Marxism Research Network
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Zhu Jiamu: To Comprehensively Advance the Great Rejuvenation of the Chinese Nation, We Must Continue to Uphold and Strengthen the Leadership of the Communist Party of China

Notable Scholars

General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out in the report to the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC): "From this day forward, the central task of the Communist Party of China will be to lead the Chinese people of all ethnic groups in a concerted effort to realize the Second Centenary Goal of building China into a great modern socialist country in all respects and to advance the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation on all fronts through a Chinese-path modernization." He simultaneously noted: "Building a modern socialist country in all respects and advancing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation on all fronts hinges on the Party." "Upholding the Party's overall leadership is the path we must take to uphold and develop socialism with Chinese characteristics, and socialism with Chinese characteristics is the path we must take to realize the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation." [1] These expositions demonstrate that the Chinese nation’s past struggle to achieve great rejuvenation relied on the leadership of the CPC; today, to advance the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation on all fronts, we must still persist in and strengthen the leadership of the CPC.

I. Modern Chinese history demonstrates that only the Communist Party of China possesses the qualifications to lead the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation

A nation faces no issue of "rejuvenation" if it has remained consistently prosperous without decline, or if it has declined but remains content with the status quo and lacks the will to forge ahead. However, the Chinese nation fits neither of these cases.

Chinese civilization is one of the four cradles of civilization in human history and the only one to have continued to the present without interruption. Since ancient times, China long remained at the forefront of the world in terms of territory, population, economy, and culture. However, since the dawn of the modern era, due to the obstinacy, corruption, and ignorance of the Qing Dynasty, China missed the wave of the world's first industrialization, causing its national strength to turn from prosperity to decline. From China's defeat by an already-industrialized Britain in the Opium War of 1840 until the end of the 19th century, China suffered invasions from imperialist powers—both large and small—almost every ten years. This resulted in the forced signing of over 300 unequal treaties, the payment of over one billion taels [2] of silver in indemnities, the loss of over three million square kilometers of territory, the leasing of vast tracts of land, and the surrender of many rights essential to a sovereign state. The nation was brought to the brink of extinction.

The Chinese nation has always been an industrious, wise, and tenacious people, with a spirit of perseverance, defiance against brutality, and refusal to bow to fate ingrained in its very core. The corruption and incompetence of the feudal dynasty and the continuous invasions by foreign powers caused all patriotic people of vision to feel profound anguish [3]; they yearned for national rejuvenation and made unremitting efforts toward this end. Yet, due to the lack of leadership from an advanced class and a correct path to rejuvenation, all efforts—including the Taiping Rebellion, the Self-Strengthening Movement, the Hundred Days' Reform, the Boxer Rebellion, and the Revolution of 1911—ended in failure. Regarding this outcome, Mao Zedong wrote in his article "On the People's Democratic Dictatorship": "Conditions in the country went from bad to worse, and the environment forced people to find it impossible to live. Doubts arose, grew, and developed." "Western bourgeois civilization, bourgeois democracy, and the blueprint for a bourgeois republic all went bankrupt in the eyes of the Chinese people. Bourgeois democracy gave way to people's democracy under the leadership of the working class, and the bourgeois republic gave way to the people's republic. This created a possibility: reaching socialism and communism through the people's republic, reaching the abolition of classes and the Great Harmony [4] of the world." [2] History has proven that this path, and only this path, is the only viable road to the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

The decline of the Chinese nation in modern times manifested primarily in two ways: first, the inability to maintain independent sovereignty, and second, the inability to develop industry. The core reason why sovereignty could not be independent and industry could not develop lay in the obstruction of feudal forces and imperialism. Therefore, for the nation to be rejuvenated, the issues of national independence and industrialization had to be resolved first; and to resolve these, the imperialism and feudal forces that hindered them had to be overthrown. In modern China, the only classes located in the upper strata of society with economic strength—aside from the landlord class—were the bourgeoisie. The latter should have shouldered the heavy responsibility of national rejuvenation, but the big bourgeoisie among them were composed of bureaucrats and compradors [5]; they colluded with feudal forces and imperialism and were likewise stumbling blocks to national rejuvenation. The middle class among the bourgeoisie consisted of national capitalists who, while dissatisfied with imperialism and feudalism, maintained inextricable economic links with them and were politically vacillating; thus, they could not shoulder the responsibility of leading the national rejuvenation. The petty bourgeoisie among them, despite having strong anti-imperialist and anti-feudal aspirations, were weak in their own right and likewise incapable of leading the mission.

