speech on January 5, 2013 (hereinafter referred to as the "January 5 Speech"). In discussing the situation facing our Party ten years ago, the report to the 20th National Congress in 2022 pointed out that, while the achievements of reform and opening up and socialist modernization were enormous and the new great project of Party building had achieved significant results, there was a flip side. A series of long-accumulated and newly emerging prominent contradictions and problems urgently required resolution. For example, some held vague understandings or took weak action regarding upholding Party leadership; the political faith of some Party members and officials was wavering; the "Four Winds"—formalism, bureaucratism, hedonism, and extravagance—persisted despite repeated prohibitions; some lacked confidence in the political system of Chinese-path socialism; and erroneous trends of thought such as historical nihilism [1] appeared from time to time. Many within the Party and society were deeply worried about the future of the Party and the country. When the "January 5 Speech" is placed against the background of these prominent contradictions—which affected the Party’s long-term governance, the country’s long-term peace and stability, and the people’s happiness and well-being—the significance becomes clear. Viewing it through the lens of the strategic measures, transformative practices, breakthrough progress, and landmark achievements made by the CPC Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core over the past decade, as well as the tests of various risks and challenges in the political, economic, ideological, and natural spheres, it is easy to find the origins and sources of a series of important viewpoints and basic strategies of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. It is easy to see the important historical position this speech occupies in the process of advancing Chinese-path socialism and forming Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era after the 18th National Congress.
I. On the Fact that Chinese-path Socialism is Socialism and Not Any Other "Ism"
The "January 5 Speech" stated clearly from the outset: "Chinese-path socialism is socialism and not any other 'ism'; the basic principles of scientific socialism cannot be abandoned, for if they are abandoned, it is not socialism." Implementing Chinese-path socialism is the self-perfection and development of the socialist system based on China's own realities and the characteristics of the era. This was originally the inherent meaning of Chinese-path socialism, explained clearly from the beginning and theoretically unproblematic. Why, then, did General Secretary Xi Jinping still find it necessary to highlight this point, emphasizing that it is not any other "ism" and that if the basic principles of scientific socialism are lost, it is no longer socialism? To understand the reasons, one must place it within the historical context of the period since reform and opening up began.
The Third Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee resolutely criticized the erroneous policy of the "Two Whatevers" [2], ended the state of hesitation that followed the crushing of the "Gang of Four," and began to comprehensively correct the "Leftist" errors committed during and before the "Cultural Revolution." It ceased the use of the inappropriate slogan "taking class struggle as the key link," made the strategic decision to shift the focus of work to socialist modernization, sounded the horn for reform and opening up, and raised the curtain on Chinese-path socialism. However, following this, a Rightist trend of thought emerged in both society and the Party—namely, the trend of bourgeois liberalization, which denied Party leadership and the socialist system. To combat this, Deng Xiaoping explicitly proposed upholding the Four Cardinal Principles [3] and summarized the Party's basic line as "one center, two basic points"—taking economic construction as the center while upholding the Four Cardinal Principles and upholding reform and opening up. But proponents of bourgeois liberalization did not stop there, periodically stirring up waves of opposition against the Four Cardinal Principles. They either directly attacked the Principles as "four sticks" [4] or slandered them as "going backward"; or, under the banner of "emancipating the mind," they spoke only of the "one center" and reform and opening up while ignoring or opposing the Four Cardinal Principles. They talked nonsense like "reform is reform, direction doesn't matter," slandering Chinese-path socialism as "state capitalism," "capital-socialism," or a "return to New Democracy." Anyone who emphasized that reform must maintain a socialist direction was denounced as "going backward" and labeled "ultra-Left" or "conservative." These waves ebbed and flowed right up until the 18th National Congress. It was against this background that General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized in the "January 5 Speech" that Chinese-path socialism is socialism and that the basic principles of scientific socialism cannot be abandoned.
The "January 5 Speech" pointed out that during the period when the Chinese nation was poor and weak, at the mercy of others, various "isms" and trends of thought were tried, but none could solve the problem of China's future and destiny. It was Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought that led the Chinese people out of the long night and established the New China; it is Chinese-path socialism that has allowed China to develop rapidly. "When we say Chinese-path socialism is socialism, it means that no matter how we reform or open up, we must always uphold the path of Chinese-path socialism, the theoretical system of Chinese-path socialism, and the system of Chinese-path socialism, and adhere to the basic requirements for achieving new victories for Chinese-path socialism proposed by the 18th National Congress." This includes, under the leadership of the CPC, taking the basic national conditions as the starting point, focusing on economic construction, upholding the Four Cardinal Principles and reform and opening up, and maintaining the basic economic system where public ownership is the mainstay and multiple forms of ownership develop together. He said, "These are all contents that embody the basic principles of scientific socialism under new historical conditions. If these are lost, it will no longer be socialism." This means that everything has its qualitative definition. Take steel as an example: the carbon content cannot exceed 2%; if it exceeds that, it is no longer steel but iron.
The principles discussed by General Secretary Xi Jinping in the "January 5 Speech" have been repeatedly elaborated, gradually expanded, and continuously enriched over the ten years of the New Era. For instance, regarding political construction, he pointed out: "In developing socialist democratic politics, the key is to increase and expand our advantages and characteristics, not to weaken and shrink them." "The leadership of the Communist Party of China is the most defining feature of socialism with Chinese characteristics." Regarding economic construction, he pointed out: "Chinese-path socialism is socialism for all-round development... We must persist in taking economic construction as the center and adhere to the people-centered development philosophy"; "Ensuring that the broad masses of the people share the fruits of reform and development is an essential requirement of socialism and a concentrated manifestation of the superiority of the socialist system." Regarding cultural construction, he pointed out: "To uphold and develop Chinese-path socialism, we must attach great importance to the role of theory and enhance theoretical confidence and strategic resolve"; "The work of publicity and ideology is to consolidate the guiding position of Marxism in the ideological field"; "Insisting on positive publicity as the mainstay by no means means giving up the struggle in public opinion." Regarding social development, he pointed out: "Fairness and justice are inherent requirements of Chinese-path socialism... Common prosperity is the fundamental principle of Chinese-path socialism, so the fruits of development must benefit all people more and more fairly, progressing steadily toward common prosperity."