The Chinese working class, which emerged and grew during the process of imperialist economic aggression and the slow development of national industry, numbered about 100,000 during the First Sino-Japanese War at the end of the 19th century, reached about one million during World War I, and grew to about two million by the time of the May Fourth Movement in 1919. They were linked to advanced productive forces and relations of production, possessing a far-reaching political vision and breadth of mind. Subjected to the triple exploitation and oppression of imperialism, feudal forces, and the bourgeoisie, they were the most thoroughly revolutionary. The ranks of industrial workers among them were the most organizationally concentrated and disciplined, and politically the most steadfast and combat-effective. Compared to the Chinese bourgeoisie, although their cultural and social status was lower, they were "older" in terms of their historical standing and seniority [6], and they possessed a natural connection with the peasantry, giving them immense social influence. During the May Fourth Movement, they integrated with advanced intellectuals who had accepted Marxism and gave birth to their own representative political organization—the Communist Party of China. From that point on, they formally stepped onto China's political stage.

As the gravediggers of the capitalist system, the Chinese working class naturally opposed the exploitation and oppression of capitalists. However, under the specific conditions of China, what they felt most acutely was the exploitation and oppression of imperialism and feudal forces. Therefore, from the day of its founding, the CPC held high the two banners of socialism and the anti-imperialist, anti-feudal struggle, shouldering the heavy responsibility of national rejuvenation that should have been borne by the bourgeoisie. As Mao Zedong pointed out: "The task of the Chinese working class is not only to struggle for the establishment of a New Democratic state, but also to struggle for China's industrialization and the modernization of agriculture." [3] The Communist Party "represents the greatest interests of the Chinese workers and peasants, and also represents the interests of the entire Chinese nation." [4] "The Communist Party is the vanguard of the proletariat, and at the same time the most thorough vanguard of national liberation." [5] Precisely because of this, our Party not only gathered into its ranks advanced elements who believed in Marxism and represented the interests of the laboring masses but also possessed a powerful attraction and appeal for all those who hoped to save the nation from its perils, thereby assembling the finest sons and daughters of the Chinese nation around the Party. They possessed clear goals, firm will, a spirit of fearless sacrifice, and the heroic mettle to vanquish all enemies. They followed one after another, unyielding and undaunted, growing more courageous with every setback, pressing forward irresistibly, and establishing a "fish-and-water" [7] deep bond with the masses through long-term struggle. History has repeatedly shown that the CPC is not only able to shoulder the heavy responsibility of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation but is fully competent to do so; it is the only leading force capable of guiding the cause of national rejuvenation from victory to victory.

II. The history of the Chinese Revolution and the construction of the New China demonstrates that the Communist Party of China possesses extraordinary capacity to lead the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation

In the more than 100 years since its birth, the CPC has led the Chinese people of all ethnic groups through 28 years of bloody struggle to overthrow the "three great mountains" of feudalism, imperialism, and bureaucrat-capitalism, establishing a New China where the people are masters of the country and achieving national independence and people's liberation. Then, through more than 70 years of thorough social transformation and planned, uninterrupted industrialization and modernization, it has transformed China from a poor and blank [8], weak and impoverished nation—one that suffered repeated defeats and bullying—into a manufacturing giant with a complete range of industrial sectors, an economic power ranking second in the world and moving toward the goal of basically achieving modernization, a military power with absolute confidence in defeating any invading enemy, and a major diplomatic power that is independent and increasingly moving toward the center of the world stage. It is no exaggeration to say that although China hasn't yet fully reached the level of a developed country and the Chinese nation has not yet achieved the final goal of great rejuvenation, it has used over 70 years to complete the journey that developed countries took hundreds of years to finish. It has greatly narrowed the gap with them, bringing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation into an irreversible historical process. History has shown and continues to show that all these achievements are primarily due to the fact that Chinese Communists have never forgotten their original aspiration and founding mission, placing the quest for the people's happiness and the nation's rejuvenation at the highest priority. They are also due to our Party's skill in integrating the universal truths of Marxism with China's specific realities, ensuring that the lines, principles, policies, and strategies formulated in different periods always represent the fundamental interests of the people of all ethnic groups to the greatest extent and conform to China's actual conditions to the greatest extent.

Regarding the immense contributions made by the CPC to the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, I have the deepest appreciation for the following seven aspects:

1. Pointing out the correct path forward for national rejuvenation Before the October Revolution, whether for national independence or state industrialization, humanity knew only one path: capitalism. But once capitalism moved from free competition into the monopoly stage and the world entered the era of imperialism, it was no longer viable for colonial and semi-colonial countries to achieve independence and industrialization by following the capitalist road. At that very moment, the proletarian socialist revolution first broke out in Russia, bringing Marxism-Leninism to China and pointing out an alternative to capitalism: the path of socialism.