Additionally, regarding the thought that we must uphold the path of Chinese-path socialism no matter how we reform, General Secretary Xi Jinping also provided clear expressions. He pointed out: "Our reform and opening up has direction, stance, and principles." "We cannot vaguely say that China's reform is lagging behind in a certain aspect. In certain aspects and at certain periods, there may be instances of moving faster or slower, but overall, it is not a case of which aspects of China's reform have been changed and which have not. The essence of the problem is what to change and what not to change; some things that cannot be changed will not be changed no matter how much time passes... There is no way out without reform and opening up, but there is also no way out by engaging in 'reform and opening up' that denies the socialist direction." "Some hostile forces and people with ulterior motives are also waving flags and shouting, creating public opinion to confuse the public, defining reform as moving toward Western political systems, and calling anything else 'non-reform.' They are 'the drunkard whose interest is not in the wine' [5]; 'Xiang Zhuang performing the sword dance with his mind on Liu Bang' [6]. In response, we must see through things as clearly as a fire (洞若观火) [7], maintain political steadfastness, and clarify our political positioning." "The reform led by our Party has always been a comprehensive reform. The essence of the problem is what to change and what not to change; some things that cannot be changed will not be changed no matter how much time passes, and this cannot be called non-reform." "Whatever the people care about and hope for, reform must grasp and advance, bringing the people a greater sense of gain through reform." "If we cannot create a fairer social environment, or if it even leads to more unfairness, reform loses its meaning and cannot be sustained." At the meeting commemorating the 40th anniversary of reform and opening up, he emphasized again with great force: "We must firmly grasp the progressive direction of reform and opening up. What to change and how to change must be fundamentally measured by whether it conforms to the general goal of perfecting and developing the system of Chinese-path socialism and advancing the modernization of the national governance system and governance capacity. We will resolutely change what should and can be changed, and resolutely not change what should not and cannot be changed."
Mao Zedong once said: "We should proceed from reality, not from definitions." "We should believe in nothing but science; that is, do not be superstitious." "The blindness and freedom of cognition will always alternate and expand their fields." General Secretary Xi Jinping also pointed out: "Insisting on seeking truth from facts is not a once-and-for-all matter. Just because you achieved truth-seeking at one time and place does not mean you will achieve it at another time and place." If our Party's implementation of reform and opening up was a great emancipation of the mind back then, then the New Era's proposal that reform must also proceed from reality—to resolutely change what should be changed and not change what should not—is likewise a great emancipation of the mind. It is a vivid manifestation of breaking new superstitions, new blindness, new ideological constraints, and new restrictions. Practice has already shown that in reforms involving state-owned enterprises, medical care, education, and housing, in some places, things were changed that should not and could not be changed, causing much loss to the state and adding heavy burdens to the masses. We should adhere to the principle that reform and opening up must also proceed from reality. According to the guiding thought proposed by General Secretary Xi Jinping that "comprehensively deepening reform must take the promotion of social fairness and justice and the enhancement of people's well-being as the starting point and end point," for those things proved by practice to have been changed wrongly, we must resolutely change them back or adjust and perfect them through further reform. We should not stubbornly persist when we clearly know something is wrong.
It is clear that if we understand the discourse that "Chinese-path socialism is socialism and not any other 'ism'" within the context of the first 30 years of reform and opening up and the practice of the 10 years of the New Era, we will understand that what it expresses is the profound connotation that the essence of socialism lies in the supremacy of the people, not the supremacy of capital. We can then see its special significance in the process of forming Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era.
II. On the Fact that China's Modernization Must Proceed from China's National Conditions
In the "January 5" speech, this proposition was put forward by quoting a passage from Deng Xiaoping’s opening speech at the 12th National Congress of the CPC. That passage reads: "Our modernization construction must start from China's reality... Copying the experiences and models of other countries has never been successful." General Secretary Xi Jinping then derived a substantial discourse on the issue of the "China model" from this. He said: "In recent years, with the rise of our country's comprehensive national strength and international status, international discussions and research on the ‘Beijing Consensus,’ ‘China model,’ and ‘China path’ have increased, including many praiseworthy accounts. Some foreign scholars believe that China's rapid development is leading to some Western theories being questioned, and that a new version of Marxist theory is subverting traditional Western theories... We have always believed that the development path of each country should be chosen by its own people. The so-called ‘China model’ is the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics created by the Chinese people through their own practice of struggle." This discourse later became one of the important sources for the theory of Chinese-path modernization within Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era.
As early as the 1960s, our Party expanded the goal of socialist construction from achieving industrialization to achieving the Four Modernizations [8]. In the early period of reform and opening up, responding to the trend of bourgeois liberalization [9] that advocated total Westernization, Deng Xiaoping pointed out: "The modernization we are pursuing is Chinese-path modernization. The socialism we are building is socialism with Chinese characteristics." Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, General Secretary Xi Jinping has inherited this viewpoint, continuously enriching and developing it to form a complete theory of Chinese-path modernization. The most significant contribution is the further summary of the essential characteristics of Chinese-path modernization as opposed to the characteristics of capitalist modernization—which is capital-centered, polarized, marked by rampant materialism, and driven by external expansion and plunder (especially violent plunder of colonies at the expense of other countries' backwardness). He summarized five major characteristics of Chinese-path modernization: first, the population size exceeds the sum of all existing developed countries, presenting unprecedented difficulty and complexity, requiring us to uphold the principle of seeking progress while maintaining stability, proceeding step-by-step, and pushing forward continuously; second, it is people-centered, focusing on maintaining and promoting social fairness and justice, promoting common prosperity for all, and preventing polarization; third, it coordinates material and spiritual civilizations, vigorously developing advanced socialist culture, strengthening education in ideals and convictions, and inheriting Chinese civilization; fourth, it promotes harmony between humanity and nature, adhering to sustainable development and the principles of prioritizing conservation, protection, and natural restoration; fifth, it follows the path of peaceful development, better safeguarding world peace and development through its own development, and promoting the building of a community with a shared future for humanity. The most core point of these five characteristics is being people-centered and promoting common prosperity for all, rather than being capital-centered or allowing polarization.
By simply comparing the above statements with the discourse on the "China model" in the "January 5" speech, one can clearly see an inherent logical relationship of development and extension between them.