As a proletarian party guided by Marxism, the CPC possesses on the one hand a maximum program of struggling for the lofty goal of communism, and on the other hand, minimum programs—or current programs of action—formulated according to the primary contradictions of different historical stages. For example, during the historical stage of the New Democratic Revolution, the Party's minimum program was broadly to oppose imperialism and feudalism and establish a New China. Specifically, during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, it was to form a broad national united front to defeat the Japanese imperialist invaders; during the War of Liberation, it was to unite all forces that could be united to overthrow Chiang Kai-shek and liberate all of China. After the founding of the New China, our Party successively proposed the General Line for the Transition Period of "one transformation and three reforms" [9], as well as the General Line for building socialism with "greater, faster, better, and more economical results." Since reform and opening up, our Party first proposed the basic program for the primary stage of socialism, and upon entering the New Era, proposed the "Two Centenaries" goals. All these minimum programs and action plans, in sum, were aimed at establishing the socialist system and carrying out socialist construction to create conditions for the ultimate realization of communism, while simultaneously striving for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Because our Party can always distinguish between and unify the maximum and minimum programs—using minimum programs to implement the maximum program step-by-step, while using the maximum program to command each minimum program—it has always been able to lead the Chinese nation forward along the path of socialism, drawing closer step-by-step to the goal of great rejuvenation.

2. Creating the necessary political prerequisites for national rejuvenation Since imperialism and feudal forces were the main obstacles to China's independence and industrialization, for the Chinese nation to be rejuvenated, it naturally had to first remove these "stumbling blocks," as well as the bureaucrat-comprador bourgeoisie that acted in collusion with them. To this end, our Party combined Marxism with China's reality and adopted a two-step revolutionary strategy: first, the New Democratic Revolution led by the working class, followed by the socialist revolution. In the New Democratic Revolution, our Party proceeded from China's reality, adopting the strategy of the worker-peasant alliance, armed struggle, and encircling the cities from the countryside. With the support of the masses and through arduous and heroic struggle, it thoroughly toppled the "three great mountains" obstructing national rejuvenation and achieved national independence, clearing the political obstacles for the country's industrialization. It was this victory that finally allowed the Chinese nation to stand tall among the nations of the world, providing the political prerequisite for great rejuvenation. Without this prerequisite, nothing else would be possible.

3. Seizing rare developmental opportunities for national rejuvenation

Because modern China missed the historic train of global industrialization and suffered continuous destruction from imperialist wars of aggression, the nation’s landscape was shattered, its industries withered, and its people lived in misery. Economically, China lagged behind developed Western countries by at least several centuries. Therefore, to enable the Chinese nation to catch up with those early-industrialized countries in the shortest possible time and recover that lost time, development had to proceed at a much faster pace than theirs. To achieve this, in addition to relying on self-reliance and arduous struggle, it was necessary to assess the situation, seize opportunities, and leverage external forces—securing help and cooperation from even a single early-industrialized country and striving to break the diplomatic isolation and economic blockades imposed by imperialist powers. Looking across the history of the New China, it was precisely our Party that seized three such historic opportunities.

The first occasion was during the War to Resist U.S. Aggression and Aid Korea [10]. We smashed the U.S. plot to threaten our newborn regime from the north and maintained peace in Northeast Asia, including the Far Eastern region of the socialist Soviet Union. In doing so, we obtained a commitment from the Soviet Union for comprehensive assistance to our plan to prioritize heavy industry. To capture this rare historic opportunity, the Party swiftly decided to transition from New Democracy to socialism [11] ahead of schedule. By adopting a highly centralized planned economic system, we established an independent and integrated industrial system and national economic framework through only four Five-Year Plans, laying a solid material foundation for China's industrialization. The second occasion occurred during the War to Resist U.S. Aggression and Aid Vietnam. We crushed the U.S. plot to threaten China from the south and seized the opportunity when the U.S. sought to extricate itself from Vietnam to concentrate on its hegemony struggle with a Soviet Union that had degenerated into social-imperialism. This opened the door to China-U.S. relations and broke the U.S. diplomatic isolation and economic blockade, paving the way for China to establish diplomatic ties, trade relations, and economic cooperation with developed Western countries. The third occasion was when, based on the change in the international situation where peace and development replaced war and revolution as the primary characteristics of the times, the Party decisively implemented the policy of reform and opening up. By aligning with international economic rules dominated by developed capitalist countries, the Party once again seized the opportunity for "overtaking on a bend" to rapidly develop itself and catch up with developed nations.

So-called chances or opportunities are relative to the "normal" state of affairs; they are tied to a specific, opportune moment and must be captured before they vanish. For example, the window for comprehensive Soviet assistance lasted only eight years—once Khrushchev turned against China and Sino-Soviet relations ruptured, that opportunity ended. If we had not seized the chance when Stalin promised comprehensive aid for our industrial infrastructure and transitioned to socialism early, and if we had not laid the foundation for industrialization in a very short time through our own hard work, the establishment of our independent and integrated industrial system would have been delayed significantly. Thus, being adept at capturing and seizing opportunities is a major manifestation of our Party's leadership capability and a tremendous contribution to the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

4. Creating a favorable internal and external environment for national rejuvenation If a country wants to concentrate its energy on construction, it must have an environment of internal stability and external peace. Otherwise, if the inside is in a state of chaos and constant turmoil while the outside is clamorous with frequent wars, it is impossible to pursue construction with a focused mind.