III. On the essence of the two historical periods before and after reform and opening up as the Party's practical exploration of socialist construction lead by the people
After the Third Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, and especially after the adoption of the Party's second resolution on history [10], our Party reached clear conclusions regarding the history prior to reform and opening up. On one hand, we must seek truth from facts and acknowledge the existence of mistakes and setbacks, especially the serious errors of launching the "Great Leap Forward" and the "Cultural Revolution." On the other hand, we must unequivocally affirm that achievements remained the historical mainstream, and that the great cause of reform and opening up was built upon the foundation of the great achievements made in socialist revolution and construction prior to reform and opening up. However, for a considerable time before the 18th National Congress of the CPC, some people—either overtly or covertly—denied the history prior to reform and opening up, even depicting that period as pitch black. Many more people felt unable to assert with confidence that the period should be evaluated positively; when encountering slanders against that period, they did not dare to refute them, always feeling uncertain and afraid of being labeled "Leftist" [11].
In response to these phenomena, the "January 5" speech clearly proposed: The two historical periods before and after reform and opening up "are by no means severed from one another, much less are they fundamentally opposed," and one cannot be used to negate the other. How to correctly handle the relationship between the two "is not just a historical issue, but more importantly, a political issue." Prior to this, although our Party had always maintained a positive mainstream evaluation of the history before reform and opening up, the "January 5" speech was the first time that the essence and achievements of that history were affirmed with such clear banners, thorough reasoning, complete expression, and targeted strength in an important Party document or speech by a major leader.
Reading through the "January 5" speech reveals that the discourse on correctly viewing the relationship between the two historical periods before and after reform and opening up accounts for about a quarter of the more than 7,000-character speech, undoubtedly making it a major component. There are four main arguments: First, the socialist practical exploration after reform and opening up is a continuation, reform, and development of the socialist practical exploration before it. While there are great differences in the guiding ideology, principles, policies, and practical work of socialist construction between the two, "the two are by no means severed from one another, much less fundamentally opposed," and "both are essentially our Party's practical explorations in leading the people to conduct socialist construction." Second, socialism with Chinese characteristics was initiated in the new historical period of reform and opening up. "If our Party had not made the decisive decision in 1978 to implement reform and opening up, and unswervingly promoted it while grasping its correct direction, socialist China could not have the great situation it has today; it might have faced a serious crisis, and might have encountered a crisis of Party and state collapse like the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries." At the same time, socialism with Chinese characteristics "was also initiated on the basis of the basic socialist system established after the founding of New China and over twenty years of construction." "If we had not established New China and conducted socialist revolution and construction since 1949, accumulating important ideological, material, and institutional conditions, as well as both positive and negative experiences, reform and opening up would have been difficult to carry out smoothly." Third, a correct attitude and scientific analysis must be taken toward the mistakes in the socialist practical exploration before reform and opening up. "We must adhere to the ideological line of seeking truth from facts, distinguish between the mainstream and the tributaries, persist in the truth, correct errors, carry forward experience, and learn lessons." Fourth, before reform and opening up, "our Party put forward many correct propositions in the practice of socialist construction that were not truly implemented at the time, but were truly carried out after reform and opening up, and will continue to be adhered to and developed in the future." To summarize these four points into one sentence: compared to the period before it, the period after reform and opening up has both major differences and fundamental consistency; while there were major mistakes before reform and opening up, they also laid the important foundation for development after reform and opening up.
General Secretary Xi Jinping's discourse on correctly understanding the relationship between the two periods is of great significance. it involves the question of how to view the history of New China. If it is not correctly resolved, research and publicity regarding the history of New China cannot proceed in a way that seeks truth from facts with confidence. More importantly, it also involves the question of how to view socialism with Chinese characteristics and how to choose the country's path of political development. A large number of facts show that those who doubt or oppose reform and opening up always use the history before reform and opening up to negate the history after it; conversely, those who doubt or negate the Four Cardinal Principles [12] always use the history after reform and opening up to negate the history before it. Those who view socialism with Chinese characteristics as a "return to New Democracy" [13], "democratic socialism," "social democracy," or "capitalist restoration" often sever and oppose these two historical periods. Similarly, those who sever, oppose, and mutually negate these two historical periods often oppose or distort the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Thus, it is clear that how to recognize the relationship between the two historical stages before and after reform and opening up is a question of how to view the history of New China, and even more so, a practical political-theoretical question of how to recognize socialism with Chinese characteristics. General Secretary Xi Jinping said in the "January 5" speech that the reason he "emphasizes this issue is because if this major political issue is not handled well, it will produce serious political consequences." My understanding is that the "serious political consequences" mentioned here lie precisely in this.
In the decade of the New Era, General Secretary Xi Jinping has given unprecedented importance to the history of New China, combining it with Party history, the history of reform and opening up, and the history of socialist development, requiring the entire Party and universities to strengthen the study of the "Four Histories" [14]. Not long ago, he also sent a congratulatory letter for the 30th anniversary of the founding of the Association of National Conditions Studies (国史学会) and repeatedly emphasized and discussed the issue of correctly viewing the relationship between the historical periods before and after reform and opening up, proposing to accurately grasp the themes, main threads, mainstream, and essence of New China's historical development. He pointed out that regarding the period before reform and opening up, we must see that "in a short period of time, earth-shaking changes took place in our society, an independent and relatively complete industrial system and national economic system were established, the 'Two Bombs and One Satellite' [15] were independently developed, and China became a major power with significant influence in the world, accumulating important experience in conducting socialist construction in a large Oriental country with very backward social productive forces"; "this created the fundamental prerequisite and laid a solid theoretical and practical foundation for the victorious development of the cause of our Party and people, and for the Chinese nation to stride ahead and catch up with the trends of the times." These discourses and requirements are of great significance for people to correctly understand the history of New China, and even more so for people to establish and strengthen their confidence and determination in socialism with Chinese characteristics.
IV. On the fundamental purpose of historical nihilism being the instigation of overthrowing the leadership of the Communist Party and the socialist system
Mao Zedong pointed out: "Only those who use the Marxist viewpoint to study practical problems and can solve them are considered practical theorists." Only by struggling against anti-Marxist things "will Marxism develop. This is development in the struggle of opposites, a development consistent with dialectics." These discourses tell us that Marxist theoretical work must study, answer, and solve major problems raised in real life, rather than avoiding them or going around them. Only in this way can theory play its role and develop in the process of solving practical problems.