Looking across the 70-plus years of New China’s history, another major contribution the Party has made to the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation is the creation of a favorable environment of stability, unity, peace, and development conducive to industrialization and modernization. First, internally, since the founding of New China, the Party carried out a series of transformation movements targeting the remnants of semi-colonial and semi-feudal society, such as land reform, the suppression of counter-revolutionaries, the confiscation of bureaucratic capital, democratic reforms in industrial and mining enterprises, the eradication of the "three evils" (pornography, gambling, and drugs), and the ideological remolding of intellectuals. It launched a series of initiatives to guarantee political and social security, such as eliminating bandits, suppressing counter-revolutionaries, and quelling rebellions. The Party established a series of basic socialist political and economic systems suited to China's conditions, formed a broad patriotic united front, and adopted the policy of distinguishing between two different types of contradictions [12], thereby mobilizing all positive factors. After the start of reform and opening up, the Party proposed the theory of the primary stage of socialism, opened up the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics, correctly handled the relationship between development, reform, and stability, halted turmoil, and guarded against and combated various infiltration, subversion, and separatist activities by hostile forces, thus safeguarding national security and social stability. Second, externally, since its founding, New China has pursued an independent foreign policy of peace, advocated the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence for countries with different social systems, stood firmly with developing countries, opposed power politics and hegemony, pursued a path of peaceful development, made friends widely, upheld justice, and established a good international image. At the same time, through the War to Resist U.S. Aggression and Aid Korea, the War to Resist U.S. Aggression and Aid Vietnam, and the Sino-Indian Border Self-Defense Counter-attack, China resolutely smashed all attempts to invade the country or interfere in its internal affairs. It firmly defended national sovereignty, security, and territorial integrity, thereby securing over 70 years of precious time for peaceful construction for China’s socialist modernization.

5. Implementing practical development strategies for national rejuvenation Economic development strategy, like military strategy, is a matter of overall and long-term significance. To carry out industrialization and modernization, one must not only have a development strategy that fits the national conditions but also the persistence to hold the course and a tenacity that refuses to stop until the goal is reached. The 70-plus-year history of New China shows that the development strategies formulated by our Party in different periods have been not only practical but also resolutely and thoroughly implemented. Before reform and opening up, the Party successively formulated and implemented strategies such as: prioritizing the development of heavy industry; taking industry as the leading factor and agriculture as the foundation; giving play to the initiative of both the central and local governments; "preparing for war, preparing for famine, and serving the people"; the "Third Line" construction [13]; and the realization of the "Four Modernizations" [14] by the end of the 20th century. These strategies not only produced clear results at the time but also created highly favorable conditions for subsequent development. After reform and opening up, the Party formulated and implemented a series of strategies including: the "Three-Step" and "New Three-Step" [15] goals for the mid-21st century; "going out" and "bringing in"; the "two ends out" (relying on markets and resources abroad); building a moderately prosperous society in all respects; reinvigorating the country through science and education; strengthening the nation through human resources; allowing the eastern coastal areas to develop first; the Great Western Development; the revitalization of Northeast China; and the rise of Central China. Entering the New Era, the Party has implemented a series of further strategies: the Five-Sphere Integrated Plan; the Belt and Road Initiative; coordinated development of the Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei region; the construction of the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area; integrated development of the Yangtze River Delta; the development of the Yangtze River Economic Belt; ecological protection and high-quality development of the Yellow River Basin; comprehensive deepening of reform and opening up in Hainan; innovation-driven development; Digital China; Made in China 2025; the "Two-Step" goal for the Second Centenary Goal; supply-side structural reform; and the construction of a new development pattern where domestic dual circulation is the mainstay and domestic and international dual circulation reinforce each other. Among these strategies, some ended successfully because they achieved their goals, such as building a moderately prosperous society in all respects; some were adjusted according to changes in the situation, such as the "Three-Step" strategy; and some have been pursued through continuous relay over decades, such as reinvigorating the country through science and education. The reason China completed the journey in just over 70 years that developed Western countries took several centuries to finish is undoubtedly due in very large part to the formulation and implementation of these strategies.

6. Resolving and continuing to resolve the issue of complete national reunification for national rejuvenation Complete national reunification is an important hallmark of a strong nation and, even more so, an important hallmark of the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. After the founding of New China, while the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) was pursuing the remnants of the Kuomintang reactionary army and liberating the provinces of Central, South, and Southwest China, it resolutely marched into Tibet to resolve the issue of national fragmentation left over from the old China. With the active efforts of the Party Central Committee, the peaceful liberation of Tibet was achieved.

Back then, when the PLA reached the northern bank of the Sham Chun River in Shenzhen, Guangdong, the Party Central Committee—aiming to break the Western economic blockade and preserve a channel for trade with capitalist countries—decided to delay the recovery of sovereignty over Hong Kong after the British government agreed to our conditions. In the 1980s, considering that the lease on the Kowloon Peninsula was about to expire and noting changes in the internal and external situations, our Party properly resolved the issues left over from history between China and Britain and China and Portugal in accordance with the "One Country, Two Systems" principle. Sovereignty over Hong Kong and Macao was recovered in 1997 and 1999 respectively, washing away a century of national humiliation and taking an important step toward the goal of complete national reunification. In the early 2020s, in response to hidden dangers that emerged in Hong Kong after its return, the National People's Congress and its Standing Committee successively formulated national security laws concerning Hong Kong and improved the Hong Kong electoral system. This further implemented the Central Government’s comprehensive jurisdiction over Hong Kong and the principles of "patriots governing Hong Kong" and "patriots governing Macao," achieving a transition from chaos to governance in Hong Kong society and safeguarding the prosperity and stability of Hong Kong.

The Taiwan question is an issue left over from the War of Liberation [16]. Due to the U.S. blockade of the Taiwan Strait and its interference in China's internal affairs, Taiwan has yet to be reunified with the mainland. In the 1950s, to smash the U.S. plot to create "two Chinas," the Party Central Committee decided, on the one hand, to delay the liberation of Kinmen and Matsu, using them as an "umbilical cord" connecting the mainland and Taiwan; on the other hand, it proposed a plan to resolve the issue of reunification between Taiwan and the mainland by peaceful means. After reform and opening up, the Party Central Committee established the major policy of peaceful reunification, reached the "1992 Consensus," and realized the "Three Links" [17]. Subsequently, in response to the "Taiwan independence" forces coming to power, the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress passed the "Anti-Secession Law." Entering the New Era, the Party Central Committee continues to persist in striving for the prospect of peaceful reunification with the greatest sincerity and utmost effort, but makes no promise to renounce the use of force. It has taken resolute countermeasures against the collusion between "Taiwan independence" elements and international anti-China forces. As the historical wheels of national rejuvenation roll forward, the day of complete national reunification will surely not be far off.

7. Cultivating a positive and upward spiritual outlook for national rejuvenation The future and destiny of a nation are closely linked to its spiritual state. The reason why modern China was repeatedly bullied by foreign enemies was directly related to the lack of national cohesion under the oppression of feudal rule, leaving the country like a "heap of loose sand" and the national spirit listless. Therefore, to revitalize the nation, the national spirit must be bolstered. This problem was also solved by the Communist Party of China.

During the years of revolutionary war, our Party through its own exemplary actions awakened the inherent spirit of the Chinese nation to be unyielding and to strive for prosperity. It cultivated revolutionary spirits such as serving the people, arduous struggle, strict discipline, leading the charge, equality between officers and soldiers, unity between the military and the people, and constantly striving for perfection. After the founding of New China, by establishing advanced models such as Geng Changsuo, Wang Guofan, Lei Feng, Wang Jinxi, Jiao Yulu, as well as the examples of Daqing, Dazhai, the Red Flag Canal, and the Women’s Volleyball Team, the Party cultivated among the people a communist spirit featuring self-reliance, arduous struggle, "when one place is in trouble, help comes from all sides," finding pleasure in helping others, and self-sacrifice for the sake of others. Since reform and opening up, the Party has movements such as concentrated study and education to advocate and cultivate spirits of selfless dedication, professional dedication, seeking truth and being pragmatic, courage in innovation, daring to fight, caring for the collective, and subordinating individual interests to the overall situation. All of these have become the spiritual driving force for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

III. The situation and tasks faced in the New Era demonstrate that to comprehensively advance the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, it remains necessary to persist in and strengthen the leadership of the Communist Party of China

1. The entry of socialism with Chinese characteristics into the New Era is itself the result of persisting in and strengthening Party leadership The Report to the 20th National Congress of the CPC pointed out that during the ten years since the 18th National Congress, we have experienced three major events of great practical significance and far-reaching historical significance to the cause of the Party and the people. The second of these was that socialism with Chinese characteristics entered the New Era. The reason for this conclusion is that over these ten years, China's comprehensive national strength has leapt to a new level. Our GDP has doubled, and China's share of the global economy has risen from 11.3% to 18.5%. The urbanization rate increased from 53.1% to 64.7%, and per capita GDP reached 81,000 yuan, exceeding the global average. The scale of our manufacturing industry and our foreign exchange reserves rank first in the world. We have built the world's largest high-speed rail network and achieved a series of major breakthroughs in infrastructure, basic research, and original innovation. We won the battle against poverty, lifting nearly 100 million rural poor out of poverty, solving the problem of absolute poverty in the history of the Chinese nation, and comprehensively building a moderately prosperous society—the largest in human history in terms of the population benefited and physical volume.