After the start of reform and opening up, a practical problem faced by Marxist theoretical work was how to view and respond to the trend of bourgeois liberalization. Facing this problem head-on, Deng Xiaoping pointedly stated: "The so-called bourgeois liberalization means the total Westernization of China and taking the capitalist road... If we take the capitalist road, it might make a small number of people in certain local areas get rich faster, forming a new bourgeoisie and producing a group of millionaires, but they could at most reach one percent of the population, while the vast majority of people still would not be able to escape poverty, and might not even solve the problem of food and clothing." "Engaging in liberalization will destroy our political situation of stability and unity. Without a political situation of stability and unity, construction is impossible." "Engaging in bourgeois liberalization and denying Party leadership would leave the one billion people without a center of gravity, and the Party would lose its combat effectiveness, becoming even worse than a mass organization. How then could it lead the people in construction?" It was these discourses that revealed the essence and danger of bourgeois liberalization, unified the thinking of the whole Party, suppressed the spread of this trend, and ensured the smooth progress of the cause of reform and opening up, while also greatly enriching Deng Xiaoping Theory.
Later, as practice deepened and developed, bourgeois liberalization gave rise to trends such as neoliberalism, democratic socialism, and historical nihilism. These became popular and clamorous in ideological fields such as economics, political science, revolutionary history, Party history, and the history of New China, with the trend of historical nihilism being particularly intense. How should we recognize these trends? What is their essence? What is their purpose? What would be the consequences of not taking precautions? These became new questions that Marxist theoretical work in the New Era must answer.
Some argue that historical nihilism is a school of academic thought and should be met with academic discussion rather than political critique. These people confuse the nihilist schools of European idealism in the history of philosophy with the trend of historical nihilism that has been prevalent mainly in socialist countries since the 1970s and 80s—a trend specifically used to "nihilize" the history of Communist Parties and socialist states. Regarding the essence of this trend, General Secretary Xi Jinping also provided a penetrating analysis in his "January 5th" speech. He first quoted the famous line by Gong Zizhen [16] of the Qing Dynasty, "To destroy a person's nation, one must first remove their history," illustrating the close relationship between historical narration and interpretation and the survival of a state. He then pointedly noted: "Hostile forces at home and abroad often make an issue of the history of the Chinese revolution and the history of New China, doing their utmost to attack, uglify, and slander them. Their fundamental goal is to throw people’s minds into chaos and incite the overthrow of our Party's leadership and our country's socialist system." Taking the collapse of the Party and state in the Soviet Union as an example, he further revealed the dire consequences that the trend of historical nihilism can produce, stating: "Why did the Soviet Union disintegrate? Why did the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) collapse? An important reason was that the struggle in the ideological field was extremely fierce; there was a total negation of Soviet history, CPSU history, a negation of Lenin, and a negation of Stalin. They engaged in historical nihilism, confusing the people’s minds. Consequently, Party organizations at all levels became almost useless, and the military was no longer under the Party's leadership. In the end, the CPSU, such a massive party, scattered like birds and beasts, and the Soviet Union, such a massive socialist state, fell apart. This is a lesson from the past!"
Because General Secretary Xi Jinping timely pierced the veil of historical nihilism's essence and exposed its potential dire consequences just as socialism with Chinese characteristics was entering the New Era, he sounded an alarm. This trend, which had run rampant on Chinese soil for twenty or thirty years, finally aroused widespread vigilance and serious treatment; its market gradually shriveled and its territory grew smaller. Subsequently, with the spirit of "using the remaining strength to pursue the retreating foe" [17], General Secretary Xi Jinping continuously critiqued this trend. He demanded that cadres on the propaganda and ideological fronts stand tall and wage a resolute struggle against various erroneous trends, insisting they must never use "avoiding controversy" or "avoiding heating things up" as an excuse to justify inaction. He emphasized: "Currently, there are remarks at home and abroad, online and offline, that belittle Chinese culture, negate the historical contributions of the Chinese nation, negate the history of the Chinese people's struggle since modern times, distort the history of the Communist Party of China and the history of the People's Republic of China, and distort the history of reform and opening up. These are negative energies. To increase positive energy, one must aim specifically at negative energy and engage in direct confrontation." He said: "Some units and party and government cadres lack political sensitivity and a sense of responsibility; they are vague and evasive on major ideological issues, which encourages the spread of erroneous trends." He urged relevant departments and leaders "to dare to grasp and manage, and dare to draw the sword," pointing out that for "those remarks that maliciously attack the Party's leadership, attack the socialist system, distort Party and national history, and spread rumors to cause trouble," no media, publication, lecture forum, or theater should provide space or convenience.
It is precisely because the ten years of the New Era have maintained a firm grip on the ideological and public opinion positions that the schemes of Western hostile forces—hoping to stir up a color revolution [18] in our country by spreading historical nihilism—failed to succeed. It can be seen that while the ancients said, "To destroy a person's nation, one must first remove their history," the converse is also true: to "protect one's own nation," one "must first defend its history." In this sense, historical research functions both in "governance and education" [19] and in "protecting the nation." In conducting research on the history of New China, one must never conduct research for research's sake, but should consciously establish a consciousness of protecting the nation and actively exert the nation-protecting function of national history research. One must wage a resolute struggle against historical nihilism and use historical narratives and interpretations guided by historical materialism to defend the interests and honor of the People's Republic of China, the socialist system, and the leadership of the Communist Party.
V. On the Continuous Deepening of the Understanding of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics
The report of the 19th Party Congress pointed out: "Since the 18th Party Congress, changes in the situation at home and abroad and the development of various undertakings in our country have presented us with a major task of the times: we must systematically answer, through a combination of theory and practice, the question of what kind of socialism with Chinese characteristics we should uphold and develop in the New Era, and how to uphold and develop it." This discourse shows that Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era is primarily centered on the issues of socialism with Chinese characteristics. This issue is related to the question of "what is socialism," but they are not entirely the same thing. This point was already becoming apparent in the "January 5th" speech.