The aforementioned changes were not achieved naturally or with ease. As the report to the 20th National Congress of the Party stated, ten years ago, we faced a series of long-accumulated as well as newly emerging prominent contradictions and problems. Regarding Party building, there were numerous problems involving blurred understanding and feeble action concerning the persistence of Party leadership, as well as the weakening, hollowization, and marginalization of its implementation. Some Party members and cadres experienced wavering political convictions; in certain regions and departments, the "Four Winds" persisted despite repeated prohibitions, while "special privilege" mentalities and phenomena [18] remained serious, and cases of graft and corruption were shocking. In the economic sphere, structural and institutional contradictions were prominent; development was unbalanced, uncoordinated, and unsustainable; and certain deep-seated institutional problems and the entrenched barriers of vested interest groups became increasingly apparent. Politically, some individuals lacked confidence in the political system of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and serious problems existed such as failure to abide by the law or laxity in law enforcement. Ideologically, erroneous trends of thought—such as money worship, hedonism, extreme individualism, and historical nihilism [19]—appeared from time to time, while online public opinion was rife with chaos. Regarding national security, the capacity to respond to various major risks was weak, and there were many shortcomings and vulnerabilities in the modernization of national defense and the armed forces. In the governance of Hong Kong and Macao, the institutions and mechanisms for implementing "One Country, Two Systems" were incomplete, and national security faced severe challenges, among other issues. Precisely for these reasons, at that time, many people within the Party and society were deeply worried about the future of the Party and the state.

Facing these contradictions and problems, the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core adopted a governing philosophy that gave greater prominence to the supremacy of the people and a people-centered approach, taking the people's aspiration for a better life as the goal of its struggle. It promoted the "Five-Sphere Integrated Plan" in a coordinated manner and the "Four Comprehensives" strategic layout in a balanced way. Politically, it emphasized the Party's overall leadership and the comprehensive and strict governance of the Party, developed whole-process people's democracy, stressed the need to strengthen ideals and convictions and that "revolutionary ideals soar higher than the heavens," and launched an unprecedented anti-corruption struggle. Economically, it emphasized balance, coordination, pragmatism, innovation, and sustainability in development; proposed and implemented the general principle of seeking progress while maintaining stability and the new development philosophy; focused on promoting high-quality development; implemented supply-side structural reform; and formulated a series of major regional strategies of global significance. Culturally, it emphasized establishing and upholding the guiding position of Marxism in the ideological sphere, advocated the spirit of "daring to unsheathe the sword" [20], demanded a resolute struggle against erroneous ideological tendencies, promoted a correct view of the relationship between the two historical periods before and after Reform and Opening-up [21], and strengthened the "Four Confidences." Regarding institutional reform, it emphasized that reform must have a correct direction, focus on substantive results, be comprehensively deepened, and promote fairness—taking the promotion of social fairness and justice and the enhancement of the people's well-being as the starting point and ultimate goal of all reforms, stating: "We will resolutely reform what should and can be reformed, and resolutely not reform what should not or cannot be reformed." 23 Regarding national security, it proposed and implemented the Holistic Approach to National Security, improved the national security system, enhanced the capacity to safeguard national security, and established a sense of vigilance, bottom-line thinking, and a spirit of "not fearing ghosts or believing in heresies," [22] thereby safeguarding the new development pattern with a new security pattern.

Precisely because our Party proposed targeted guiding ideologies and adopted realistic strategic measures, a series of breakthrough advances were achieved over the past ten years, a series of landmark results were secured, and the Party weathered the tests of risks and challenges from politics, the economy, ideology, and the natural world. This has enabled historical transformations, systematic reshaping, and holistic restructuring in many fields. A comprehensive and fundamental turn has occurred in the ideological sphere; ethnic separatist forces, religious extremist forces, and violent terrorist forces have been effectively suppressed; and Hong Kong has entered a new stage of transitioning from chaos to governance and toward prosperity. Within the Party, certain unhealthy trends that had long gone unchecked were halted, and chronic ailments that had persisted for years were cured. The capacity for self-purification, self-perfection, self-revolution, and self-improvement has been significantly enhanced. The situation of lax and superficial governance over the Party has been fundamentally reversed, and a clean and upright political ecosystem within the Party continues to form and develop. It is evident that without the correct guidance and leadership of our Party, the historic changes of the New Era would be unimaginable. As Xi Jinping stated: "Practice has proven that since the 18th National Congress, the major policies and work deployments of the Party Central Committee have been completely correct. The path of socialism with Chinese characteristics conforms to China's reality, reflects the will of the Chinese people, and adapts to the requirements of the times; it is not only the right path and a viable path, but also a path walked steadily and well." [24]

2. The new situation and new tasks facing the New Era of socialism with Chinese characteristics dictate that we must further persist in and strengthen Party leadership.

The New Era of socialism with Chinese characteristics has achieved the First Centenary Goal and embarked on a new journey toward the Second Centenary Goal. It can be said that we are now closer to and more capable of achieving the goal of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation than at any time in history. However, as the saying goes, "half of a hundred-mile journey is ninety miles." [23] The new journey of comprehensively building a modern socialist country must not only realize the three historical tasks of advancing modernization, achieving national reunification, and safeguarding world peace while promoting common development, but also gradually achieve common prosperity for all people. Compared to the past, these tasks are more difficult and more arduous; the contradictions and resistance faced will be more numerous and complex, involving various predictable and unpredictable risks and challenges. In short, on the new journey toward the Second Centenary Goal—just like the Long March of those years—"there are still many 'Snowy Mountains' and 'Marshes' to cross, and many 'Loushan Passes' and 'Lazikous' to conquer." 25 [24]

As can be seen from the report to the 20th National Congress, the current difficulties and problems we face stem from both internal and external environments. Domestically, the problem of unbalanced and inadequate development remains prominent; there are still many bottlenecks and obstacles in promoting high-quality development; the capacity for scientific and technological innovation is still insufficient; and reforms in key areas still face many deep-seated contradictions that cannot be avoided or bypassed—there are still many "hard bones to chew." [25] There are still many challenges in the ideological sphere; the gap between urban and rural regional development and income distribution remains large; and the masses still face many puzzles in employment, education, medical care, childcare, elderly care, and housing. Some Party members and cadres still lack a sense of responsibility, their capacity for struggle is not yet strong, and their spirit of practical work is insufficient. Phenomena of formalism and bureaucratism remain prominent, and the anti-corruption struggle still faces many stubborn and recurrent problems; the task of eradicating the soil that breeds corruption remains arduous, and so forth. In terms of the external environment, the trend of anti-globalization is rising, while unilateralism and protectionism are significantly increasing. Localized conflicts and turbulence have intensified, and the world has entered a new period of turbulence and transformation with an increase in uncertain and unpredictable factors. International hegemonism, led by the United States, continues to uphold a Cold War mentality, engaging in power politics, frequently imposing unilateral sanctions and "extreme pressure," and constantly increasing the intensity of efforts to obstruct China's development. "Suppression and containment from the outside could escalate at any time." [18]

It is precisely these internal and external factors that dictate that the closer the Chinese nation gets to achieving its great rejuvenation, the more we must persist in and strengthen the overall leadership of the Party and safeguard the authority and centralized, unified leadership of the Party Central Committee. At the same time, we must strengthen the Party's self-purification, self-perfection, self-revolution, and self-improvement; withstand the "Four Tests" and prevent the "Four Dangers" [26]; and ensure that the vast majority of Party members constantly "keep in mind the fundamental question of what the Party is and what it wants to do," 26 so that the Party eternally preserves its advanced nature and purity. Only in this way can our Party better shoulder the heavy responsibility of leading the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, find solutions in the face of various risks and challenges, ensure the correct direction of China's socialist modernization, maintain the political cohesion of the people of the whole country and the sons and daughters of the Chinese nation at home and abroad in their collective struggle, and lead the Chinese nation step by step toward the goal of great rejuvenation.

3. Persisting in and strengthening the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party in the New Era of socialism with Chinese characteristics has profound practical foundations and sufficient theoretical basis.

Persisting in and strengthening the leadership of the Communist Party of China is a historical choice made by the Chinese people through a century of trials and tribulations, and it is also clearly stipulated by the laws of New China. Both the Common Program of 1949 and the Constitutions from 1954 to 1982 explicitly stipulated that New China is a people's democratic state led by the working class and based on the alliance of workers and peasants, and expressed in their preambles that the people's democratic united front must persist in the leadership of the CPC. The constitutional amendment adopted by the first session of the 13th National People's Congress in 2018 further explicitly stipulated in Article 1 of the "General Principles": "The leadership of the Communist Party of China is the defining feature of socialism with Chinese characteristics."