The "January 5th" speech noted: "Upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics is a great undertaking," and "the task for our generation of communists is to continue writing this great undertaking." Over the 30-plus years of reform and opening up, the understanding of socialism and the grasp of socialism with Chinese characteristics reached unprecedented heights. However, it must also be seen that our country's socialism is still in the primary stage; we still face many difficult problems that have not been clarified and await resolution, and the understanding and handling of many major issues are still in a process of continuous deepening. To this end, the "January 5th" speech further pointed out: To uphold Marxism and socialism, one must have a developmental perspective and center on the practical problems of our country's reform, opening up, and modernization, as well as the things we are currently doing. There is no development path or model in the world that is universally applicable, nor is there any development path or model that remains unchanged. We cannot treat the practical and theoretical achievements of the past as a reason for complacency or a burden on our continued progress. The more our cause advances and develops, the more new situations and problems will arise, the more risks and challenges we will face, and the more unpredictable things we will encounter. To seek truth from facts, and to advance with the times, is the living soul of Marxism. We must adhere to the Marxist developmental outlook, uphold the principle that practice is the sole criterion for testing truth, and exert historical initiative and creativity. We must clearly recognize what has changed and what has not in the world situation, national conditions, and Party conditions. With the spirit of "opening a road when meeting a mountain and building a bridge when meeting water," we must be brave and skilled at analyzing and answering the questions that urgently need resolution in real life and in the minds of the masses, "continuously deepening reform, making new discoveries, new creations, and new progress, and continuously promoting theoretical innovation, practical innovation, and institutional innovation." Summing up these discourses: our understanding of socialism cannot stop, and similarly, our understanding of socialism with Chinese characteristics cannot stop. We must persist in liberating the mind, seeking truth from facts, and advancing with the times, and always uphold that practice is the sole criterion for testing truth.
Reviewing the ten years of the New Era, one can see that these views are precisely what General Secretary Xi Jinping has repeatedly emphasized, and Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era has been continuously developed and enriched according to this line of thinking. For example, the report of the 19th Party Congress proposed the concept of the New Era of socialism with Chinese characteristics, noting that "this is a new historical coordinate for our country's development," while also pointing out that "the basic national condition that our country remains in and will long remain in the primary stage of socialism has not changed, and our country's international status as the world's largest developing country has not changed." Subsequently, at the Fifth Plenary Session of the 19th CPC Central Committee, he further proposed the concept of the "new development stage," noting: "The new development stage is a stage for building a modern socialist country in all respects and marching toward the Second Centenary Goal," while reiterating that "our country remains in and will long remain in the primary stage of socialism." These discourses show that, on the one hand, the primary stage of socialism will last for a long time and its end cannot be lightly declared, nor can things be done that transcend this stage; on the other hand, this stage is not frozen or unchanging, but is continuously developing forward, and within it, there will be different stages of development.
Whether speaking of the New Era or the new development stage, both refer to the emergence of a new phase within the primary stage of socialism. From the perspective of development, this phase requires implementing the new development philosophy, constructing the dual circulation pattern, and taking high-quality development as the theme, especially placing common prosperity in a more prominent position. Dividing the primary stage of socialism into different sub-stages is clearly an important hallmark of the deepening of the understanding of socialism with Chinese characteristics in Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. Following our Party's creation of the theory of the primary stage of socialism, this represents another major theoretical innovation in scientific socialism.
New China has a history of over 73 years. Looking back, the path of building socialism has achieved world-recognized brilliant successes, but has also encountered various twists and turns and produced various disagreements. These successes, twists, and disagreements are all related to the judgments made on the state of China's socialist social development and the understanding of its developmental direction. The theory of the primary stage of socialism allowed us to recognize China’s greatest current reality and its fundamental national condition; the theory of socialism in the primary stage further clarified for us a series of principles and policies adapted to this stage, as well as the correct direction for its development. The theory of socialism with Chinese characteristics for a New Era has even further allowed us to see that within the primary stage of socialism, there are different phases of forward development. In another speech in the same year as the "January 5th" speech, General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "Any tendency that transcends reality or the current stage out of an eagerness for quick results must be avoided; any concept or practice that lags behind reality, ignores deeply changing objective facts, and is conservative or complacent must be resolutely corrected." We must use Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era to unify the understanding of the whole Party and the masses. In accordance with the requirements of General Secretary Xi Jinping, we must use the correct political direction to calibrate deviations that may occur in the planning of major strategies, the formulation of major policies, the deployment of major tasks, and the advancement of major work. We must neither do things that transcend the current stage nor do things that violate the basic principles of socialism, but rather do our utmost to promote the continuous forward development of the primary stage. By doing so, we will surely enable the primary stage of socialism to pass through the new development stage and a series of other stages that will appear in the future, gradually advancing toward the higher stage of socialism and ultimately realizing the great ideal of communism.
VI. On the Necessity for Communists, Especially Leading Cadres, to be Firm Believers and Devoted Practitioners of the Lofty Ideal of Communism and the Common Ideal of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics
The "January 5th" speech emphasized: "Socialism with Chinese characteristics is the unification of the Party's highest program and its basic program. ... We must both firm up our conviction in following the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics and keep the lofty ideal of communism in our hearts, unswervingly implementing and executing the Party's basic line and basic program in the primary stage of socialism, and doing every task at hand well." This view is another key point of the "January 5th" speech and is one that General Secretary Xi Jinping has repeatedly emphasized and continuously enriched during the ten years of the New Era; it is an important component of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era.
Since the beginning of reform and opening up, some people have argued that since we are now in the primary stage of socialism, speaking of communism is detrimental to attracting foreign investment; that communism is far off in the indefinite future and should be discussed less; or even nonsensically claimed that communism is a utopia and should not serve as the goal for the people's struggle; or that the market economy is eternal and the word "socialist" should not be added before "market economy," and so on. In response to these erroneous remarks, members of the older generation of revolutionaries, such as Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun, offered sharp critiques. Deng Xiaoping said: "We are engaged in the cause of socialism, and our ultimate goal is the realization of communism. I hope the propaganda side never forgets this at any time." "We must especially educate our next one or two generations to establish the lofty ideal of communism." Some people "only talk about the Four Modernizations but not about socialism. This is to forget the essence of things and to depart from China's path of development." Chen Yun also said: "Capitalism being replaced by communism is an unalterable law." "We can be full of confidence and shout: Long live socialism! Long live communism!" "Communism is within sight; socialism is the first stage of communism."