The basic principles of Marxism tell us that the economic base determines the superstructure. What kind of political system and party system a country implements is determined, in the final analysis, by the economic system implemented in that country. China implements a party system of multi-party cooperation and political consultation under the leadership of the CPC rather than a system of multiple parties taking turns in power; the military is under the absolute leadership of the Communist Party rather than undergoing "de-partyization" or "nationalization." The deepest roots of all this lie in the fact that China implements a basic economic system in which public ownership is the mainstay and multiple forms of ownership develop together, and in that the socialist economy under ownership by the whole people is the leading force in China's national economy. This economic system determines that the fundamental interests of the people in our country are consistent, and it does not allow any force to undermine this consistency of fundamental interests. The political system built upon and serving this economic system can only be a people's democratic dictatorship led by the working class and based on the alliance of workers and peasants. Its party system can only be one where the party of the working class, representing the fundamental interests of the people, exercises governance. Under the conditions of the primary stage of socialism and the market economy, the interests within the people will inevitably show a trend of diversification. However, the basic system of socialism determines that such contradictions are limited. That is to say, in the society of socialism with Chinese characteristics, no matter how complex or intense the contradictions among the people may be, they are not allowed to develop to the level of fundamental conflicts of interest, and interest groups and their political representatives opposed to the fundamental interests of the people are not allowed to emerge. Since this is the case, there is naturally no need for other political parties to compete with or take turns in power with the CPC, which represents the fundamental interests of the people. Simultaneously, in order to ensure that the CPC's governing status is not hollowed out and that the fundamental interests of the people are not harmed, the military must and can only be under the absolute leadership of the CPC.

Democracy is a political system relative to autocracy, but in countries that equally implement democratic systems, the understanding and practice of democracy differ vastly. When classical Marxist writers discussed democracy, they always linked it with the question of class, believing that in a class society, democracy is in essence the democracy of the ruling class. To obscure the class nature of democracy, the bourgeoisie uses whether or not there are multi-party elections and a rotation of power as the yardstick to measure whether a country is democratic. The claim that socialist countries are "undemocratic" or "autocratic" is the product of measurement by this yardstick. Election is, of course, a form of democracy, but an election is not equated with democracy, especially not with true democracy. Even among elections, because there are different regulations on the right to vote, their breadth will inevitably differ greatly. For example, Western countries for a long period imposed restrictions on the right to vote based on property, gender, ethnicity, and length of residence. It was precisely for this reason that the Soviet Union before World War II and the socialist countries born after World War II were generally called democratic countries by the world, while Western capitalist countries were considered anti-democratic. It was only later, under the continuous struggle of the people within Western countries for democratic rights, that restrictions on voting rights were gradually relaxed; only then did they turn around to attack socialist countries as "undemocratic" on the grounds of implementing so-called "one-party autocracy." It should also be seen that elections themselves take various forms, such as direct and indirect elections. Which form is better to adopt relates to the size of the country, the population, and the content of the election. Furthermore, whether an election can reflect the will of the majority of the people also depends on the rules of the election. For example, presidential or parliamentary elections in Western countries generally implement the method of soliciting campaign funds, which makes the elections manipulated to a large extent by financial groups, becoming a competition of money. This method of campaigning based on money precisely reflects the essence of capitalist democracy.

Because the essence of democracy differs across countries with different social systems, the forms through which democracy is realized must also differ significantly. China’s socialist democracy—that is, people’s democracy—is a genuine democracy for the majority. This democracy is primarily embodied in the system of people’s congresses; its essence lies in ensuring that the interests of the masses, who constitute the majority of the population, can play a decisive role in the formulation of state institutions, laws, policies, and decisions. To realize this kind of democracy, the form of elections must certainly be employed, but what is more important is ensuring that the political party representing the interests of the majority firmly holds the reins of state power. The Communist Party of China (CPC) is precisely such a party. If one examines the issue from the standpoint of the majority, one must acknowledge that the leadership of the CPC is the prerequisite for the vast majority of the Chinese people to obtain democratic rights, and it is the true embodiment and vital guarantee of socialist democracy. Therefore, Party leadership and democracy are not contradictory; on the contrary, the former is the primary form for realizing people's democracy. In order to realize people’s democracy, our Party has also established a system of regular consultation with various democratic parties and representatives from all walks of life [27], a system for leading cadres at all levels to conduct in-depth grassroots research and broadly solicit public opinion, and a system for the Party and government to receive and earnestly process public petitions [28], among others. All these forms of realizing people’s democracy are precisely what Xi Jinping has repeatedly emphasized as whole-process people’s democracy.

The Report to the 20th CPC National Congress pointed out: “The Communist Party of China is a party that seeks happiness for the Chinese people and rejuvenation for the Chinese nation.” Both the history of the past century and contemporary reality prove that the CPC has proven itself to be the driver, organizer, and leader of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, acting as the nation's backbone (主心骨) [29] and guardian. Without the leadership of the CPC, there would have been no victory in the Chinese Revolution, no establishment and rapid development of New China, and there would be no great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. As long as we earnestly take Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era as our guide in the New Era, unite closely around the CPC Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core, and continue as always to uphold and strengthen Party leadership, the Chinese nation will certainly be able to fulfill its century-long aspiration for great rejuvenation on the foundation of the socialist system.

(Author profile: Zhu Jiamu, President of the Association for the History of the People’s Republic of China and former Vice President of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences)

Online Editor: Tong Xin Source: Journal of Ideological & Theoretical Education, No. 12, 2022