Communist society is, of course, still very distant from us, but this does not mean it is unreachable, much less a utopia or a castle in the air. Communism refers not only to a future society; it is simultaneously a movement and a struggle aimed at the realization of communism. As long as it is a movement or struggle based on the communist ideal, every victory is a step toward communist society. Marx said: "Communism is for us not a state of affairs which is to be established, an ideal to which reality [will] have to adjust itself. We call communism the real movement which abolishes the present state of things." The report to the 12th Party Congress also pointed out: "The complete realization of communism as a social system in our country will still require the long-term arduous struggle of several generations. However, communism is first and foremost a movement... the ultimate goal of this movement is to realize the communist social system. In our country, the dissemination of communist ideas and the movement carried out by the people for the ultimate realization of the communist ideal began as early as the establishment of the Communist Party of China and its leadership of the New Democratic Revolution [20]. Now this movement has developed in our country to the point of establishing a socialist society as the primary stage of communist society... Therefore, communist ideas and communist practices have long existed in our real lives. The viewpoints that ‘communism is a distant illusion’ or that ‘communism has not undergone the test of practice’ are completely erroneous." After the 18th Party Congress, General Secretary Xi Jinping placed unprecedented emphasis on establishing communist ideals and convictions, pointing out that on the issue of the Party’s supreme goal of struggle being communism, one "must not be vague or non-committal."
In the primary stage of socialism, while implementing the policies of socialism with Chinese characteristics, why must we remain firm in our communist ideals and convictions? General Secretary Xi Jinping has conducted extensive analysis around this question. Summarized, there are two main points:
First, socialism with Chinese characteristics is a component of communism; without firm communist ideals, it is impossible to uphold and develop socialism with Chinese characteristics. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "Our Party takes Marxism as its foundation for party-building, the realization of communism as its supreme ideal, and wholehearted service to the people as its fundamental purpose. This is the 'root' of communists. Without these, we would be like a tree without roots. The logical relationship of our entire path, theory, and system lies right here... The fact that our Party has led the people of all ethnic groups in the country to create and develop the path, theoretical system, and system of socialism with Chinese characteristics all stems from this ideal and conviction." "We cannot think of the communist ideal as a mirage just because its realization is a long process, and thus fail to be a loyal Party member." "Realizing communism is the supreme ideal of us communists, and this supreme ideal requires the relay-struggle of generation after generation. If everyone feels this is something invisible and intangible, and that there is no need to struggle or sacrifice for it, then communism really will never be realized. Our current upholding and development of socialism with Chinese characteristics is a concrete effort toward that supreme ideal." In his "January 5 Speech" [21], he also said: "Generation after generation of communists, seeking national independence and people's liberation, did not hesitate to shed their blood and sacrifice themselves; they relied on a faith, and it was for an ideal. Although they knew the ideal they pursued would not be realized in their own hands, they firmly believed that as long as generation after generation continued to work for it, and generation after generation made sacrifices for it, the sublime ideal would surely be realized."
Second, firming up communist ideals and convictions is to ensure we do not lose our way or slacken our will to struggle during the process of implementing the basic program of socialism with Chinese characteristics; it is not about implementing communist policies at the current stage. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "Faith in Marxism and communism, and conviction in socialism, are the ‘calcium’ of the communist spirit. Without ideals and convictions, or if they are not firm, one will suffer from ‘rickets’ [22] of the spirit and will waver in the face of wind and rain." "If ideals and convictions are not firm, and one wavers at the slightest wind or rain, then although one might appear loyal on the surface during normal times, one will ultimately be unreliable." Regarding this issue, Mao Zedong, as early as the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, replied to doubts about whether communist ideology should be propagated while implementing the New Democratic action program, pointing out: "Beyond any doubt, we should expand the propaganda of communist ideas and intensify the study of Marxism-Leninism. Without such propaganda and study, we could not only fail to lead the Chinese revolution to the future stage of socialism, but also fail to guide the current democratic revolution to victory." He simultaneously pointed out: "We should distinguish the propaganda of the communist ideological system and social system from the practice of the New Democratic action program; we should also distinguish the communist theory and method used for observing problems, conducting research, handling work, and training cadres from the New Democratic policy which serves as the national culture as a whole." Although these discourses were made during the period of the democratic revolution, the principles they contain regarding the relationship between the Party's supreme program and its current program of action have not become obsolete even today. To this, Deng Xiaoping also said: "Without ideals and discipline, it is impossible to build the Four Modernizations." Chen Yun [23] also said: "During the period of the democratic revolution, it was because we used communist ideas to educate Party members and the advanced elements among the masses that the Party always had combat effectiveness and the revolution achieved victory." If the propagation and education of communist ideas were indispensable during the democratic revolution, then now, when we are closer to communism than we were then, we naturally have an even greater need for education in communist ideals and convictions while implementing the basic program of the primary stage of socialism.
After socialism with Chinese characteristics entered the New Era, the CPC Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has repeatedly emphasized "remaining true to our original aspiration and founding mission" and has carried out themed education activities throughout the entire Party. The so-called original aspiration and mission refer to the goals, purposes, and tasks established by the Communist Party of China at its inception. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "The reason the Communist Party of China is called the Communist Party is precisely because from the day of its founding, our Party established communism as its lofty ideal. The reason our Party has been able to rise again after every setback is, in the final analysis, because our Party has lofty ideals and sublime pursuits." "Various hostile forces at home and abroad always attempt to make our Party 'change its flag and its name' (改旗易帜) [24]; the crux of this is the attempt to make us abandon our faith in Marxism and our conviction in socialism and communism." A related issue is whether, after negating the theory of "continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat" [25], we can still talk about revolution and still say our Party is a revolutionary party. For a period of time, public opinion claiming that "we must transform our Party from a revolutionary party into a governing party" was clamorous; speaking of "revolution" became a taboo and was treated as a manifestation of "Leftism." In response, since the 18th Party Congress, General Secretary Xi Jinping has repeatedly emphasized that "revolutionary ideals soar higher than the heavens" and "do not forget that we are revolutionaries." He pointed out: "The lofty ideal of communism and the common ideal of socialism with Chinese characteristics are the spiritual pillar and political soul of Chinese communists, and the ideological foundation for maintaining the Party's unity. Our Party is a Marxist governing party, but it is simultaneously a Marxist revolutionary party." As long as one compares the periods before and after the 18th Party Congress, one will see that highlighting firm ideals and convictions is indeed a significant distinction of the New Era compared to previous periods, and it is also a prominent feature of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era.
VII. On the necessity of preparing for long-term cooperation and struggle between the two social systems of socialism and capitalism in all aspects.
This issue has a logical causal relationship with the firming of communist ideals and convictions. Because the realization of communism must undergo a very long historical stage, the socialist system will inevitably coexist with the capitalist system over a very long historical period. To be firm in communist ideals and convictions means one must be prepared for long-term cooperation and struggle between the two social systems of socialism and capitalism.
To explain why these two social systems must cooperate and struggle over the long term, the "January 5 Speech" specifically put forward two arguments: first, capitalist society possesses a capacity for self-regulation; second, the developed Western countries will maintain superiority over socialist countries in economic, technological, and military fields for a long time. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out that we "must deeply recognize the self-regulatory capacity of capitalist society" and "fully estimate the objective reality that developed Western countries will long occupy the superior position in economic, technological, and military aspects"; we "must earnestly learn from and draw on the beneficial achievements of civilization created by capitalism" and "must face the reality that people use the strengths of developed Western countries to compare with and criticize the deficiencies in our country's socialist development." In handling relations with capitalist countries, "the most important thing remains concentrating our energy on running our own affairs well... continuously building a socialism that is superior to capitalism, and continuously laying a more solid foundation for us to win the initiative, win the advantage, and win the future." That is to say, in the face of the material superiority and suppression of the capitalist system, we must first create labor productivity better than that of capitalism, and second, stand firm in our socialist footing without wavering.
Looking back at the ten years of the New Era, we can see that since the 18th Party Congress, work in handling the relationship of both cooperation and struggle with capitalist countries has been carried out precisely according to the aforementioned line of thought. This work, I believe, is mainly reflected in the following three aspects:
First, actively promoting the building of a community with a shared future for humanity, advocating for the abandonment of the Cold War mentality, and pursuing a new path of state-to-state interaction characterized by dialogue rather than confrontation, and partnership rather than alliance.
Second, comprehensively advancing major-country diplomacy with Chinese characteristics, holding high the banner of peace, development, cooperation, and mutual benefit, resolutely opposing hegemonism, power politics, and bullying behavior, promoting the construction of a new type of international relations and major-country relations, strengthening unity and cooperation with the vast number of developing countries, actively participating in the reform and construction of the global governance system, and opposing the formation of camp-based and exclusive small circles targeted at specific countries.
Third, proposing and adhering to the holistic approach to national security, improving national security mechanisms, maintaining national security in key areas, taking people's security as the purpose, political security as the fundamental, economic security as the basis, and military, cultural, and social security as the guarantee, relying on the promotion of international security to blaze a path of national security with Chinese characteristics.
Regarding the maintenance of national security in key areas, General Secretary Xi Jinping has emphasized political security and cultural security the most. Strengthening political and cultural security is, in the final analysis, about solidifying the foundation for the struggle against capitalist and imperialist countries. Concerning political security, he pointed out: various hostile forces at home and abroad always attempt to make our Party "change its flag and its name," "yet some of our people, even some comrades within the Party, have failed to see the hidden trickery within this, asking: Western ‘universal values’ have existed for hundreds of years, why can’t we identify with them? Why can’t we borrow certain Western political discourses? We wouldn’t suffer any great loss by accepting them, so why must we be so obstinate? Some people hold Western theory and Western discourse as golden rules and have unconsciously become the trumpeters of Western capitalist ideology." "Since the end of the Cold War, under the agitation of Western values, some countries have been tossed into a state of ruin... If we use the Western capitalist value system to trim our practice, or use the Western capitalist evaluation system to measure our country's development—where anything that meets Western standards is fine, and anything that doesn't is backward, obsolete, and subject to criticism and attack—then the consequences would be unimaginable!" He emphasized the need to grasp the direction of political structural reform, pointing out: "Some people define reform and opening up as moving toward the direction of Western ‘universal values’ and Western political systems; otherwise, they say it is not reform and opening up. This is a distortion of our reform and opening up." The above discourse serves to remind people to be vigilant against and resist the "peaceful evolution" [26] plots of Western capitalist countries against our country, ensuring the nation’s political security.
Regarding cultural security, General Secretary Xi Jinping has similarly cautioned the people to remain highly vigilant against and resolutely resist the West’s "peaceful evolution" [27]. He pointed out: "While concentrating our energy on economic construction, we cannot for a moment relax or weaken our ideological work. In this regard, we have had profound lessons. The disintegration of a regime often begins in the ideological sphere; political turmoil and regime change can occur overnight, but ideological evolution is a long-term process." He further stated: "At present, various hostile forces are attempting to manufacture a 'color revolution' [28] in our country, vainly hoping to subvert the leadership of the Communist Party of China and our country’s socialist system. This is a realistic danger facing our regime’s security. One breakthrough point they have selected is the ideological field, attempting to throw people's thoughts into chaos, and then fish in troubled waters to win through disorder... History and reality warn us that once the positions of ideology and public opinion are breached, other lines of defense become difficult to hold. In the struggle within the ideological field, we have no room for compromise or concession; we must achieve total victory." He emphasized: "Ideology concerns the banner, the path, and national political security. Party committees at all levels, along with departments for publicity/ideology, organization, and education, must strengthen leadership and management. Party newspapers, journals, and websites, as well as cadre academies and institutions of higher learning, must strengthen their political consciousness and sense of responsibility, maintaining a high degree of unity with the Party Central Committee on major issues..."
A prominent progress in implementing the Holistic Approach to National Security during the first decade of the New Era has been the comprehensive and accurate advancement of the practice of "One Country, Two Systems" in Hong Kong. In the 1980s, as the lease on the Kowloon Peninsula approached its end, Deng Xiaoping, considering the international and domestic situations at the time, proposed the concept of using "One Country, Two Systems" to resolve the Hong Kong and Macau issues. He reached agreements with the British and Portuguese governments, respectively, achieving the smooth return of Hong Kong in 1997 and Macau in 1999. However, for a period of time, "anti-China and insurgent" elements in Hong Kong colluded with anti-China forces at home and abroad, repeatedly holding illegal assemblies and marches, and frantically engaging in violent destructive activities such as "smashing, looting, and arson." They even raised the banner of "Hong Kong independence," causing a severe situation in Hong Kong for a time. Faced with these circumstances, the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core responded calmly, emphasizing that we must comprehensively and accurately implement "One Country, Two Systems," "Hong Kong people governing Hong Kong," and a high degree of autonomy. He pointed out that for "One Country, Two Systems," one must first establish "One Country" consciousness, adhere to the "One Country" principle, and safeguard national unity. A high degree of autonomy is not total autonomy; the Central Government possesses comprehensive jurisdiction over the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR). It is necessary to persist in "Hong Kong people governing Hong Kong" with patriots as the mainstay, expand and strengthen the patriotic forces that love China and Hong Kong, and enhance the national consciousness and patriotic spirit of Hong Kong compatriots. To improve the Central Government’s exercise of comprehensive jurisdiction over the SAR in accordance with the Constitution and the Basic Law, and to promote the establishment and improvement of legal systems and enforcement mechanisms for the SAR to safeguard national security, the Standing Committee of the 13th National People's Congress (NPC) and the Fourth Session of the 13th NPC successively passed the Law of the People's Republic of China on Safeguarding National Security in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and the Decision on Improving the Electoral System of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. They also established the Office for Safeguarding National Security of the Central People’s Government in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region; the Hong Kong SAR also established the Committee for Safeguarding National Security according to law and perfected the oath-taking system for public officials. These measures solved the long-standing problem of Hong Kong not being fully integrated into the national governance system since its return to the motherland. They are of great and far-reaching significance for Hong Kong's transition from chaos to order, the effective implementation of the Central Government’s comprehensive jurisdiction over Hong Kong, and the guarantee of Hong Kong's long-term peace, stability, and prosperity. This constitutes the true return of the power of governance following the return of sovereignty.
Since the late 1970s and early 1980s, based on the new change that peace and development had replaced war and revolution as the characteristics of the times, our Party made significant adjustments to its foreign policy, striving to improve relations with capitalist countries to create a good environment for domestic economic construction. At the same time, proceeding from the maintenance of national security, we have not for a moment relaxed our prevention and resistance of infiltration, subversion, and secessionist activities by hostile Western forces. Since the 18th Party Congress, the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has further summarized our experience and lessons in handling relations with capitalist countries and perfected measures for both cooperation and struggle with them, constituting another important content of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the New Era. The Report to the 20th Party Congress pointed out: Ten years ago, our national security faced severe challenges. Over the past decade, we have implemented the Holistic Approach to National Security, not yielding an inch on matters of principle, and safeguarding national sovereignty, security, and development interests with firm will and quality. We have promoted the building of a community with a shared future for humanity, firmly defended international fairness and justice, advocated and practiced true multilateralism, clearly opposed all hegemonism and power politics, and promoted the construction of a new type of international relations. We clearly see that "various predictable and unpredictable storms and waves" and "pressure and containment from outside may escalate at any time." We must "solidly prepare for military struggle in all strategic directions, and coordinately advance preparations for military struggle in traditional and new security fields." Just as General Secretary Xi Jinping said in his speech at the meeting commemorating the 70th anniversary of the Chinese People's Volunteers entering the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to fight in the War to Resist U.S. Aggression and Aid Korea [29]: "The Chinese people do not go looking for trouble, but we are not afraid of it. In the face of any difficulties or risks, our legs will not shake, and our backs will not bend. The Chinese nation cannot be scared or crushed!" These expositions are precisely the profound summary and incisive generalization of the relationship of both cooperation and struggle between the two social systems in the New Era.
Following the continuous invasions by the Great Powers after the Opium War, the self-confidence of the Chinese people suffered a tremendous blow. After the founding of New China, the Chinese people stood up; in particular, the defeat of the American aggressors in the War to Resist U.S. Aggression and Aid Korea allowed the Chinese people to regain their self-confidence. However, some time ago, some Chinese people again became deficient in self-confidence. "Taking the Western as beautiful" and "following the West in everything" were honored by some as principles. In response to this phenomenon, the Report to the 18th Party Congress proposed the concepts of "confidence in our path, confidence in our theory, and confidence in our system." Although the "January 5" Speech did not repeat the word "confidence," it provided a full demonstration of the grounds for such "confidence."
The "January 5" Speech pointed out: "In the various historical periods of revolution, construction, and reform, our Party has persisted in proceeding from the reality of our country, exploring and forming the New Democratic Revolution road, the path of socialist transformation and socialist construction, and the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics that conform to China's reality. This spirit of independent exploration and this firm determination to persist in taking our own path is the true essence of our Party’s continuous awakening from setbacks and its continuous movement from victory to victory." The speech also said: "As long as we persist in taking our own path independently, and unswervingly persist in and develop socialism with Chinese characteristics, we will surely be able to comprehensively build a moderately prosperous society by the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China, and we will surely be able to build a prosperous, strong, democratic, civilized, and harmonious socialist modernized country by the 100th anniversary of the founding of New China." The two words "confidence" do not appear here, but what is being argued is precisely the reason why we should and can be confident.
Just two months after the "January 5" Speech, at the First Session of the 12th National People's Congress, General Secretary Xi Jinping further elaborated on the spirit of this discourse from the "January 5" Speech, explicitly putting forward the concepts of confidence in the path, system, and theory of socialism with Chinese characteristics. He pointed out that the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics was walked out from the great practice of more than 30 years of reform and opening up, more than 60 years of continuous exploration since the founding of the People's Republic of China, the profound summary of the 170-plus years of the Chinese nation's development process in modern times, and the inheritance of the 5,000-plus years of the Chinese nation’s long civilization. It "possesses deep historical roots and a broad realistic foundation." Having created a great Chinese civilization, we are also capable of continuing to expand and walk well a development path suited to China's national conditions. Therefore, "we must enhance our confidence in the path, theory, and system of socialism with Chinese characteristics." Three years later, at the meeting celebrating the 95th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China, he added the concept of "cultural confidence" to the basis of the aforementioned three confidences, forming the complete expression of the "Four Confidences." This viewpoint became another important content of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, providing an important theoretical basis for establishing national self-confidence and gradually integrating into the daily discourse of people in the New Era. As he said in that speech: "In the world today, if one were to say which political party, which country, and which nation can be confident, then the Communist Party of China, the People's Republic of China, and the Chinese nation have the most reason to be confident."
Any advanced and scientific thought in human history has its own source and current. If the source of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era is the combination of the basic principles of Marxism with China’s specific reality and with fine traditional Chinese culture, and is the profound summary and full application of historical experience since the founding of our Party, then the upstream of this thought can be traced back to General Secretary Xi Jinping's "January 5" Speech. Today we revisit this speech for the purpose of further recognizing that the achievements of the first decade of the New Era were not easily won, to more deeply comprehend the essence of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, to grasp its worldview and methodology, as well as the positions, viewpoints, and methods that run through it, and to continue pushing forward the great cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics.
(Author: Zhu Jiamu, former Vice President of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences) Web Editor: Tongxin Source: "Changan Street Reading Club" WeChat Public Account